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DR Congo massacre uncovered

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NAIROBI (Somalilandpress) — The Lord’s Resistance Army killed about 300 people and kidnapped 250 more in a rampage in the Democratic Republic of Congo in December 2009, according to an international rights group and the UN.

The previously undocumented massacre, undertaken over four-days in the remote Makombo area of DRC’s northeastern Haute Uele district, was highlighted in reports by Human Rights Watch and the UN on Sunday.

The killings of 321 civilians occurred between December 14 and 17, HRW said in a report after documenting the deaths in a visit to the region in February.

The Ugandan anti-government group were said to have abducted 80 children among the 250 people kidnapped.

“The Makombo massacre is one of the worst ever committed by the LRA in its bloody 23-year history, yet it has gone unreported for months,” Anneke Van Woudenberg, HRW’s senior Africa researcher, said.

“The four-day rampage demonstrates that the LRA remains a serious threat to civilians and is not a spent force, as the Ugandan and Congolese governments claim.”

However, Obonyo Olweny, a former LRA spokesman, has told Al Jazeera that while the group is still active, it is not fighting civilians.

“I want to say categorically to the world that the LRA is not responsible for the killings going on in the [Democratic Republic of] Congo or the CAR [Central Africa Republic],” he said from Nairobi, Kenya, on Sunday.

“It is the UPD [the Ugandan armed forces] carrying out the killings – it is part of the government’s propaganda.”

‘Really brutal’

The UN said that its investigation had shown that the LRA had killed at least 290 people, perhaps more than 300, during the rampage and following LRA threats of such massacres the year before.

“The men were tied by the chest by the same rope and killed with wood sticks on the back of the head and neck – it was really brutal and fast,” Liliane Egounlety, who led the UN investigation, said.

“They also used machetes. Many witnesses found it too hard to talk about.”

The UN said that at least 150 people had been abducted.

HRW’s investigation found that the LRA had made some of the 80 abducted children murder other children.

The LRA has a reputation of forcing children into becoming soldiers.

HRW said that the attacks in at least 10 villages were well planned, targeting men first, but also killing women and children.

The group said that the youngest person to die was a three-year-old girl who was burned to death, while at least 13 gangs and 23 children were killed.

Their document said that some people were killed by having their heads smashed with axes and heavy wooden sticks.

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Regional problem

The LRA was formed in northern Uganda in the late-1980s as an opposition group.

In 2005, they were forced out of the East African country to the DRC, Central African Republic and south Sudan, from where they continued to launch cross-border attacks.

LRA fighters killed 1,200 people and kidnapped 1,400 others – including 630 children and more than 400 women – in the DRC during a 10-month period in 2008 and 2009, the UN has said.

Van Woudenberg told Al Jazeera that the LRA had become a regional problem that needed action by the United Nations and African governments.

“What it does show is that it is high time for the Lord’s Resistance Army leaders to be arrested, for them to be brought to justice and these kind of atrocities to end,” she said.

“I think what is needed is some bold leadership, some really courageous steps taken by the governments of the region, by the United Nations peacekeeping forces to put together an regional strategy to end the terror of this group.”

A much-criticised UN mission remains in the east of DRC but is under pressure to leave the country by next year, when presidential polls are due to be held.

Monuc, the peacekeeping force, has about 22,000 soldiers in the region to keep peace in the face of Rwandan Hutu fighters.

“The difficulty and the challenge for United Nations peacekeepers that are stationed in that region, the Ugandan army and the Congolese army is that these men move through the bush at night; in many instances they dressed in military fatigues,” Al Jazeera’s Yvonne Ndege said from Nigeria.

“Many of the villagers are unsuspecting to begin with … initially these villagers were assisting the LRA fighters because they thought they were regular soldiers.”

Major challenges

Alan Doss, the UN special representative to DRC and head of Monuc, says the sheer size of the territory the peacekeepers are supposed to cover is one of the major challenges facing the mission.

“We have no soldiers in that area. At that time [of the massacre], we had focused on the major population centres, which are quite a distance away,” he told Al Jazeera on Sunday.

“They [the LRA fighters] are made up of small groups that move around.

“To deal with them effectively, we need to improve intelligence gathering, have additional air mobility [as there are no roads in many places], and be able to put special forces into these areas quickly to anticipate their moves and deal with them.”

Source: Al Jazeera and Agencies, 28 March 2010

SOMALILAND: President Riyale made an unexpected surprise visit to Borama

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HARGEISA (SomalilandPress) — President Dahir Riyale made a surprise visit to the town of Borama, the provincial capital of Awdal region, on Sunday afternoon.

The president who was accompanied by the first lady, Huda Adan, and few cabinet members were welcomed to the city by the governor of Awdal and the head of the police forces in the region.

