Home Blog Page 921

Foreign minister of Somaliland meet with Ethiopian President Girma

0

Addis Ababa, 31 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – President Girma Woldegiorgis here on Wednesday held talks with Foreign Minister of Somaliland, Abdillahi Mohamed Duale.

President Girma on the occasion said the existing relations between Ethiopia and Somaliland should further be strengthened. The President said the two countries should further enhance cooperation in the efforts to prevent terrorism. Girma also wished Somaliland to hold successful elections.

[ad#Google Adsense (200×90)]

The minister on his part said Somaliland is undertaking activities to hold elections. He said Somaliland is keen to further strengthen existing good relations with Ethiopia. The minister said in particular Ethiopia and Somaliland should strengthen cooperation to fight against terrorism.

Ethiopia has not given recognition to Somaliland’s independence. Duale was appointed foreign minister of Somaliland on August 5th, 2006.

Source: Newsdire.com

Ethiopia launches electric car despite power shortages.

0

Ethiopia has launched an electric car, despite suffering from power shortages. It is only the second African country to do so, after South Africa.

Two versions of the Solaris Elettra will be manufactured in Addis Ababa, costing around $12,000 and $15,000.

The cars will be sold in Ethiopia and exported to Africa and Europe.

But some doubt if Africa, where erratic power supplies, low levels of personal wealth and poor infrastructure are common, is ready for electric cars.

Carlo Pironti, general manager of Freestyle PLC, the company producing the Solaris, told the BBC’s Uduak Amimo in Addis Ababa that Ethiopia’s electricity shortages were not a major obstacle to operating an electric car.

“Ethiopia in future will have lots of power supply,” he said.

“In any case, the car can be recharged by generator and by solar power.”

Taxes on cars in Ethiopia can be more than 100% and many Ethiopians with low incomes will struggle to afford an electric car.

To overcome this problem, Mr Pironti says his company will develop a credit system for less affluent customers.

Six Solaris Elettras will be produced every week for the next three months, rising to 30 per week when Freestyle’s factory in Addis Ababa is fully operational, he says.

Mr Pironti says he wants to take the Solaris “from a green country to a green world,” referring to the company’s plans to export the car from Ethiopia to Africa and beyond.

But Wayne Batty, senior writer at South Africa’s Topcar magazine, believes only a small percentage of Africa has the necessary infrastructure to support an electric car.

Mr Batty told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme that electric cars are fine for short trips of 40 to 50 km (25 to 31 miles), but African countries lack the recharging points for longer journeys.

Ethiopia’s electric car comes after Rwanda launched its first bio-diesel bus last week.

It is currently building a huge hydro-electric dam on the Omo river and hopes to become a major exporter of energy when that is completed.

source:BBC

It's time to give Ethiopia the diplomatic tools that it requires

0

Two decades ago, Ethiopia was a Cold War battlefield. On the ideological map of the world, it was Soviet territory, a land of famine, dictatorship, and civil war. But, with the overthrow of Mengistu Haile Mariam’s Marxist-Leninist dictatorship in 1991, Ethiopia began to transform itself. Today, it ranks among the five fastest-growing economies in the world, and is a bastion of regional stability.

That stability matters, because the Horn of Africa is becoming a security headache once again. If the region is to be stabilized, Ethiopia will need to play a key role in this. Indeed, it should be considered an indispensable strategic partner for those in the international community who want to prevent the entirety of East Africa from slipping into chaos.

Besides the never-ending anarchy of neighboring Somalia, the regional challenges facing Ethiopia and its long-serving prime minister, Meles Zenawi, are daunting. The country remains on a war footing with Eritrea over the disputed border village of Badme. The peace deal between the government and the former rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Movement is unraveling fast in neighboring Sudan, where a scheduled referendum in the South in January 2011 on secession and independence – part of the 2005 peace deal – may provoke a return to all-out war.

Further south, Kenya remains scarred by the aftermath of post-election violence, and its constitutional review process could lead to yet more bloodshed. Moreover, Ethiopia’s proximity to strife-torn Yemen (where violent jihadists are congregating) just across the Red Sea, is complicating the country’s foreign policy because of its role in working to keep Somalia out of Islamist control.

Despite these myriad problems – or perhaps because of them – Ethiopia has an opportunity to emerge as the undisputed regional leader. Rapid population growth is projected to put it among the world’s ten most populous states by mid-century. Though landlocked, Ethiopia is comparatively well endowed with natural resources, not least its fertile farmland, which has attracted significant investment from Saudi Arabia, among others. A final settlement of the lengthy dispute with Egypt over the waters of the Blue Nile – which rises in Ethiopia – appears to be in sight, and could have a powerful impact on economic growth.

