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World Bank Delegation Arrives in Somaliland.

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Hargeisa, 2 December 2009 (Somalilandpress)- A delegation from the World Bank arrived in Somaliland yesterday on a visit to hold discussions with the Somaliland government on a range of subjects related to the current development projects taking place in the country.

The World Bank delegation was welcomed at Egal International Airport by the Somaliland minister of Agriculture, Mr. Aden Ahmed Elmi, officials from the department of protocol and local World Bank staff.

Speaking to the media at Egal International Airport, the Somaliland Agriculture minister, Mr. Ahmed Elmi, stated that the main focus of the World Bank delegation will be on the funding of several projects designed to develop the agriculture and livestock sector of the Somaliland economy.

The World Bank delegation are expected to hold a series of meetings with various Somaliland departments and agencies, as well as, visiting the cities of Borama, Buroa, Gabiley, Berbera and other parts of the country in the next few days.

In a related event, the Somaliland minister for Livestock, Dr. Idris Ibrahim Abdi was presented with a certificate of recognition by the World Bank delegation for the leadership role played by the department in resolving the Saudi Arabian ban on Somaliland livestock which had been lifted recently.

Dr. Ibrahim Abdi played a key role in the construction of a new animal processing centre in Berbera which has contributed greatly the lifting of the Saudi Arabian ban.

According to sources from the Arabian Peninsula, the recent arrival of Somaliland livestock in the Saudi Arabian markets has been met with a positive response and a steady demand.

Source Qarannews

Local Journalists Launch Action Plan To Counter The Oppression Of The Media

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NAIROBI, 1 December 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Somali media and journalist associations decided on a cooperative action plan to counter the growing oppression of the media in Somalia. In 2009 six Somali journalists have been killed, others were detained, several stations were closed or taken over by armed groups.

More than 30 independent media houses representing all parts of the Somali speaking territories, signed a joined declaration calling for the establishment of a training and solidarity centre for reporters to handle security issues, arrests, corruption and biased reporting. Such a Solidarity Centre will document harassments, random arrest, imprisonment and torture of reporters, closure of radio stations and killing of journalists. It will collect detailed reports and evidence to end the impunity of perpetrators.

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The Somali journalists also decided to form a media cooperation that will help the independent media to disseminate their news. Several radio stations based in all Somali speaking territories will seek close cooperation. The stations are committed to share their news through a central desk at a safe location. The collected materials will be packaged and redistributed to all the partnering stations. A structural training program to enhance the professional skills of the media sector will be attached to the project. Some stations based in the most restricted areas are considering building a re-broadcasting station that cannot be controlled by any of the warring parties.

In their declaration, the Somali speaking media houses and journalists organizations requested the Dutch based media development organization Press Now to develop a detailed work plan for the implementation of the centre. The journalists and media representatives gathered for three days of intense but fruitful debate and discussed practical solutions for the crisis of the Somali media. The Somali Media Development Conference was co-hosted by the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) and Press Now in Nairobi, Kenya, from 27th to 29th November 2009.

Source: AllAfrica

Qasim Sh. Yusuf Ibrahim As I Remember Him

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HARGEISA, 1 December 2009 (Somalilandpress) – “…Xiddigihii Dilaadee, Daadanaayay waayadan, Maantana qod baa dumay, Dabayshaygu soo furay…”

These words were part of a poem I wrote on hearing the death of Haji Hersi Awale on January 16, 1982 but they stand true for the death of any important person anywhere. And they stand truer today for the death of my friend Qasim Sheikh Yusuf Ibrahim.

It was on December 26, 1979 the day I graduated from Lafole College of Education when I ran into Qasim somewhere in Hodan. He was on a short trip from Galkayo where he was working as a high school teacher. “How is the school,” he asked me. “Oh, good, I graduated today,” I told him.

“Well, great,” he said, reaching into his pocket and pulling 500 shillings note from his wallet. “Take this and go party,” he told me. I was flabbergasted. “500 shillings…this is too much,” I said and refused to take it. But he insisted that I took it. “This is a big day for you and you have friends to party with, so go ahead,” he said shuffling the money into my shirt pocket. This was the first time that anyone other than my father gave me this amount of money. I didn’t know how to thank him but then he did not even wait for any thanks, he moved away quickly and left me in a state of bewilderment and of course of great excitement.

With his generosity still lingering in my memory, I had the first serious conversation with Qasim in 1985. Before this day our encounters were just a passing hello as I was an impressionable young student and he was one of the proverbial first class of Dilla Elementary School of 1958 that we looked to as role models. They were the class that carried the dream of making the great change that people aspired to; the class that symbolized the people’s hope of “Ninkii ilmihiisa iskuul ku daraa, inuu aflaxaayo miyaanu ogeyn,”; the class that was taught by the three legendary teachers: Abdi Jama Elmi (Carandis), Abdi Omar Lugweyne and Muse Yusuf who have become household names among the Dilla people and the generations of students who graduated from Dilla Elementary School for many years.