Somalilandpress’s reporter Liban Ibrahim, who is also based in Borama, has confirmed that the president is currently staying at his vacational home in the city and is been monitored by heavy security.
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Residents in Borama could not figure out why the president’s trip was kept so secret and the motives behind his visit. Even though Borama is his hometown, the president does not always visit. It is not clear if the president will meet with residents of Borama including the elders and local leaders before his departure back to the capital, Hargeisa.

SomalilandPress, 28 March 2010

Can Somaliland Cure Somalia’s Woes?

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Interview with Somaliland’s Foreign Minister: Lack of resources is eroding our influence on regional stability.

WASHINGTON (Somalilandpress) — Somalia is suffering on many fronts. The transitional government is engaged in an ongoing conflict with radical Islamists who risk turning the country into a haven for Al-Qa’ida inspired groups. The Horn of Africa nation is afflicted by a dire food shortage, inflation and a spate of piracy.

But as Somalia continues to wallow in violence, some eye a solution in Somaliland, a relatively quiet and stable autonomous region in the north of the country which, while it has not been recognized internationally as a country, is considered a de facto state.

The Media Line spoke with Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Abdullahi Duale during his trip to Washington, where he was meeting with U.S. administration officials.

“We are basically a very stable and peaceful country,” Duale told The Media Line. “We have secured our sea coasts and we’re free of piracy. Somaliland has fought terrorism over the years and we have institutions that work. We’re at peace with ourselves and we have great relations with our neighbors, such as Djibouti, Ethiopia and Yemen.”

Somaliland has been clamping down on a spate of piracy that is plaguing the region by seizing pirates and putting them on trial.

“In piracy, we’re helping extremely well,” Duale said. “We have an 850-kilometer coastline and up until now we’ve been very lucky. We have a very vigilant and small group of coastguards. Although their capacity is very limited – we don’t have the infrastructure for combating it – we’ve been lucky and our people are supporting us.”

But beyond that, Duale implied that in the current political and economic climate, Somaliland’s powers are limited in curbing the violence in the region.

“There have been successive attempts by the international community – by the U.S., the Arab League and the African Union – but thus far it hasn’t been a viable success, simply because they’re not serious,” he said. “This is a serious thorn in the side for the entire region and throughout the world. A stable Somalia will contribute a great deal to us and to the region.”

Al-Shabab is the dominant radical Islamist group, which controls large tracts of southern Somalia and parts of the capital Mogadishu.

Duale argued that the lack of strong relations between Somalia and Somaliland also reduces the administration’s power of influence.

“We do not have relations or a dialogue with them,” he said. “We have no security arrangements with them. We’re trying to make sure our borders are intact and that our security is not compromised. There are no viable institutions that one can deal with [in Somalia] and we have never participated in their conferences, so it’s a serious problem. There’s fragmentation and problems and we don’t want to get drawn into this.”

“We have been advised by friendly countries to stay out of that, but we wish them luck and hope that what comes out of this process is a serious government that takes control of the nation and provides security and governance to the people of Somalia who have suffered for so long.”

Mohamed Amiin Adow, the chief correspondent of the Shabelle news agency, had a different take on the matter.

“If Somaliland relinquishes its stance of breaking away from the rest of Somalia, then the seat of the Somali government can be relocated from Mogadishu to Hargeisa and law and order can spread from the more stable parts of the north to the chaotic parts of the south,” he told The Media Line. “Somaliland has been enjoying peace and stability since it declared independence from the rest of Somalia.”

“No one is safe in Somalia when it comes to security, whereas Somaliland is a little bit different due to the functioning self-administration,” Adow said. “It’s more stable as opposed to Somalia, but doesn’t have the established security which can fully guarantee the safety and security of its people.”

“Many people believe the security situation in Somaliland is very fragile and can vanish at anytime unexpectedly, because Somaliland has no border security system and illegal weapons are brought in regularly,” he added. “Also, there are more and more Al-Shabab sympathizers in Somaliland, so violent activities can happen, like the one in 2009, when a suicide bombing killed a lot of people in Hargeisa.”

The foreign minister said he is engaged in efforts to secure recognition from countries around the world to make Somaliland an official independent state.

“We established a nation state using a bottom-up approach,” he said. “It’s been characterized as one of the most successful, if not the successful nation-making processes that has taken place in Africa and elsewhere. It’s a pity that thus far we haven’t had the attention of the international community.”
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“We are a poor nation with close to four million people, a budget of less than $40 million, 50,000 security forces including the military and coast guard and close to 7,000 civil servants,” Duale continued. “We’re operating a whole nation the size of England and Wales with 40 million dollars.”