But despite Ethiopia’s progress, the international community (particularly the West) has been reluctant to view it as a strategic partner. Of course, Ethiopia has its problems, but these should be seen in an African context. The human-rights situation could undoubtedly be improved – especially the treatment of the political opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa – but Isaias Afwerki’s regime in neighboring Eritrea is worse by orders of magnitude.

The country’s ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, dominates the political landscape – but who can blame Ethiopians, surrounded by potential enemies, for giving priority to stability and order over Western-style democratic development? Western leaders can hardly denounce Zenawi while lauding Prime Minister Vladimir Putin for bringing a focus on modernization to Russia’s governance.

Furthermore, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda has created what amounts to a one-party state during his 24 years in power, yet he is feted in the West as one of Africa’s visionary leaders. It seems that Ethiopia, more often than not, is the victim of diplomatic double standards.
[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]
If Zenawi consolidates his hold on power in the parliamentary elections due this May, the world should expect the stability that he has brought to take deeper root. Whether it will ripple throughout the region is another question. That is why, regardless of the electoral result, Ethiopia needs international backing.

It is interesting to contrast the likely consequences of the election in Ethiopia with the expected fallout from the presidential election scheduled in Sudan at around the same time. If Omar al-Bashir retains Sudan’s presidency, as expected, he will be emboldened to step up his hostility to the country’s restless regions. His bloody campaign in Darfur, the world should need no reminding, has already led to his indictment by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Bashir will also no doubt try to stop the oil-rich devolved region of South Sudan from declaring independence. The people of South Sudan, most of whom are Christian or animists, are likely to favor secession – not least because of the memory of decades of war and the deeply resented imposition of Sharia law by Bashir’s government in Khartoum.

Many now believe that Bashir will seek to prevent the referendum from taking place, or to use its result as a pretext to return to war with the South – with devastating consequences across the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia’s diplomacy will be vital to minimizing the potential for such violence to spread, but Ethiopia can fulfill this role only if it receives strong strategic backing from the West.

Regional rivalries and past history mean that Ethiopia has few natural allies in the region. One such ally could be Somaliland, the former British protectorate, which broke away from Somalia in 1991 and lies to the northeast of Ethiopia.

Somaliland is, like Ethiopia, relatively stable, economically improving, and secure. It also has a lengthy coastline and a deepwater port, Berbera, which could help land-locked Ethiopia unlock even more economic growth. The moderate Islam practiced in Somaliland could not be farther removed from the barbarity of the Al-Shabab in Somalia. If Ethiopia were to recognize Somaliland as sovereign, other African Union countries would likely follow – and so, perhaps, would the United States and European Union member states, which increasingly despair of patching Somalia together.

Ethiopia’s leadership throughout the Horn of Africa could bring lasting change in a part of the world that has largely been written off. It is time to give Ethiopia the diplomatic tools that it needs.

By Charles Tannock

Source: THE DAILY STAR, 31st March 2010

publishes this commentary in collaboration with Project Syndicate © (www.project-syndicate.org).

Charles Tannock is the European Conservatives and Reformists foreign affairs spokesman in the European Parliament.

A Voice Across The Miles

0

HARGEISA, 31 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – The former British protectorate of Somaliland, which since 1991 has been functioning as a de facto (if unrecognised) state, is now at a political crossroads. A presidential election that was to have taken place in 2008 has been postponed repeatedly amid technical and political difficulties with voter registration. With each postponement, a political crisis has ensued. In September 2009 violence broke out in demonstrations in Hargeisa, the capital city, leaving three people dead. Yet rather than allow the violence to escalate and permanently derail the elections, Somaliland’s political parties, legislature, civil society and members of the diaspora (with some support from the international donor community) have come together to find a path back to negotiation.

2010 will provide an important test of Somaliland’s ability to move towards multi-party democracy and keep at bay the two-decade-long war in south Somalia. Negotiations between the political parties are being brokered by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), with support from Interpeace and its local counterpart, the Somaliland Academy for Peace and Development. In addition, members of the Somaliland diaspora are also working to advise, mediate, and hold accountable the political parties and their leaders.

The UK is a focal point for Somalilander diaspora political activity. The Somalilander community is one of the oldest African diaspora groups living in the UK, its roots going back to the 1890s when Somali seamen in the British Merchant Navy settled in coastal areas such as Cardiff and Liverpool. During World War II Somalis served with the British navy, and some took up residency in the UK to work, particularly in Sheffield and South Yorkshire. Following World War II, more Somalis came to take advantage of the post-war economic boom, and a large community was established in London’s East End. Large numbers (though no official figures are available) of Somalilanders now also live in other parts of London, Manchester, Liverpool, Cardiff, and other urban areas.