As the younger generation we were always reminded to follow the footsteps of the first class that were upheld by the elders as exemplary for their educational achievement and their good character. Educational achievement was measured by how much you score in the exam results and good character was defined as absconding from all kinds of bad habits such as sigaarya cab (smoking), gabdho roorsi ama qooq (womanizing), indulging in dirty language such as diin cay (insulting religion or some may call it blasphemy) and suuq meer (loitering around in the village like a vagabond) . At the end of every scholastic year, we were assembled in front of the school and all the parents and village notables were invited to hear the final exam results. The elders of Dilla used to preach to us in their speeches about the educational and cultural virtues of the first class. Names like Noah Amin, Muse Ismail, Muse Cawleed, Ahmed Daud, Abdi Omar, Ahmed Bogorreh and Ahmed Omane among others were mentioned as torch bearers. That first class was held hanging over our heads like the sword of Damocles. Either we lived up to their example or each one of us was doomed to “ in uu hooyadii fuudka la cabno…” “… eat the broth with his mother.” as Dilla Chief Aqil Abdi Bade loved to repeat in every speech. And true to Pascal’s words: “Things are always at their best in their beginning.” We, the later generations, envisioned these guys as proverbial figures whose shoes we would never be able to fill.

Looking at him through this prism, it was a great moment for me on that fateful day to meet Qasim as an equal, discuss issues with him as an equal and gauge the thinking and philosophy of the man who was among the class that represented for me as the epitome of educational and cultural refinement.

At the time, Qasim was the Deputy Governor of the then newly created region of Awdal and I was on my second trip back home from Abu Dhabi to visit my ailing father. Qasim had just arrived from Borama when we met at the main road that cuts through the village in the middle. Following the usual Somali greeting of“Iska Warran, goormaad timid, ma nabad timid.” He asked me about my father’s health and on his request we both headed back to my father’s home where we sat with him for a while and Qasim enquired about his health and exchanged views with him on current issues. It was the way he approached my father and the way he listened to him that impressed me the most and shed light for me on the character of Qasim and the class he represented. It was through him that I learned that no matter how high you go in education and rank, you should always know your position in regards to your elders and behave with them as the Somalis say: “Qoori madax ma dhaafto.” (the neck never goes higher than the head).

After he said goodbye to my father and wished him good health, I noticed Qasim stealthily wiping tears from his eyes. Explaining that later to me he said: “Sheikh Cumar Good la’aantii waxba maynaan ahaaneen…without Sheikh Omer Goth we would have been nothing…” He then related to me the story of how Sheikh Omer was instrumental in building the Dilla Elementary School in 1958 and how he was ahead of the people in fighting to enroll girls in the school in the second year to make Dilla the first co-educational school in the then Somaliland Protectorate in 1959. He did not fail to mention Hamud Sheikh Muhumad who stood shoulder to shoulder with Sheikh Omer in establishing the school and donated his house to accommodate the first class while the school structure was under construction.

Qasim was telling me this story as we headed to the big Garbi trees in Dilla valley and we could see the school standing alone and proudly from the other side of the valley with the sun slowly setting behind it and throwing its crimson glow along the horizon. Momentarily, we both glanced at the school as the sun dipped behind it and the school building stood tall as an eternal witness to the legacy and gift of our elders to the new generation.

Standing under the Garbi tree, Qasim started talking to me about the goals he wanted to fulfill for the people and how he was faced with a wall of resistance on the basis of selfishness, clanism and other societal ills.

“Your father has built this school to produce a generation that dismantles the walls of tribalism and ignorance and bring change to our people,” he said while again fighting back tears. “We are the generation of change. Today we have enough educated people but what we need is honest people who can put the wellbeing of the society above their personal interest.”

Qasim worked as a high school teacher of mathematics after his graduation from Lafole College of Education. But he was soon disillusioned with the system and left the public service for business. After working several years as a businessman in Hargeisa, he realized that he was betraying the aspirations of the Dilla elders who sent him and others to school to make a change in the society and not to get rich. He thought the only way he could make an impact on the people’s life was to run for a political office. He did and had become the first deputy governor of Awdal region.

Subsequently, what he was trying to tell me on that very day was his first bitter experience in running the people’s affairs. The impression I got was that here was as a man, who with all the ambitions and aspirations of a political novice and the dreams of an educated idealist who took on his shoulders the task of being the first of his class to affect a change in the area, hitting the walls of reality. One of the incidents he told me was how he tried to stop some people from taking the land that belonged to the school including the playground for their personal use.

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I tried to calm him by telling that it was a text book example of African village people fighting for dwindling resources and gave him several examples that happened before him in our village.