“We’re appealing to America and the international community and to countries that promote democracy to assist Somaliland in building its infrastructure and capacity,” he said. “We have been threatened by terror for quite some time and been victims of terrorism numerous times, and we overcame this.”

“We’re in a neighborhood that’s extremely volatile and extremely difficult and we have contributed greatly not only in the regional geopolitical case of security but also in good governance and in the democratization process.”

Andrews Atta-Asamoah, a Kenya-based researcher at the Institute for Security Studies said Somaliland could play two primary roles in bringing more stability to the region.

“One, it can present an example and sharp demonstration of what peace and stability can achieve, so that warlords, saboteurs and spoilers of peace in the central and southern parts of Somalia will begin to consider the effects of their actions,” he told The Media Line.

“Secondly, it can make use of soft power, particularly diplomatic lobbying and engagement with other states to draw a sharper attention to the Somali crisis. Unfortunately, however, soft power has been denied to Somaliland since it is yet to gain recognition by any state in Africa and beyond.”

For this reason, Atta-Asamoah explained, the best way for Somaliland to be an effective player is to grant it official international recognition.

“Without recognition, it will be very difficult for Somaliland to play any leading role in the resolution of the crisis,” he said, “since they can’t effectively influence other independent states or directly mingle in the complex situation of clannism on the ground since they risk being dragged into the mess around the issue of clan politics. Particularly, any uncalculated intervention could be misconstrued as an Issaq clan agenda to dominate the other clans.”

Britain withdrew from British Somaliland in 1960 to allow its protectorate to join with Italian Somaliland and form the new nation of Somalia. A 1969 coup ushered in an authoritarian socialist rule for two decades. The regime collapsed in 1991 and Somalia descended into turmoil, factional fighting, and anarchy.

In May 1991, northern clans declared an independent Republic of Somaliland. It is considered a de facto independent state but no sovereign states have recognized its independence, even though many governments maintain informal ties with Somaliland and there are delegations and embassies in its capital, Hargeisa.

As for Somalia, the country has not had a stable government since 1991.

A Western-backed Transitional Federal Government was set up in 2004 but Mogadishu remained under the control of a coalition of sharia courts known as the Islamic Courts Union.

Originally the militant wing of the Islamic Courts Union, Al-Shabab began an insurgency in late 2006 with assassinations and suicide bombings targeting aid workers and transitional government officials. The group has since made significant gains and now controls much of southern Somalia.

The Western-backed Ethiopian military invaded Somalia in 2007, but many analysts believe this augmented Al-Shabab’s military campaign against the transitional government.

The Ethiopians withdrew in January of last year after over 16 months of Al-Shabab attacks on its forces.

The Islamists soon regrouped, began seizing strategic areas and launching daily attacks on security forces, civilians, aid workers and peacekeepers. The dominant Islamist group today, known as Al-Shabab, wishes to topple the current Western-backed government and impose Islamic law.

The transitional government is preparing a major military offensive to retake the capital Mogadishu from Al-Shabab and various other militant groups in the coming weeks.

Written by Rachelle Kliger

Source: The Media Line, Published Sunday, March 28, 2010

Photo: Cars clog a main road in Hargeisa, capital of Somaliland. As Somalia continues to wallow in violence, some eye a solution in Somaliland, a relatively quiet and stable autonomous region in the north of the country which, while it has not been recognised internationally as a country, is considered a de-facto state.

Djibouti: A Warrior Who Never Get Tired Fighting For His People

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Djibouti, 28 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Many Djiboutians would agree that Mr. Aden Robleh Awaleh was and still is one of the greatest warriors in Djiboutian history; in spite of what anybody would think about him. Ever since the Republic of Djibouti became independent, Mr. Awaleh has been definitely the most genuine resistant opposition leader – alive and well (still inside the Country). Thanks to his inspirational leader and national hero for all time, Mr. Mohamoud Harbi (May Allah Almighty bestow him into the Heaven of Fardousa)

Mr. Awaleh made a mark into the history at the early years of his life: as one of the undisputed young anti-colonialist against, Ali Arref, the henchman of the French colonialist or ‘the evil empire’; during the struggle for liberty, and he later quickly joined the FLCS as the member of the rank-and-file of the underground movement inside the country (Front de liberation de cote de Somali): the only Arms wing around, back in the days, based in Somalia during the 1960’s and 1970’s.

Opposing the French colonial rule in Djibouti, he decided to join the rebel in Somalia in 1967 and quickly move up to the leadership position of the ‘Front for the Liberation of the Somali Coast’ (FLCS). As a result, he was convicted of “endangering state security” in absentia by the French authorities in 1970 and sentenced him to 27 years in prison. Mr. Awaleh was later arrested in Somalia in 1975 by the order of the former dictator, General and President Mohamed Siad Barre (May Allah bless his soul) for “anti-revolutionary” activities and spent a year in solitary confinement there.