Somalilanders did not begin coming to the UK as refugees until the civil war began in the late 1980s and the government collapsed in 1991. In 1988 at a conference in London, Somalilanders launched the Somali National Movement (SNM), which led the armed struggle against dictator Siad Barre’s government forces in the northwest of the country. Once independence was declared in 1991, many people returned from their adopted homes; some returned permanently, but others continue to divide their time between Somaliland and the UK. The Somaliland community in Britain has an enormous influence on Somaliland economics (through remittances and investment) and politics.

I have recently been carrying out research on the influence of the Somaliland diaspora on electoral politics. In interviews both in Hargeisa, the capital city of Somaliland, and London, I have been attempting to learn more about the ways that the diaspora, despite being physically absent most of the time, continues to assert itself and to influence not only the outcome of elections, but also the issues being debated and the contents of negotiations between and within the parties.

Somaliand has three officially recognised parties. The United Democratic People’s Party (known as UDUB) is the party of the President Dahir Rayaale Kahin. The Peace, Unity and Development party, known as Kulmiye, is led by UK citizen and former SNM chairman Ahmed Mohamed ‘Silaanyo’. The Party for Justice and Welfare, known as UCID (pronounced Oo-id) is led by a member of the Finnish diaspora Faisal Ali Waraabe. Each party looks to the diaspora for funding, although by all accounts Kulmiye is the most successful at raising funds for campaigning and other activities. Kulmiye’s supporters have funded a radio station, Radio Horyaal, run out of Belgium; it is the only opposition-run radio station that can be heard throughout Somaliland. Each of the parties’ leaders frequently travels abroad, usually stopping off in the UK to meet with members of the Somaliland community on the way. They clearly see the value of galvanising support amongst the diaspora, even though they are not eligible to vote.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

Some members of the diaspora do return to Somaliland regularly. During the summer months, in particular, the party offices are assisted by returnees who have come to help the campaigns. Often they come with funds that they have collected from their contacts in the UK and elsewhere to pay for vehicle and office space rental, printing of campaign materials, and support for party officials.

Asked what they bring to Somaliland political life, members of the diaspora stress that their experience of living in liberal democracies gives them an advantage in discussing the direction that Somaliland should take. They say that, because they have lived with free speech and fair elections, they can provide valuable advice to Somalilanders who have never known such things. Those who have experience with economic management, planning and development are also regularly called on to provide advice to policy makers within the parties, which they do both in meetings in the UK as well as through visits to Somaliland.

Sometimes the work of Somalilanders in the diaspora is more formalised. Somaliland Forum, a non-partisan group of people engaged in advocacy for human rights inside Somaliland as well as for political recognition internationally, has been involved since 1997 in efforts to promote freedom of the press. They lobby the government on behalf of imprisoned journalists. Because many of the members are leaders in their own right, they are able to mobilise their supporters both in Somaliland and abroad to give support to particular issues. This multiplies their effectiveness.

Over the past two years the diaspora has been centrally involved in negotiations over setting the terms for the presidential election (and the local parliamentary elections that are expected to follow it). The Independent Scholars Group – set up in Hargeisa and comprising several prominent academics and civil society members, most of whom are what might be termed members of the ‘part-time diaspora’ – has been involved in mediating between the parties and advising on steps to resolve stalemates. UDDAA (the Promotion of the Constitution Group) is another body, based in the UK, that has been lobbying parties to use the Somaliland constitution to resolve its differences. The diaspora has been helped by concerned non-Somalilanders as well. A team of election observers, co-led by the NGO Progressio, University College London’s Development Planning Unit, and Somaliland Focus, have also been lobbying the parties to continue to work towards a timely resolution of disputes so that the elections can go ahead.

Those involved in electioneering, both inside and outside Somaliland, say that they are aware that the world is watching their work, either to convince them that political recognition is deserved, or if the election is cancelled or corrupted, as proof that it is not ready for recognition. Failure to hold elections could seriously derail efforts to emerge from conflict. The stakes are thus very high.

By: Dr Laura Hammond
Source: Public Service

Kenya blocks Somalia's own troops for Mogadishu-battle

0

NAIROBI (Somalilandpress) — Somalia’s president wants thousands of troops trained in Kenya to be deployed to Mogadishu for an upcoming offensive against Islamist militants, but Kenya has denied the request — yet another complication for a military campaign that has already been delayed several times, officials said Tuesday.

The fact that Kenya could veto Somali wishes for the deployment of its own troops underscores that the Kenyan government wields power in the neighboring country, which has a weak, U.N.-backed government.

In a March 21 letter that The Associated Press obtained a copy of, Somali President Sharif Sheik Ahmed asked Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki for Kenya’s support for a plan to transfer control of 2,500 Somali troops trained in Kenya over the last several months to the current defense minister.