“This is not the point,” he said, “the point is the people who advocate this land grabbing from the school property are the educated ones who went to this same school with me.” It was with this in mind that Qasim responded to me rather angrily when he called me from Cairo in 1992 while accompanying Abdirahman Tuur as Somaliland’s Minister of Education.

I asked him whether he was representing his people in the Tuur government or whether he was on his own. “What do you think?” he asked me. “I think you represent yourself,” I said. He immediately disconnected the line and I had to call him back to apologize and listen to his view of Somaliland and the reconciliation process that was being convened in Borama at the time. Honestly, I was not only a skeptic but against the Somaliland issue at the time and I give credit to Qasim for enlightening me about a lot of issues that contributed to my later conviction and support for Somaliland’s reclaim of its independence.

Being an active participant in all the political reconciliation meetings particularly the first clan meeting held in Burao in April 1991, Qasim was among the first members of the Awdal elite who supported Somaliland’s secession. Whether this was a tactical measure by Qasim and other Awdalites to spare the people of Awdal from isolation and an inevitably long-drawn and devastating civil war, or whether they wholeheartedly believed in the Somaliland secession will be an open debate for historians to decide in the years to come, but in the case of Qasim it is his record as the second longest serving cabinet minister in Somaliland after Abdillahi Duale that vouches for his loyalty to the country. As a low profile technocrat and a man who believed in action rather than media sound bites, Qasim was short on statements and was rarely involved in media controversy. Other than his loyalty, his longevity in the various governments could be attributed to his secretive nature. People who met him during his many tours abroad always complained about Qasim’s stinginess in giving out information. Unlike many politicians he was more comfortable to listen to the people he visited than lecture to them about his achievements or push government propaganda. He was a man cut for leadership. From his student days until now, he was always in a leadership position and he knew more than anyone else that leadership demands certain qualities and being trustworthy was probably one of his highest virtues. A quality that I am sure Qasim has inherited from his father Sheikh Yusuf Ibrahim, a man who commanded respect because of his integrity, religious status and community leadership.

In a meeting with him during his last visit to Dubai in 2007, when we couldn’t get clear answers to our questions from Qasim, we tried to prod him by telling him as the Awdalites abroad we would encourage our people back home to support the opposition Kulmiye party. He was definitely astounded by the revelation but never stopped hiding behind his opaque language.

A down-to-earth friend of everyone, Qasim had the habit of giving equal attention to all people. Although he had a great respect for the elders in line with the Somali culture, he had good friendships with the younger generation as well. Hamza Goth, my younger brother, who is many years younger than me was one of Qasim’s best friends. I remember when my son, who was about 12 years old at the time, met him in Abu Dhabi, and protested to Qasim about the article in Somaliland’s constitution that states that anyone who wants to run for the country’s presidency should be born of Somalilander father and mother. Qasim sat with him and discussed the article with him face to face. Later on, we three have agreed that the article needed revising given to the changing identity of Somalilanders around the globe.

A staunch lover of poetry and wisdom, Qasim’s mantra in life were few lines of a poem by his grandfather Tani Gaboobe in which he expressed his feelings towards the different roles played by his relatives and friends while he was serving a sentence in Zeila during the British administration:

“Nin i luray , Nin igu laagsadiyo, nin i lammaaneeyey

Iyo nin aan lurkayga jeclayn, libina ii diidan

Iyo nin uu lihiin dhigay halkii, rag isku laacaayey

Intaas buu isugu laaqan yahay, loolkii ii xigaye

Nin walbaan laftaad igu lahayd, waa hadhaw lulo e.”

As a man who believed that he was working for the common good, Qasim was very sensitive when anyone accused him of working for his own interest. This is why he chastised me for misinterpreting his political role in a poem I wrote in 1995 under the name Damaqsi:

“…Qaasim Faraskii deercadka ahaa

Wuu ka soo degey dheh

Markii la wada dooyeystayee

Hunguri soo duubtay

Ee malagsuhu dadkii soo horkacay

Garay dantiisii dheh…”

He vehemently rejected what he thought was an accusation of branding him as self-serving. Being a literary connoisseur and an early fan and admirer of my poetry, I had to relent to his argument.

Qasim was always philosophical in his conversation. Even in personal emails, he never deviated from his secretive nature and he liked to pepper his conversation with philosophical statements and deep spiritual insights. He had the inclination of looking at every action as having an enduring effect on the future and had measured his actions and statements accordingly. I take the following excerpts from emails we exchanged in November 2005 as an example to shed light on Qasim’s aptitude for ambiguity and deep philosophical thought:

“Bashir

Wacan oo wannaagsan. Adeer waxan kugu amaanaa mar kasta

Dareen foojigan iyo sida ad wax kasta oo kuu muuqda ama u aragto

In u wax ka qabad u baahan yahay,mid shakhsi ama guud ma kala saarin,

Ugu dadaasho in ad ka gun gaadho,hagar la aanta , geesinimadda iyo kalsoonidda

Ah in ad ku guulaysanayso. Waxay ugu horaysaa nimcooyinka illaahay ugu

Manna sheeganayo mahkluuqa aadamaha maalinta xisaabtanka.