Three days before Djibouti became independent from France, Jun 24, 1977, he was shot and severely wounded by one of his ‘frere de combat’, wherever his motive might be. His injuries caused him to be hospitalized for a month. The revolutionary was named by the former/first President Hassan G. Aptidon on July 15, 1977, as Minister of the Port, and he was subsequently moved to the position of Minister of Commerce, Transport, and Tourism in 1978. He was also elected to the National Assembly in 1982. In 1983 and due to consolidation of the power into the hands of the Head of the State: Mr. Awaleh denounced the authoritarianism of the RPP’s single-party regime and resigned from his ministerial position and party positions. As was said later on, Mr. Awaleh claimed to escape an assassination attempt in 1985 and fled the Country.

After eight years of exile, though, the ex-Leader of FLCS and former Minister, returned into the Country in 1992, and turned out to be one of the most admired opposition leader for the second time – during the Multi-party democracy system – imposed by the Western governments into the African countries, particularly, the Administration of then, the Head of the State, Mr. Hassan G. Aptidon (May Allah rewards him into Heaven).

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Mr. Aden R. Awaleh inaugurated his new political party, PND (Partie National Democratique) or National Democratic Party (NDP) for the first time in thirteen years. Immediately afterwards the PND engaged the national debate on the democratization process, and soon clashed with the governing Party, RPP (Rensemblement Populaire pour le Progres. The PND refused to ratify the new Constitution. According to the party: the new constitution, 1) endowed the commander-in-Chief an absolute power, 2) the majority rule in parliament for single Party is undemocratic and unacceptable, 3) the new Constitution does not give a true independence of the Courts over the Executive Power. And we are back in square one: one Party rule and for one man’s show –or ego.

Yet again, Mr. Aden R. Awaleh was put under house arrest while the government cut the electricity and running water into his house; since there’s no prove that he failed to pay his utility bills; but this has always been one of the weapon, the Djiboutian governments use to punish his political opponents. And the PND leader was eventually thrown into jail – when he simply rebuked the vague system that says: keep your mouth shot and squander wherever you could grasp or you might as well face isolation or ex-communication. But, Aden did not back down, and resisted as usual with dignity. He made a promise that he will not run away any more; he rather die what he believes.

It seems, though, now days, Mr. Awaleh has yet to finish the next phase of the struggle: the nation building process, which ought to be embodied on the democratic principles – the rule of Law – that he and others like himself belief and help initiated the foundation over thirty years ago, once, the Republic of Djibouti gained its freedom as a free Nation in Jun, 27, 1977. Having said that, three decades later, it appears to Mr. Awaleh that the dream has been turning into nightmare under the leadership of President Ismael O. Guelleh. With series of interviews, particularly the BBCsomali: “We will not accept a change from the constitution just to satisfy one man’s ego”, he said. The saddest part of this predicament, Mr. Aden and other Djiboutians wondered: would Djibouti be around for the next decade or will collapse like Somalia? The nation they sacrificed so much through out of their whole lives seems to be fading away in front of their eyes.

And once again, the old revolutionary challenges and rejected the advances of the commander-in-Chief, Mr. Ismael O. Guelleh and the ruling Party for the Constitution. This time, the Head of the State and his henchmen want to extend the term limit of the Presidency into ‘THIRD TERMES’, instead of TWO TERMS. Most of Mr. Awaleh’s peers and colleagues, however, think that he must be a fool to give up once again his position and privileges: the fruits of being part of the elites – lavish live-style enjoyed the Cabinet Ministers or Members of Parliament like himself. Yet fancy cars and big houses, was never been important to the Leader. And he never advocated violence in order to overthrow the government of the President Ismael O. Guelleh. The world will watch closely how this time the Djiboutians will deal this Constitutional crisis and the end of the term of Mr. Ismael O. Guelleh in 2011

Mr. Awaleh always wanted to empower and fight for his people; he was never in for himself. As a true patriot, he always worries for the good of the people. Why would he suffer that much for so long; when he could get it easily what others would die for it: Higher position? And all he has to be -a Mister yes. But he chose to put his people’s interest ahead of his. The man is a hero and must be recognized the sacrifices that he made for his country.