That would mean the troops would be moved from the Somali-Kenya border to the Somali capital, Mogadishu, large parts of which are controlled by al-Shabab, a militant group linked to al-Qaida.
[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]
Kenya’s president rejected the plan based on fears that if the troops are sent to Mogadishu, Kenya’s porous frontier with Somalia would be vulnerable to cross-border incursions, said a Somali government official who spoke on condition he not be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter.

Kenyan government spokesman Alfred Mutua declined to comment.

“Kibaki respects Somalia’s president and his government, but when it comes to national security, Kenya’s interest comes first,” said Abdullahi Hassan, a political analyst and lecturer at Nairobi’s Kenyatta University.

It was not known if the issue would cause further delays to an offensive aimed at restoring Somali government control to large parts of Somalia and hitting a radical movement that has imposed harsh justice, including stonings and amputations, and stoked terrorism fears in the Horn of Africa and beyond. The offensive has been pushed back repeatedly, in part because of a lack of military resources.

Kenya mediated a two-year peace process that led to the formation of Somalia’s fragile government and hosts hundreds of thousands of Somali refugees. Leaders of Somalia’s government have regularly consulted with their Kenyan counterparts. Some of the troops trained in Kenya were rumored to be Kenyan nationals of Somali origin.

“The whole training exercise was a Kenyan-led initiative that involved elements within the Somali government. It was part of Kenya’s overall military containment strategy against al-Shabab and it does not want to lose control of that process despite its support for the Somali government,” said Rashid Abdi of the International Crisis Group.

For more than five months, Kenya has been training more than 2,500 Somali troops on its soil. The initial plan was for them to be deployed to the border to eliminate threats posed by al-Shabab, said clan elder Sheik Ali Gure, who helped recruit the troops from three Somali regions near Kenya. Al-Shabab controls large swaths of southern and central Somalia.

A U.N. Monitoring Group report this month found that the Somali military is dominated by a command structure based on clan loyalties. The dustup between Kenya and Somalia over troop deployment underscores those clan arrangements.

Gure warned that if the Kenyan-trained troops were transferred to Mogadishu, Somali clans along the border could withdraw their support for the Somali government. The clans want the troops to stay in their regions to take on al-Shabab there.

Kenya has a large Somali population that inhabits the northeastern part of the country, and has over the years used local clans who straddle territories between the two countries to intervene when rebels groups try to cross the border.

Source: The Associated Press – 31st March 2010

SOMALILAND: Danish Shipowners donate money to Save the Children

0

COPENHAGEN (Somalilandpress) — The Danish Shipowners’ Association has donate a significant amount of money for underprivileged kids in Somaliland through Save the Children’s development projects. The donation worth about DKK 1.5 million ($270, 000 USD) is said to be part of a new initiative of fighting piracy in the region with new methods and strategy.

The Director of the Danish Shipowners’ Association, Mr. Jan Fritz Hansen, told local reporters that his organisation believes fighting piracy on several fronts was the best solution.

“The warship is doing a great job chasing the pirates at sea, but we strongly believe that a support and education effort ashore will help as well,” he told local media.
[ad#Google Adsense (250×250)]
According to Shipgaz, The Save the Children project has been selected after a consultation and a recommendation from the Dannish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The funding will support educate young underprivileged children achieve education in the fields in the country.

The funding is said to be donated by Denmark’s five largest shipping firms; Maersk Line, Torm, J. Lauritzen (JL), Clipper Group and Scandinavian.

The Danish Shipowners’ Association, which represents Denmark’s shipping industry was established in 1884. Shipping is Denmark’s second most important export earner, with a turnover of more than $18 billion and 500 ships registered under Danish flag.

Photo: David Hazell

Somalilandpress, 31st March 2010

Press Release: The Republic of Somaliland Liaison Office Washington DC

0

Somalilandpress has received the following press release statement from Somaliland’s Liaison office in Washington, DC, United States.

Press Release: The Republic of Somaliland

Liaison Office

Washington D.C.

Press Release

A Somaliland delegation consisting of senior ministers and parliamentarians visited the U.S. From March 20–28, 2010 as a result of a U.S. government invitation. The delegation included,

Honorable Mr. Abdillahi Duale, Minister of Foreign Affairs, delegation leader,

Honorable Mr. Abdillahi Ali, Minister of the Interior

Honorable Mr. Ali Mohamed, Minister of National Planning

Honorable Mr. Osman Sh. .Abdi, Minister of Water and Mineral Resources

Honorable Mr. Said Jama Ali, Deputy Speaker of the House of Honorable Mr. Bashe Mohamed Farah, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives

The visit was in line with periodic review of the relations between the two countries comprising a follow-up on pending issues and consultations on areas of mutual interest.