Adeer kuma waaninayo waxna u sheeg isma lihi, waxanse xusuustay nimcadda

Eebbe ee ballaadhan oo ay ka mid tahay alaabtan iyo sidan an u wada sheekaysanayno hadda iyo inta innoo dhexaysa.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee Nolashu waa dugsi maalinba cashar cusub oo horle ku bilaabanta.wixii soo marayna waxay kayd ku yihiin xusuusta dhaqaajisa waxa cusub.

Waxan kaga baxayaa ,hadaad igu raacdo,MAALIN iyo LABA TOONA, nolosha laguma dhamayn karo, qofkana sidaas baan looga goan qaadan wax u sameeyay

Hal maalin. Ama fikir u qabay maalin hore an lagu qiimayn.

IGU SALAAN ASXAABTA IYO ODAYADABA

QASIM SH YUSUF..”

Qasim expressed in this email about his admiration for the power of communication and the Internet through which we were communicating. He described it as God’s bounty for man; a bounty that man will have to account for its use on the day of judgement. He also described life as a school which opens a new page every day, while history is the motivator and inspirer of the future. He concluded it by saying that life cannot be judged by one or two days and accordingly man cannot be judged by one action or ideas he embraced at a particular time of his life.

Most of the time, Qasim was reconciliatory and not confrontational, firm on his stands but not afraid to explore other possibilities as can be seen from the following exchange:

Tuesday, November 22, 2005

Qasim,

… Furitaankii baarlamaanka iyo doorashadii shirguddoonku sowkuwa togdheer idinla xulay. Allow idinka sabato bixi. Waxa fiican in aad mucaaridka u oggolaataan shirguddoonka idinkuna aad dawladda fulinta ku hadhaan. Haddii baarlamaanku arrimaha la seexdo waxa idinku filan inaad dadka u sheegtaan in mucaaridku la arrimihii la seexday. Eedda ha la idinla wadaago inta idinka uun la idin soo eegayo.

Sidaa iyo Tu san,

Bashir Goth.

Qasim’s reply:

Bashir

Wacan oo wanaangsan,

Marbuu dagaalku gondahaaga ka abuurmaa adoon ka warqabin,lagana yaabo in u togdheer kula xullo. Doorashada shir gudoonku way ka fogtahay mucaarid iyo masuuliyada hogaaminta golaha.waxa laga yaabaa in ay kuugu muuqato keliya eed cid la saarayo iyo hawl la kala riixanayo.waa qorshe ku talagal ah oo mudaba soo socday oo halkanna in badani kala socotay,.Haday fursad u muuqatay lama huraan ah oo ay ku guulaystaan la arki doone,hadii kale wax la isku ogolyahay ma jirtee, addigu xogogaal noqo si ad uga garsoorto dareen ahaan boqol sanno ka dib.

Idinku,hadaad u jeedo xukuumadda an ka tirsanahay ee u Dahir Madaxweynaha ka yahay wax culays ah naguma hayso sidaad soo jeedisay haday arrintu u dhacdo,.Hadaad u jeedo reer awdalna,cirka soo dhaca halka Faysal ka galo uun baanu ka geli.

Intaas iyo caawa

qasim sh yusuf

But again in response to following plain email, Qasim resorts to his deep thinking and philosophical rhetoric:

Friday, November 18, 2005 9:25 AM

Qaasim,

…..

Dhinca kale niman badan oo siyaasad u soo guntan baa jira oo dibedda jooga, aniguse kuma jiro umana soo jeedo. Adigana kollayba taageerayaashaada ayuun baan isku tiriyaa. Wixii intaa dhaafsan bal adiga ayaan kaa sugi iyo sida aad iigu soo furfurato.

Bashir.

Qasim’s reply:

Bashir

.