Written By:
Mohamed Awaleh

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Remarks by Chairman Donald M. Payne at 'An Overview of U.S. Policy in Africa' Hearing

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WASHINGTON, 28 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – The following remarks were issued by Chairman Donald M. Payne at a hearing of the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health titled ‘An Overvìew of U.S. Polícy ín Africa:

As the title suggests, the purpose of this hearing is to discuss the Administration’s policy on the continent of Africa – to gain an understanding of both the overall policy towards the region and the United States’ position on key and pressing issues of the day. To that end we have two distinguished panels which I will introduce following Members’ opening statements. Let me thank the witnesses for coming, particularly Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson and USAID Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator Earl Gast as well as our private panel consisting of Ambassador Princeton Lyman, Almami [all-MOM-mie] Cyllah [SILL-uh], Witney Schneidman, and Gregory Simpkins. As someone who has followed and worked on Africa for nearly 40 years, I have seen sweeping changes in recent years in U.S. policy in Africa. The continent has gone from being a region of little strategic significance in the view of policymakers to one that holds critical strategic, economic, and national security interests in just the last twenty years.

Indeed, the U.S. has moved away from a policy in Africa hinged on containing the,Soviet sphere of influence during the Cold War, a policy which too often led to U.S. support for dictatorial regimes on the continent with disastrous results which are still felt today.

During the tenures of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, U.S. interest in the continent greatly increased and the focus began to shift away from solely humanitarian interests. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) — a preferential program designed to spur increased African imports to the U.S. and build African trade capacity — and the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) – the landmark $15 billion, now $48 billion treatment program — were created by Presidents Clinton and Bush, respectively. Both dramatically reshaped the discourse and the depth of U.S.-Africa policy.

The Obama Administration showed keen interest in African early on with a brief visit by President Obama himself to Ghana, and an eleven-day trip to seven countries in Africa by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. I accompanied Secretary Clinton on part of her trip and must say that the response was overwhelmingly positive and hopeful in terms of closer bilateral relations and partnership.

In 2009 the President unveiled two new programs that will change the landscape and deepen U.S. support for long-term sustainable on the continent’

The Global Health Initiative (GHD is a six-year $63 billion program to help partner countries improve health outcomes through strengthened health systems – with a particular focus on improving the health of women, newborns and children.

The U.S. Global Food Security Initiative is a welcome paradigm shift back to strong investments in agricultural development both as a means to increase food security and as a critical element of long-term, sustainable development in poor regions of the world, particularly in Africa. Both programs will have significant impact on the continent.

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While these initiatives and ongoing support for PEPFAR are very strong signs of U.S. focus on Africa, many challenges remain, particularly in the areas of democracy and govemance and conflict which warrant an ongoing discussion of U.S. policy.

My concerns over Somalia, Sudan, Nigeria, and elsewhere are well known. So I will instead highlight troubling issues in three other countries – Ethiopia, Somaliland, and Djibouti.

I am deeply concerned and troubled about the deteriorating conditions in Ethiopia. The EPRDF regime is becoming increasingly totalitarian.

A few weeks ago the government began to jam the Voice of America (VOA) Amharic program and the Prime Minister compared the VOA to the hate Radio Mille Collines; the radio station used by those who committed the Rwandan genocide.

My concern continues for the deteriorating condition of Ms. Birtukan [bun-TOO-can] who testified before this Committee and continues to languish in prison in Ethiopia along with hundreds of others, without access to medical care. I hope to learn more today what our policy is toward Ethiopia.

The Government of Somaliland in February handed over a woman named Mrs. Bishaaro [bih- SHAH-ro], a registered refugee in Somaliland, to Ethiopian security forces. A few years ago she was arrested and tortured by Ethiopian security and her husband was executed. I understand there is a delegation visiting from Somaliland currently and hope to learn what the U.S. position is on this case and on Somaliland more broadly.

I am also concerned about the lack of Development Assistance funding for Djibouti; a strong ally of the United States which plays an important role in the promotion of peace in the Hom of Africa. I will speak more detail on all three countries during the question and answer portion of this hearing.

The Committee looks forward to this very important hearing and all the witness testimonies. Let me once again thank the witnesses and all of you for being here today. I will now turn to Ranking Member Smith for his opening statement.

Source: AllAfrica

SOMALIA: Puntland President Dashes to Ethiopia For an Emergency Meeting

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BOSSASO (Somalilandpress) — The president of Somalia’s semi-autonomous region of Puntland and a senior delegation from his administration have flown out of the commercial port town of Bosasso on Sunday for hurried Addis Ababa talks.

Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed ‘Farole’ and a senior delegation including his Interior minister, Mr. Abdullahi Ahmed were invited to Addis Ababa for an emergency meeting as crisis between the government of Farole and Puntland’s main intelligence agency intensified.

The issue arose when President Abdirahman Mohamed ‘Farole’ issued a presidential decree, dated March 12th, ordering the dismissal of Puntland Intelligence Service (PIS) director, Mr. Osman Diana, and appointing Col. Ali Mohamed Yusuf “Binge” (see SOMALIA: Tensions high in Bossaso as president shakes up intelligence agency).

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Mr. Osman has defied the dismissal, saying the order is unacceptable and accused the president of trying to take full control of the agency.