In addition to a meeting with senior officials of the National Security Council (NSC) in the Executive Building of the White House, the delegation had intensive discussions in multiple meetings with the leadership of the State Department’s Africa Bureau including Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs, and Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Africa. The meetings were also attended by senior officials from the Department of Defense and other relevant U.S. government bureaus and agencies. However, unlike previous meetings, the two sides explored Somaliland’s “political status” in the light of the Djibouti Peace Process with a view of shedding light on its applicability to the facts on the ground.

Regarding the generic areas of concern including threats to security, i.e. religious extremism, terrorism, piracy and the lack of adequate social and economic development, the Somaliland delegation presented in-depth comprehensive review of challenges the country is facing now as well as its urgent needs for safeguarding its security. The two sides discussed in detail ideas and plans deemed appropriate to meet Somaliland’s needs. The U.S. side pledged its support and agreed to the creation of a joint follow-up group to monitor progress made. The Somaliland delegation is pleased to note that the above discussions were among friends; they were cordial and constructive.

While in Washington, the delegation had discussions with a host of US-based private and non-profit organizations as well as multilateral donors such as USAID and the World Bank, to build relations with a view to establishing cooperation in areas of mutual interest. In particular, the delegation emphasized areas that have the greatest impact on people’s daily existence, such as clean potable water, improved agriculture, health, education and rural development.

The delegation concluded its official activities with a meeting with the Somaliland community in the Washington metropolitan area.

Dr. Saad Sh. Osman Noor,

Somaliland’s Representative to the United States.

Somalis in rare march against al-Shabab militants

0

MOGADISHU, (Somalilandpress) — Hundreds of Somalis have marched through the streets of Mogadishu, protesting against al-Shabab militants.

The protesters, mostly women and children and wearing traditional white clothes, chanted slogans denouncing the al-Qaeda-inspired group.

The BBC’s Mohammed Olad Hassan says this is only the second public demonstration against al-Shabab, which controls much of southern Somalia.

The protesters shouted their support for the UN-backed government.

Mohyadin Hassan Afrah, who helped organise the protest in one of Mogadishu’s few government-controlled districts, says people were upset at a move by al-Shabab to destroy the tombs of revered Sufi clerics.

map showing areas under Islamist control

Al-Shabab follows the strict Saudi Arabian-inspired Wahhabi interpretation of Islam, rather than the Sufi Islam of many Somalis.

“We call for a holy war against them,” said Sheikh Somow, from the Sufi Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama group, which recently stuck a deal with the government.

Mr Afrah also said he was marching to protest at al-Shabab’s use of foreign fighters.

Our reporter says fighters from Pakistan, Yemen and North Africa have travelled to Somalia to join al-Shabab.

Dozens of government troops watched the march and fired shots into the sky.

Some of the demonstrators carried posters with slogan such as “Down with al-Shabab” and carried “Support Peace and Government”.

“We have been forced out of our houses because of the violence instigated by al-Shabab. We are here to support the government and make our voices against them heard,” said one of the marchers, Hawo Abdulle Aden.

About half of Mogadishu’s population have fled their homes.

The country has been torn by conflict since 1991.

Source: BBC News – 29 March 2010

Sufi Group Vows To Rid Somalia Of Radical Islamists

0

Nairobi, 29 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – A leader of a moderate Sufi militia group that signed a power-sharing deal with the Western-backed Somali government this month has vowed to rid the country of radical Islamists.

The government brought Ahlu Sunna Waljamaca on board ahead of an expected military push against hardline Islamist rebels threatening to topple the administration.

“Together, we are going to eliminate radical Islamists from the country. We will confront Shabaab directly not through the media,” Chairman Maalim Muhamud told Reuters.

Muhamud said his group, which controls large swathes of central Somalia, had the capacity with the government, to ruin al Shabaab, which professes loyalty to al Qaeda and holds vast areas in the south and the capital.

In January this year, al Shabaab, which seeks to impose a strict version of Islamic sharia law in Somalia, attacked Ahlu Sunna’s positions in a bid to take control of strategic towns, but the Sufis defended them successfully.

Under the deal signed between the group and the government of President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, Ahlu Sunna will get five ministerial posts and appoint the army’s deputy chief of staff.

The Sufis’ quarrel with the rebels is mainly ideological.

Somalia has a rich Sufi tradition going back more than five centuries. Sufis have been angered by the desecration of graves, the beheading of clerics, and bans on celebrating the birth of the Prophet imposed by the hardline Wahhabi insurgents.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

The latest round of grave attacks occurred this week in Mogadishu after similar incidents in Kismayu and Baidoa in the south and in other areas, over the last two years.

“This is an unacceptable matter. The ones who are doing this are not true Muslims, they are far from the religion. We must launch a jihad against them,” Muhamud said, adding there were passages in the Koran allowing them to kill those who destroy graves.

Shabaab dismisses deal

An al Shabaab official said the alliance between the Sufis and government would not impact the balance of power.