…ragii hore way tegeen ragga halkoodii ku jiraa in ay dareemaan dantaa keentay,waase la kala hor korayaa.

siyaasaduna waa dareenka maaraynta nolosha .qofba inta u ka dareensan yahay nolosha iyo goorta uu ku baraarugo ayuu wax ka qabadkeeda la yimaadaa. waa la sugayaa rag badan oo u heelan hawl siyaasadeed haday jiraan.runtiina way gaadhay xilligii ragu wada qooqayay, ee arooska aqaladda laba deryaalaha duleedka loogu dhisayay

Taageerada iyo mucaaradadu hadayna u dhalasho ahayn waa in ay dan iyo garasho daacad laga yahay ku fadhidaa,hadaad isku tiriso taageerayaasha qasim ha ka shakiyin in u qasim yahay mucaaradkaaga ,hadayse noqoto run sheeg waa ceeb sheeg,innaga inooma taalo,

Bashiir,adeer caawa halkaa ha inoo jooto,hadaad furfurasho kale iiga baahan tahay soo sheeg ina soo waydii.

qasim sh yusuf

Hargeisa Somaliland

As one can see in the last line of the above email, Qasim’s answer comes in guarded language “Taageerada iyo mucaaradadu hadayna u dhalasho ahayn waa in ay dan iyo garasho daacad laga yahay ku fadhidaa…” Always aware of his principles even during personal conversations, one can see how he conditions his support for any cause as based on common interest and honesty. Even on the personal level when I told him that I count myself as one of his supporters, he reciprocates my gesture with a similar one but has to caution me that our support for each other should stand or fall on adhering to the truth (…haddayse noqoto run sheeg was ceeb sheeg innaga inooma taalo…).

This was the man I knew; a man who was uncompromising in his principles, truthful, honest, compassionate, spiritual, deep thinker, a dedicated hard worker and above all a down-to-earth friend of everyone. With his death in Mecca, I personally lost a mentor and great friend who always put our friendship and our family ties above politics and who saw our disagreements as a way of learning from each other.

Rest in peace my friend; you live among us through your deeds.


By Bashir Goth

Somaliland Journalists Held at Addis Ababa Airport

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HARGEISA, 28 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Six Somaliland journalists are held at Addis Ababa Airport in Ethiopia for the third day. The journalists were on their way to Nairobi to attend a workshop for journalists held by a Dutch organization.

The group was told that their visas were rejected by the Kenyan authorities. “We were told by the workshop organizers to go to Uganda and come to Kenya by road” Said Mr. Abdiqani, one of the journalists. At Kampala’s Entebe airport the Ugandan administration held the journalists and rejected to give permission to enter the country. They deported the group back to Addis Ababa and handed over their passports to the Ethiopian Immigration office who are currently dealing with the issue.

One of the six Journalists is the Somalilandpress reporter, Mr. Abdiqani Bainah. Others are from hadhwanaag news, Ogaal newspaper, Hargeisa Cable Tv, Space Channel TV and Oodweyne news website.

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The journalists say they were treated badly in Uganda and were not allowed to go for food while at the custody. “We were treated badly, we were held for eight hours with no food and water. They did not allow us to call or contact anybody” Said one of the journalists. “They were very harsh on the Somalis” he concluded.

There are ongoing efforts to end the problem. There is no official statement from the Somaliland government about the issue.


Somalilandpress

Book Review: Becoming Somaliland

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HARGEISA, 28 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – As part of my travel reading on last month’s Horn of Africa expedition, I purchased Mark Bradbury’s Becoming Somaliland. At least in Uganda’s book stores, this appears to be the best comprehensive overview of the new breakaway republic. It is a part of the excellent “African Issues” series, which includes some of my other favorite books on the continent (Paul Richards’s Fighting for the Rainforest: War, Youth & Resources in Sierra Leone and Alex De Waal’s Famine Crimes: Politics & the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa are both must-reads). The book was published in 2008, but Bradbury’s fieldwork seems to have ended in about 2006, already making the book a bit dated in this volatile region of the country.

Overall, the book provides a nice concise history of colonial Somaliland, the brief period of a united Somaliland, the oppressive rule of autocrat Siyad Barre, the succeeding bloody civil war that led to Somaliland’s 1991 declaration of independence, and the territory’s subsequent years of struggle to rebuild and become an internationally recognized democracy (to date, no other country in the world recognizes Somaliland as its own country).

Somalia’s history is heavily rooted in clan identities and politics–both in creating conflicts, and as Bradbury argues, solving conflicts in Somaliland. The book spends a lot of time attempting to delineate relationships and grievances between clans, sub-clans and clan families; I found many of these genealogies distracting. However, the way the clan structure has been melded with democratic governance is one of the most impressive aspects of Somaliland’s development. There is a bicameral legislature with an upper house of clan elders (which actually now has a fascinating website: www.guurti.org; the “About Us section is all in English) and a lower house of publicly elected representatives. A president from a minority clan leads the country and three peaceful elections, including one peaceful transfer of presidential power, demonstrate a remarkable commitment to peace and security.

Peace and security are nothing to sneeze at, but Bradbury notes that it is not enough. Generating revenue, creating a regulated economy and providing social services, including health care and education are essential for a sovereign country to provide. However, in many of the post-conflict settings where I have worked or traveled (Sierra Leone, northern Uganda, Rwanda), international aid has been an essential part of the recovery. Because of the international community’s resistance to accept Somaliland as independent (with visions of someday reuniting a greater Somalia), this aid has not been forthcoming–very few international organizations are providing anything beyond relief work in the country.