According to sources close to Mr. Osman, he also accuses the president of having links with pirates in the region.

Mr. Osman has also since seized full control of PIS’s second office in Lanta Hawada neighborhood in the port city of Bossaso.

The PIS, which functions independently was established almost a decade ago and is considered the most powerful institution in Puntland. The PIS is said to receive at least 50 per cent of Puntland’s annual income as well as funds from Western intelligence services.

The political maneuvering of president Farole has also raised concerns with the Americans and Ethiopians – who are said to be the main financiers of PIS.

Mr. Farole is expected to meet with U.S. and Ethiopian officials regarding PIS and he is mostly like to reverse his decree under the pressure of the two countries.

Somalilandpress, 28 March 2010

Arab League Summit: Back To The Sixties

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The atmosphere is that of the sixties.

SIRTE (Somalilandpress) — That’s what journalists felt while covering the 22nd Arab League summit in the Libyan city of Sirte, while listening to those songs – songs by Abdel-Halim Hafez, the famous Egyptian singer who used to sing for late Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser in the fifties and sixties and who sang long for pan-Arab nationalism.

These songs were played many times in the conference corridors and inside the press centre with video of the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.

This apparently suggests he’s the new unifier of the Arab World that’s been sharply divided on almost every issue in today’s world.

This isn’t strange for those who travel to Libya a lot. The North African Arab country has been ruled by Gaddafi for more than four decades since he came to power on the first of September 1969 overthrowing King Idris Senoussi.

Gaddafi has always seen himself as Nasser’s natural successor as a unifying factor and the leader of the ummah.

The longest serving Arab leader has tried to forge several unity projects with a number of Arab nations such as Egypt, Syria and Sudan.
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These attempts were no doubt a failure due to the lack of political will, and perhaps because leaders of these nations refused to allow such a maverick politician to lead them even if that was on rotational basis.

But Gaddafi succeeded in forging one Arab Union, namely the Maghreb Union. But that gathering has finally stopped functioning. Now it’s just ink on paper.

Turning to the poor African Continent, Gaddafi managed to achieve his ambition – the creation of the African Union to replace the Organization of African Unity.

That took place on 9/9/99 in Sirte, the city that’s hosting the Arab summit in 2010.

This is the first time ever, Libya hosts the most prestigious Arab gathering, and unity was on Gaddafi’s mind as well as on banners and slogans of the small, quite city.

He’s called it the summit of unity and solidarity, asking all Arab leaders to put aside their differences, get together and agree on a unified stand on all issues.

Gaddafi’s opening speech at the summit lasted almost twenty minutes, one of his shortest.

Half of the speech was dedicated to explain the history of Sirte, his home town.

He made the odd joke here and there, with the Emir of Qatar and the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.

But he did not make scenes like those in Doha in the 2009 summit, when he had an exchange with the Saudi King. Maybe because he’s the host.

But the summit is lasting for two days and there’s still time for such scenes – scenes that are said to have created tension among organisers and Arab league officials.

“Oh unifier of the Arabs”, still comes Abdel Halim Hafez’s voice through the speakers of the conference hall in Sirte, bringing to memories those feelings of the sixties: nostalgic for some, notorious for others.

Source: Aljazeera.net, 28 March 2010

Somaliland appears to be the new potential gemstone-bearing region

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HARGEISA (Somalilandpress) — Recent geological surveys indicate that Somaliland has abundant deposits of gemstones, from emerald to aquamarine, ruby and sapphire as well as vast amounts of garnet, quartz and opal as well as lesser-known minerals such as titanite and vesuvianite.

In addition to pegmatite, which are the host rocks of emerald and other kinds of beryl such as aquamarine, Somaliland has metamorphic rocks that hold nodules of ruby and sapphire.

There is little understanding of its mineral deposits but villagers in Somaliland use primitive tools to dig out a range of gemstones that they offer for sale to dealers locally. When aid officials at the European Community (EC) office in the country’s capital, Hargeisa, first saw the gemstones, they believed they had been stolen from graves. To determine whether these stones came out of the ground or stolen from graves, EC invited a consultant geologist and gemmologist from the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa, Dr Judith Kinnaird, to investigate.

Dr Kinnaird visited the country twice in the past two years. In addition to identifying gem minerals in the country, she helps local miners distinguish among similar coloured minerals and is working with Progressive Interventions supported by EC funding to help set up a gemmological association and marketing channels for Somaliland’s mineral resources.
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The following report was compiled by Jewellery News Asia’s contributing editor, Jennifer Henricus from a presentation made by Dr Kinnaird at the annual conference of the Gemmological Association of Great Britain in London in late 2000 and from an interview with Dr Kinnaird.