“We have heard from the media about the deal they signed in Addis Ababa, but it will not have any impact on us. Our Mujahedeen are ready and are well trained,” Sheikh Ali Hussein, chairman of al Shabaab in the capital told reporters.

The deal between Ahlu Sunna and the government was opposed by several members of the militia group, including Muhamud’s deputy, Hassan Qorey, who says they were not well represented in talks that led to the agreement.

“Yes there are some Ahlu Sunna Waljamaca scholars who are opposed to the deal we have signed but we are going to solve our problems through talking to the rest of our group,” Muhamud said. “On the government side there is also some opposition, so we hope the other side will also do so.”

The chairman would travel to Mogadishu this week for a meeting of a joint technical committee of the alliance on implementing the power sharing deal, he said.

Somalia has had no effective central government for 19 years and Western nations and neighbours say the country is used as a shelter by militant’s intent on launching attacks in the region and further afield.

The Islamists launched their insurgency at the start of 2007 to drive out Ethiopian troops propping up the government. Ethiopians left at the start of 2009 but the conflict continued.

A smaller rebel group, Hizbul Islam, has an alliance with the al Shabaab in Mogadishu, where the government has been hemmed into a few blocks since a rebel offensive last May.

Source: Reuters

Was It Only Bashir Goth Who Supported Somali Unity In Early 90s?

0

HARGEISA, 29 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Of course not! Be it the Somali National Movement (SNM) which bitterly fought against the former Somali dictator Gen. Mohammed Siad Barre’s brutal regime in late 80s, SNM supporters or its proponents, chauvinistically and overwhelmingly Northern Somalis supported Somali unity before 1991. But today a different picture emerges in the North—Somaliland. What went wrong? Or what went right?

Before the fall of Somalia’s junta regime in 1990, SNM and its counterpart: the United Somali Congress (USC) of Southern Somalia agreed to establish a unity government as soon as Gen. Barre’s regime collapses.

But no sooner did Gen. Barre flee the country than USC formed its own government where Ali Mahdi took the presidential seat. Just like the 1960, Southern leaders divided leadership roles among themselves, as if the North didn’t exist. Soon a rift between Ali Mahdi and Gen. Mohammed Farah Aided, the commander of the USC, brewed. What ensued was a savage, tribal war between Southern Somalis.

To the North, SNM predicted that it would take decades—in fact it may take centuries—before Southern Somalis settle their differences, so it convened a conference in Bura’o, the second largest city in Somaliland. After the conference, Somaliland’s independence was announced in May 18, 1991.

Although SNM proponents signed Bura’o reconciliation conference and agreed to independence, they may have done so to avert more bloodshed. But the Borame city’s, in Awdal region of Somaliland, conference in 1996 was one of the most important meetings which led to a lasting peace in Somaliland.

Despite the independence announcement in 1991, just like Bashir Goth—a professional Somaliland journalist—undoubtedly the majority of Somaliland people including myself supported Somali unity. Today overwhelmingly Somalilanders, however, support Somaliland’s sovereignty. What has caused the change of heart?

The factors that led Somalilanders to pursue independence tirelessly:

After the barbaric war between Ali Mahdi and Gen. Aided, a savage killing which lasted over a decade, many Northerners detested Southern leaders’ mindless feuds and abandoned Somalia to resurrect itself.

The fourteen consecutive failed Somali regimes parachuted into Mogadishu, was indeed the second reason that many Somalilanders pushed for independence. Also, all fourteen regimes—despite managing to control only few blocks of Mogadishu neighborhoods—not only remained hostile towards Somaliland and claimed an imaginary authority over its territory, but they also undertook a diplomatic crusade against Somaliland’s recognition.

Hundreds of malignant, deceptive, nefarious literature published against Somaliland by none other than the so-called pro-unity Somali groups has indeed forced many Somalilanders to ask themselves: were these the same people we shared a country with from 1960 to 1991? These pro-unity groups made every possible effort to disintegrate Somaliland along tribal enclaves. For instance, they refuse to accept colonial borders, but they want to draw tribal boundaries. Their hatemongering as well as warmongering tactics masqueraded as a pro-unity campaign remains the paradox that Somali unity lost steam. More than ever before, thousands of determined and unwavering Somalilanders joined the efforts to achieve independence. Read the article entitled, “Somaliland: Why Somali Unity Case Won’t Fly?” http://www.qarannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4096&Itemid=65

Additionally, the repeated terrorist attacks against Somaliland in which dozens of innocent citizens as well as foreign nationals lost their lives not only shocked peace-loving Somaliland people but also compelled them to refuse to touch Somalia with a ten-foot pole much less join it. Read more about how some Somalis left no stones unturned to wipe Somaliland off the map. http://www.americanchronicle.com/authors/view/4458

It was not just the terrorist attacks that alienated Somalilanders but also the hostile attitudes of many Somalis towards Somaliland delivered the final blows to Somali unity. Let me share with you a true story: in 2003 a dozen friends of mine and I departed from Ottawa to Toronto to participate the Somali week events held in Toronto.