Bradbury argues that the lack of aid may initially have helped Somalia to form its own government, generate strong nationalist feelings and create a local commitment to the new nation’s success. This is in stark contrast to Southern Somalia, where more than 15 international piece conferences have been held outside of Somalia, funded by international donors. But while Somaliland has achieved relative stability (the oft-postponed presidential election now due in early 2010 can give plenty of reasons for pause), substantial foreign assistance will be necessary for the territory to improve its human development indicators.

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The greater concern is whether this relatively small and barren new nation has the potential to become economically self-sufficient at some point in the future (especially if remittances, which currently provide a major source of national income, diminish over time). Bradbury argues that it is possible, but predicates that argument on the country receiving international recognition so that foreign investors can confidently explore natural resource and industrial opportunities and the country’s deep water port can become a Free Trade Zone. This is an important question–it would be terrible to create an independent country that could never have the capacity for self subsistence–but I was struck by the entrepreneurial spirit I observed in Somaliland’s capital, Hargeisa. It doesn’t seem far-fetched to think that with sustained investment, industry, animal husbandry and even tourism could become viable economic sectors.

Bradbury is a strong advocate of Somaliland independence and this agenda shows. For example, he takes pains to minimize the influence of radical Islam within Somaliland, claiming that despite noting that an Islamic revival is present, “the influence of political and reformist Islamist groups has, to date, been very limited.” Perhaps the Islamic revival is just very powerful, but the society I saw was a very conservative society. Though people in the streets vehemently eschewed jihad, the influence of Islam is almost overwhelming. Women are required to be covered at all times, Western music and dancing are illegal, alcohol is strictly banned in the country, shari’a law is taught at the government universities. Though I heard about a number of Somalilanders who were opposed to the increasingly strict religious practices, no one would publicly admit such a thing. Despite the peace and security, Somaliland is the only place in Africa where I have been readily told on the street several times that I would go to hell unless I converted to Islam.

One observation Bradbury makes repeatedly is how strongly Somalilanders feel about their nationalist identity. I readily agree with this statement–I’ve never seen such vehement nationalist sentiment. This bodes well for national unity, but the universally expressed mixture of disgust and hatred with the rest of Somalia also strikes me as problematic. Such feelings are perhaps understandable from the generation that lived through the civil war that killed hundreds of thousands of northern Somalis. However, raising today’s youth to hold the same beliefs can hardly be constructive. Some day the chaos of Mogadishu and Southern Somalia will end, and if Somaliland hopes to enjoy long-term success, they will have to learn to cooperate with their much larger neighbors.

Somaliland, in creating a peaceful and stable territory surrounded by instability, developing a functioning democratic government with enforced rule of law and beginning to resurrect an economy and basic social services, has doubtlessly come a long way. Especially given that the chances of reuniting with Somalia are almost zero in the near future and that forcing the issue could prevent any functional cooperation between the nations, Somaliland has probably earned the right to be internationally recognized as an independent state. But it would behoove the nascent country to remember that while nationalism is a strong tool to propel development, raising youth with beliefs of unquestioned superiority of the state, unquestioned devotion to Islam, and no strong education system to teach about the world outside of Somaliland is likely to create a radicalized, isolated and permanently impoverished country–far from the visions that both youth and elders elucidate for their country.

Written by;
David Fiocco
Source: Mzungu Musings

Women Appointed To UCID's Top Positions

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HARGEISA, 28 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Somaliland’s UCID party appointed Fadumo Ali Madar to be the party’s secretary of foreign affairs. UCID also appointed Zaynab Muhammad Omar as the chairman of the women’s section of UCID party’s London branch. The appointments were announced by the party in a press release dated on Nov 15, 2009.

Some of Somaliland’s women leaders have recently expressed disappointment with the lack of women in the upper echelons of the government and the three political parties. The biggest culprit in this regard is the ruling party which has instituted an unwritten, rigid, quota system that divides ministerial positions according to clans to the point that if a ministerial is vacated for some reason, it is filled with a male from the same sub-clan as the minister who vacated the position.

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This system has resulted in the virtual exclusion of women from top government jobs. President Dahir Rayale Kahin even objected to the only female nominee to the electoral commission and forced her to withdraw her candidacy whereby she was replaced by a male.

UCID’S nomination of two women leaders is a positive step in the direction of women assuming leadership positions in Somaliland’s politics.

UCID celebrated this week the eight anniversary since its establishment. The celebration took place at Hargeysa’s Imperial hotel, and was attended by political leaders, sultans, intellectuals and other distinguished guests. During the celebrations, UCID presented its development program for Somaliland for the next 10 years.

Source: Somaliland Times

Out of Africa

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HARGEISA, 27 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – As a naturalized citizen and IT specialist working with the US Department of Treasury at Martinsburg Computing Center in West Virginia, I have a reason to be thankful of where I am today.