Somaliland is part of the Mozambique Belt (MB) and prior to the continental drift 900 million years ago, was in the same area as Madagascar, Tanzania, Sri Lanka and India, Dr Judith Kinnaird said.

Somaliland has the similar type of gem minerals as these other well-known gem-bearing countries but gem deposits have only recently been discovered. Recovery of gemstones, carried out in a primitive and haphazard manner, has been done only since 1988, Dr Kinnaird said. The gem-producing belt is a fairly narrow strip located in a zone of rocks roughly parallel to the Gulf of Aden and is between 30 and 80 kilometres wide, 200 to 300 kilometres long.

The country was a British protectorate from 1886 until it became independent in 1960 and five days later became part of Somalia, a former Italian colony. In 1982 civil war broke out and lasted for nine years, but the country is still trying to recover from the ravages of this war. “Access to gem deposits is difficult. The debris from the war remains: roads suffered extremely, bridges have been bombed out. Getting to many of the mineral locations involves a bone-shaking journey,” Dr Kinnaird said.

The terrain in Somaliland is varied including high mountains and beaches along the Gulf of Aden. Temperatures are sub-Saharan, up to 50 degrees Celsius in summer on the coast, she said.

Watch the video below, a rare Ruby (1.822 kg) is unearthed from Somaliland.

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One of the many Diamonds discovered in Somaliland.

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Somalilandpress, 27 March 2010

Kill the Messenger: Mohamed Ahmed’s hypocritical response to Bashir Goth

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In his recent article “Somaliland: America’s underestimated friend” Bashir Goth has eloquently compared Somalia with Somaliland with respect to peace building and democratic governance. Instead of critiquing the merits of Mr. Goth’s article, Mohamed Ahmed responded with an article full of personal attacks. This is exactly the way medieval kings used to response when they receive unfavorable news: kill the messenger! Mr. Ahmed has every right to criticize and attack Mr. Goth’s ideas and opinions. However, when some people cannot face the facts they simply resort to personal attacks. Hence, Mr. Ahmed entire article focuses not on the subject matter—Somalia vs. Somaliland — but on Mr. Goth’s history.

The change of heart on the part of Mr. Goth truly reflects the genuine reconciliation and peace-full co-existence of yesterday’s foes in Somaliland. In other words, this change shows how far Somalilanders have gone to heal their wounds and seek common future. Take the example of, for instance, the incumbent Somaliland President Dahir R. Kahin and his loyal Foreign Minister Abdullahi M. Duale. These two men were at the opposed ends of political spectrum during the Somaliland’s civil war in the 1980s. Yesterday, Mr. Kahim and Mr. Duale were members of the National Security Service (NSS) and the Somali Nation Movement (SNM), respectively. Today both are members of the Somaliland’s ruling party UDUB. This shows that people of Somaliland have refused to be hostage to their gloomy past. The people of Somaliland have wisely decided to let bygones be bygones in order to have a better future for their children. In the process, even those who had blood on their hands, on both sides of the conflict, were forgiven and forgotten.
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Mr. Goth’s previous writings including those in Awdal Phenomenon represent Somaliland’s painful past history. His previous writings on Somaliland, however pathetic they may look now, were merely a reflection of prevailing political upheaval at that time in Somaliland. And to set the record straight, Mr. Goth’s support of Somaliland is not conditional on President Dahir R. Kahin. In fact, as an editor of Awdal News, Mr. Goth has repeatedly criticized Mr. Kahin’s regime.

Having explained the circumstances surrounding Mr. Goth’s past and present writings, let us now look at the issue at hand: differences between Somalia and Somaliland—-the theme of Mr. Goth’s article. In Somaliland, there is a government that has a monopoly over the ‘use of force’ in the territory it claims to control. In Somalia, the Sharif government is protected by African Union forces. In Somaliland, there are political parties who are readying themselves to take part the upcoming presidential election. In Somalia, there are Al-Shabab and Hisbul-Islam who want to violently overthrow the government of President Sharif. In Somaliland, we have uninterrupted peace for over a decade now. In Somalia, we have a government whose forces routinely shell the biggest market of Mogadishu — the Bakara Market.

These are just a few glimpses of the realities prevailing in Somalia and Somaliland. Mr. Ahmed does not want hear or see the reality. For him attacking the messenger is easier for him since some facts are hard to deny. Therefore, Mr. Ahmed tries to kill the messenger– Mr. Goth– instead of critiquing his theme: differences between Somalia and Somaliland.

By Hassan Farah – 27 March 2010

Isaias Afwerki Appeals for Arab Sympathy

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MOGADISHU, (Somalilanpress) — With his brinkmanship diplomacy facing a dead-end, Eritrea’s strong man, Isaias Afwerki, is approaching members of the League of Arab States (“Arab League”), which is scheduled to hold its summit on March 27th,  to come to his rescue and facilitate mediation with Djibouti. This would be a face-saving gesture that would result in his withdrawal from the disputed territories bordering Djibouti, without seeming to do so under the duress of UN.