During the festival, among other events, spectacular soccer tournaments were held. In the final match, a team from Scarborough area—a Toronto neighborhood where most Somaliland-Canadians settle—and another one whose members were Somali-Canadians competed. Somali flags were everywhere, but no sings of Somaliland flag appeared. As the Somali-Canadian team scored its first goal against its opponents, Somali flag-waving citizens were jubilant. You could see hundreds if not thousands of people waving Somalia’s blue flag. We were all happy to see the flag and hoped that Somalia will be revived soon. Nostalgia and reminisces of good old days—spectacular soccer matches in Mogadishu’s stadium crept into the ecstatic flag-waving fans’ minds.

But once the Somaliland-Canadian team scored an equalizing goal: it was as if the lights went out. A young player took the Somaliland flag and sprinted from one corner of the stadium to the other. And then the unexpected happened: as soon as the Somaliland flag appeared, the crowd not only booed but also got violent.

I remember a man at his early fifties carrying a box of Tim Horton’s timbits for his children. As he walked towards his kids, he noticed the Somaliland flag. He swung the box so furiously at 360 degrees—ooh lord have mercy on us, there goes another Mooryaan—timbits were scattered all over the crowd. Hissing and huffing with anger, “Curse upon you and your flag.” he stated. (Mooryan: anarchist.)

Shortly after, two events that followed the hateful reaction towards the Somaliland flag imprinted an ever-lasting impression in my mind. First, a good friend of mine who hails from Sool region of Somaliland but resolutely opposed its independence was so upset that he told the crowd: “If a gay flag was waved, none of you would dare to say anything against it, but once a flag that represents an entire section of Somali society—a flag that has the name of God and our prophet’s (pbuh) —is waved you spit out curses.” “This is what makes me a Somalilander as of this second.” he added.

But more important, a little girl, about six years old, whose parents also hail from Somaliland, asked her mother, “Mom why do they hate us.” Her mother, holding the Somaliland flag with one hand and the other one with her daughter, responded, “They hate us for the same reasons that they hate one another and can’t get their act together in Somalia.” The mother and her daughter stormed out of the stadium and so did hundreds of Somaliland-Canadians. These deep animosities, yet no one fully grasps where they emanate from, pushed Somalilanders farther.

The economic embargo against Somaliland—Arab regimes banned to import Somaliland’s livestock as to force Hargeisa—Somaliland capital—to recommit to another gunshot marriage with Mogadishu but they looted Somaliland’s rich marine resources unabatedly—was yet another factor. The embargo, an economic holocaust, was not only a counter-productive strategy but—if any thing—it also expedited Somalilanders’ quest for independence.

Over fifty percent of Somaliland population cannot relate to Somalia. They have been born after 1991 and never seen a war, with the exception of the brief inter-clan war in 1995. The only country they have been known is Somaliland. These young generations remain clueless about Somalia. They neither feel nostalgic for, nor reminisce Somalia’s glorious days.

Above all, the brutality of the Somali regime against Somaliland people in the 80s when all major cities were pulverized to dust and over 60, 000 civilians were slaughtered still lingers in the minds of many citizens. And just as there is no assurance that similar atrocities will be averted in the near future, so too there is no guarantee that Somaliland will join Somalia in the next thousand years. Or put it differently: just as hastily we joined Somalia in 1960, so too simply we divorced Mogadishu in 1991. Plain and simple!

It was the preceding deep animosities towards the people of Somaliland which pushed them to the point of no return. Today, evidently those who resolutely opposed Somaliland’s independence in the 90s are now chauvinistically supporting it. Why? The reason is: Somaliland is the only hope. Also, it dawned on many Somalilanders that not only did they get the shaft in power sharing in 1960, but also their country remained underdeveloped and their people were used as the bulwark against each other. For instance, only 3% of Aid reached Somaliland. But two-thirds of Somali National Army was stationed in Somaliland (how generous) to suppress the population. Somaliland possessed far more army ammunition depots than food distribution centers—where there was a shortage of food, there were a plenty of bullets for Somalilanders to murder one another. Without a doubt, the preceding factors and other reasons compelled Mr. Goth and I, as well as other citizens to change our views towards Somaliland.