Nearly 30 years ago, as a foreign student, I came to Upstate New York in search of education from a rural town in Somalia. Four years after obtaining a degree, I went back to my home country to re-unite with my extended family, contribute to my society, and settle in Mogadishu, the capital city. I remained there until January 1991, the beginning of a civil war.

One morning, I had to abruptly abandon my house after digging a hole in my front yard, burying few of my precious items. I had hoped to return soon and the war would quickly be over.

In search of a safe place, I headed south with my wife and two children, carrying one of the children on the top of my shoulders. After spending three harrowing days in a friend’s house with the fighting all over town, we decided to flee the city to a Southwest Somali town situated at the border crossing between Kenya and Somalia. We left our house and car to my uncle, who was determined to stay and protect his family and properties. It was sad to learn later, that a day after I left, my uncle was taken away by gunmen and was never seen again. He was presumably killed.

In this hot, sandy town, a relative offered us a shelter made of mud and tree branches. I stayed there until fighting broke out between local feuding clans. One day, an artillery shell hit the house and split it into two when members of the family were looking for cover. We all ran to different directions not knowing that we left behind the children, one of them an infant. People were running toward the border of Kenya against a hail of bullets coming from Kenyan soldiers. I could see half a dozen people falling on the ground shot and bleeding to death.

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That same day, I hired a truck transporting goats to Nairobi from a trader who promised me to take us there safely at the cost of four times more than the normal price. By this time, I was the head of 20 extended family members, including brothers, sisters, cousins and their children. Throughout the journey, the five male adults were placed at the back of the truck with the goats. The unpaved road was full of mud and bandits. For every town we passed, we walked miles around to avoid command posts. While walking in the bush, we were threatened by lions and surrounded by local tribesmen in the area with machetes who called the Kenyan police. We were detained in a mosquito infested jail and malaria almost killed my younger daughter. In the middle of the journey, my wife lost our unborn child and my sister gave birth prematurely to a baby girl.

It took us two weeks to reach Nairobi and after our arrival, we were allowed to stay as fleeing refugees. The future hope of peace was getting bleaker everyday and war was raging in every corner of Somalia. There was no place to stay and nowhere to return. The only option left was to seek safe sanctuary anywhere we could find.

I began to think over the future, hoping against hope that war will stop and clans and communities will reconcile and eventually bring to an end the life in the Diaspora. Three million people were displaced and half a million lost their lives; to this day, the war has never stopped. Twenty years later, some of my family members still suffer the trauma and the mental scars of the war.

Fortunately, with my immediate family, I was granted asylum in the Netherlands and after spending a year in a reception center and five years residing in the Dutch city of Groningen , the US government offered to resettle us in America through a diversity visa program that every year allows 100,000 families and individuals from different parts of the world to settle in the United States of America.

Now in a safe environment, I realize that I have also a responsibility towards my new adopted land. I have to be a productive citizen and be able to look after the well being of my family. As an IRS employee, currently residing in Ashburn – Virginia, (30 miles west of Washington, DC), I’m grateful to this country for having provided me an ample opportunity for good career, decent living, safe environment and the ability to send two of my children to college.

Every morning, on my way to work through the mountains of Shenandoah Valley in West Virginia, I ponder of my long journey from Africa to America.

Abdisalam m Garjex Ashburn – Virginia (USA) amabdulle@hotmail.com

CPJ welcomes release of kidnapped journalists

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New York, 26 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – The Committee to Protect Journalists issued the following statement after confirming the release today of Canadian freelance reporter Amanda Lindhout and Australian photojournalist Nigel Brennan, both held in Somalia since August 2008:

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“We are relieved that the Amanda and Nigel are now free and that their ordeal has come to an end,” said CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon. “Our thoughts are with them and their families.”

In his acceptance speech at CPJ’s International Press Freedom Awards dinner Tuesday night, Somali journalist Mustafa Haji Abdinur spoke about the enormous challenges of covering the conflict in Somalia.

Consultative Forum for International Agencies, Government Representatives, Religious and Traditional Leaders Held in Hargeisa

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HARGEISA, 25 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – A consultative meeting forum hosted by the International Horn University funded by Danish Refugee Council (DRC) and Finish Church Aid (FCA) was held at Ambassador Hotel in Hargeisa. The forum brought together some Religious & Traditional leaders, Civil Society and Government Representatives.

The conference was intended to be forum to debate on constant issues touching the impact of the activities carried out by the Aid Workers as well as to build the confidence, respect and understanding between the Traditional leaders, Religious Community and International agencies for mutual benefit and identify areas of future collaboration to improve efficiency as well as enhance security in the areas of operation.