Ironically, the Arab League, which had, at the request of Djibouti, held an emergency meeting in May 2008 regarding the Eritrea-Djibouti conflict, had offered to mediate when the issue first arose.  It had offered fact-finding delegation to both nations in June 2008. The delegation was welcomed in Djibouti, but rejected by Isaias  Afwerki, who dismissed the conflict as a “fabrication.”

Djibouti, which is a member of the Arab League, had earlier indicated that it would boycott the upcoming summit to protest Libya’s negative vote on UN Resolution 1907, which called on sanctions on Eritrea, partly for its refusal to comply with Resolution 1862, which had called on Eritrea to withdraw from the disputed territories within five weeks of its adoption (January 2009.) Libya was the only country that voiced a negative vote on Resolution 1907, when the security council voted to pass the resolution (China abstained.)
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But the Libyan foreign minister, whose country is hosting the summit, met with Djibouti officials to explain Libya’s position: that it is against all sanctions, as a matter of principle, and its vote was not directed at Djibouti. He was persuasive, and Djibouti is attending.

For the past month and half, the Eritrean Foreign Ministry has been busy  carrying letters of appeal to Arab leaders. The Eritrean regime’s ambassadors to Egypt, Fassil Gebreslasie, and its ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Mohammed Omer Mahmoud, have been busy lobbying for support from their host countries as well as the neighboring Arab countries.

Fassil Gebresselasie handed a letter to Amr Mousa, the Secretary General of the Arab League, outlining the Eritrean proposal for resolving its problems with Djibouti and Somalia and pleading to him to take initiative to resolve Eritrea’s problems.

Djibouti and Somalia, also a member of the Arab League, consider any alternative mechanism as circumventing UN resolution 1907 and are likely to reject any mediation without preconditions. And since the Arab League uses “consensus” to reach binding decisions, Djibouti and Somalia can torpedo any decision that the Arab League may want to undertake.

Egypt’s position is expected to be decisive on the matter. Yemen, which had offered its offices to mediate the conflict and was rejected by Isaias Afwerki when the conflict first arose, and which has been smarting over allegations that Isaias Afwerki is supporting Houthi fighters, is not likely to be receptive. Saudi Arabia is unimpressed by Isaias’s increasingly warm relations with Iran (refer to Saudi paper Al-Wattan). Sudan’s role is more circumspect. Shortly after the adoption of UN Resolution 1907, Amr Moussa had dispatched a delegation, led by a senior Sudanese general and intelligence official, to notify Isaias Afwerki that the Arab League would not take any measures in contravention of UN Resolution 1907. Characteristically, Isaias Afwerki heaped abuse on the Sudanese official.

Subsequently, Sudan assured Eritrea that though it would not openly support the idea of an Arab League initiative (for fear of antagonizing Djibouti and Somalia, as well as Ethiopia), it will also not oppose such a move. In his last visit to Asmara, Mustafa Osman, special advisor to Sudan’s President Omar Albeshir, had suggested to Isaias to seek the help of either Qatar or Libya to sponsor a proposal to pressure the Arab League to get involved. Libya’s Muammer Ghaddafi and Qatar’s Sheikh Hamad are the only two close allies of Isaias.

Following up on the suggestion, Isaias Afwerki has attempted to get regional groups to sponsor the proposal. To this end, he sought the help of the Gulf Cooperation Council (Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, and UAE) by approaching Qatar and the Arab-Maghrib Union (Libya, Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia) by approaching Libya.

While using Qatar to influence the Gulf Cooperation Council, Isaias has also tried to appeal to the United States by using Saudi Arabia as an intermidary.  Prior to Secretary Hillary Clinton’s visit to Saudi Arabia on February 15, 2010, Isaias attempted to secure a visit with the Saudi king or his foreign minister, but was not successful.

‘Jerusalem’ summit and Arab Unity

The Arab leaders are also expected to unit against Israel and condemn their recent “Judaisation” of Jerusalem and are expected to ratify an agreement drafted by their foreign ministers to raise $500-million as aid to Palestinians in east Jerusalem.

Arab leaders such as Syria’s Bashar al-Assad said they were ready for war with Israel unless they stopped their “violations” in Jerusalem.

King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia, King Mohammed VI of Morocco, The Sultan of Oman, Qaboos Bin Said Al-Said and the presidents of Egypt, Yemen and Lebanon will not be attending this year’s summit for health related issues and because of differences with the host, Khadafi.

Awate.com + Somalilandpress, 27th March 2010