The forum was officially opened by the president of the International Horn University who mentioned that some of our people believe a wrong idea from International NGOs which is making westernization to the domestic Communities. Participants were from the religious and traditional leaders, civil society, government officials and representatives from the International NGOs working in Somaliland.

During the one-day session, it has been discussed about how the Aid Workers carry out their humanitarian actions while considering the cultural sensitivity of the local Somaliland communities. It has been highlighted the importance of respecting the cultural and religious believes of the local communities during different interventions from the international aid workers.

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Some of the religious and traditional leaders mentioned the sensitivity of the local population that the international NGOs are spreading Christianity and western ideologies among them. They said people see the NGOs as a tool to change people’s believes along with the limited humanitarian aid they provide. They said it is the NGOs to proof their stance by respecting the local cultures.

It has been highlighted the importance of engaging the local communities in the planning, implementation and intervention stages of the projects so that people it will enable people to fill the gaps and fulfill their basic needs. Some participants said the donor driven policy is not going to work at this stage.

Officials from the Somaliland government highlighted the importance of collaborating with the government in all the projects. They said it is important for the government to know who is doing what and where so that it will be easy for the government to provide the necessary support in terms of security, accessibility and others.

Representatives of the International NGOs said they are here to deliver the humanitarian needs and not to intervene people’s believes and cultures. They said being from different countries they sometimes don’t know about the local costumes and that can sometimes bring clash of cultures or cultural shock. They said they do their best to consult their local staffs and respect the community leaders when it comes to believes and cultures.

In this light, it has been suggested that the NGOs should employ cultural and religious consultants to avoid any violations against the social and cultural believes of the local people. It has been also mentioned that the NGOs should collaborate with the traditional and religious leaders when implements projects in any area of the country. That will make the local populations collaborate with the NGOs.

Some of the participants complemented that role of the NGOs in the development and emergency situations in Somaliland. They mentioned how Somaliland’s people survived with the assistance of the UN/INGOs during the mass displacement in 1988 until now where many development projects have been successfully implemented by the humanitarian workers.

During the session, it has also been discussed about the security. The traditional and religious leaders said it is their responsibility to protect the aid workers in the field. They mentioned that Islam prohibited harming those who are helping the needy and the Somalis are good at hosting the guests in all conditions.

At the end, the participants and the organizers of the conference agreed to hold more of this kind to enable people exchange ideas and discuss the issues concerning all.

The conference was a follow up of another one which took place earlier this year which has been discussed the role of the International Aid Workers in Somaliland.


Somalilandpress

Somali Rebels Order WFP To Halt Relief Food Imports

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MOGADISHU, 25 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – The U.N.’s World Food Programme must immediately stop importing relief rations to Somalia, hardline rebels said on Wednesday, accusing the aid agency of devastating local agriculture.

Al Shabaab insurgents control most of the south of the drought-ravaged country, where fighting has worsened one of the world’s most acute humanitarian crises. Washington says the group is al Qaeda’s proxy in the Horn of Africa nation.

WFP is a major player in the international response to the emergency. Experts say 3.76 million people — or half the Somali population — now need aid, and that three-quarters of those are concentrated in central and southern regions. [ID:nLP151380]

But in a statement, al Shabaab’s Office for the Supervision of the Affairs of Foreign Agencies said imports by the U.N. organisation had become a barrier to Somalia’s self-sufficiency.

“It has been decided that WFP must immediately refrain from bringing food rations from outside Somalia and rather purchase food from Somali farmers and then that food will be distributed to the needy,” the statement said.

“The bringing of immense quantities of free food rations, specifically during the harvest season, has been devastating to the agriculture industry in Somalia and has greatly discouraged the Somali people from the agricultural trade.”

The rebels said all local businesspeople contracted by WFP must terminate those contracts before Jan. 1, 2010, and that WFP must empty its warehouses and food stocks by the same date.

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A WFP spokesman in neighbouring Kenya had no immediate comment. Experts say al Shabaab leaders have made tough statements before, then subsequently softened their stance.

Somalia has lacked an effective central government for 18 years. The Western-backed administration of President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed is battling al Shabaab and other rebel groups, and controls little more than a few part of the capital Mogadishu.

Rival rebels also routinely fight for territory.

Residents said gunmen from another guerrilla group, Hizbul Islam, attacked al Shabaab forces near the southern port of Kismayu late on Tuesday and clashes were nearing its airport.

The two groups had run Kismayu in an uneasy alliance until the end of September, when al Shabaab drove Hizbul out of town. The insurgent groups still launch joint attacks, however, on government troops and African Union peacekeepers in Mogadishu.

Also on Tuesday, al Shabaab seized the village of Qoqani, near the Kenyan border, after Hizbul gunmen left it without firing a shot. Witnesses said the Hizbul Islam fighters regrouped at another village about 30 km (19 miles) from Qoqani.

Source: Reuters