Now, Mr. Goth’s recent article infuriates Somalis and Somalilanders alike. His article entitled, “Somaliland: America’s underestimated friend” offends some Somalis because he either implies or states the obvious: Somalia—an anarchic land where piracy and human trafficking are unabated, where its war-ravaged and bullet-riddled capital Mogadishu (or Muuqdisho) is under vicious warlords and savage terrorists’ thumb, where Somalia’s seabed is used as the dumping ground for nuclear waste, where its rich marine resources are pillaged by European and Asian invading fishing fleets—the vicious and voracious vultures of the “civilized” world—who also hypocritically under false pretext of curbing piracy deploy their mighty navies—NATO and other trespassers—into Somalia’s waters to protect their lucrative multi-million dollar illicit fishing industry as well as their inexpensive waste disposal programs. So much for the hollow mantra of protecting humanity and curbing piracy! Dear NATO nations and Asian sea-food fanatics keep raping and looting Somalia as much as you can. But spare inundating us with your four-letter word: “humanity”. (See the article: “Somalia: Piracy vs. Blind Western Justice” http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=11445 ) (Muuqdisho: horrible place to look at.)

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

Equally, Mr. Goth’s article irks Somalilanders because he compares Somaliland with a country that sank ten feet into the ground, into a state of disgrace. That is: Somalia. Why not equate Somaliland’s progress with that of Djibouti, Ethiopia, or other nations, I ask you, Mr. Goth? (I too would be furious if I was compared with the lowest scum on earth.)

In response to his article, a reader named Mohamud Ahmed wrote a piece entitled, “Hypocritical praise: Response to Mr. Goth’s comments on Somaliland”. Although Mr. Goth was just used as a smokescreen, Mr. Ahmed’s frustration stems from Somaliland’s presence in Sool region—no need to read between the lines at all. But I will only shed a light on some quotes from a book written by Mr. Goth perhaps in early 90s, when we overwhelmingly supported Somali unity and were apprehensive about what the dozen rebel groups—some without any agendas, others aiming the presidential seat—waging wars against Gen. Siad Barre’s rogue regime might bring to Somalia. Back then, for some citizens the future looked bleak; for others, they felt liberated.

Take as an example, Mr. Goth, as a proponent of SNM, was understandably apprehensive about what SNM could bring to a war-ravaged and impoverished Somaliland, with of course revengeful feuding tribes. He perhaps perceived SNM as the typical African machete-wielding rebel group which would slaughter its opponents by the thousands. I, on the other hand, as a supporter of SNM enthusiastically welcomed the rebel forces and considered them as Mujahedeen. However, neither Mr. Goth nor I was wrong or correct. The views we held were based on our perceptions and how the events unfolded back then.

Mr. Goth and I were at different extremes in the 90s but shared one thing in common: we supported Somali unity. Today, we are on the same page and have something else in common: we advocate for Somaliland’s recognition.

Now coming back to the drawing board, Mr. Ahmed uses quotes from Mr. Goth’s book which clearly explain Mr. Goth’s support for Somali unity in the days of the civil war and uncertainty.

As Mr. Ahmed details in his article quotes from the book: “The unity of Somalia is one which is based on people having one culture, one language, one religion and one national integrity. And no single clan however powerful they assume themselves to be will never be able to nudge let alone move the mountain of Somali Nationalism,” writes Mr. Goth in his book— “Awdal Phenomenon”

Of course, in the 90s Mr. Goth thought that the “sacred” Somali unity (or the holy cow) was untouchable; similarly, countless Somalilanders supported Somali unity in the 80s and 90s. The concept of “greater Somalia” (Somaliwayn or Silicwayn) was in the minds of many citizens.

Mr. Ahmed takes more quotes from the book: “Today, the civil war ragging on in the North of Somalia is an Issaq monitored war aimed at annihilating all the other Somali clans existing in the area, so that the Issaq cherished dream of creating an Issaq Independent State, could be achieved. I am sure, many foreign people who were misled by the false propaganda published by the SNM would reconsider their positions towards the SNM.”

In the 90s if I were Mr. Goth, I too would not trust SNM or its supporters. Understandably, it would have been foolish for Mr. Goth to fall for the agendas of those he perceived as a threat to his region of Awdal. In fact, in early 90s Somaliland existed only in the regions controlled by Issaq tribes, so of course, it resembled a tribal entity. That is, Mr. Goth feared SNM; SNM feared Mr. Goth.

Mr. Goth adds, “As Somalis strived towards the idea of nationhood, it has been the Issaq clan that stood alone in resisting the unity of the Somali people. Like …who throws a tantrum when he does not get his own way, the Issaq clan has repeatedly displayed the selfish shortsightedness and violence of such …outbursts but with dire consequences.”

The preceding statement is based on personal opinion, not on scientific facts. And Mr. Goth is entitled to his opinion. In all fairness to Mr. Goth, however, SNM supporters equally called the people of Awdal offensive and derogatory terms such as, “Faqash”; however, Mr. Goth’s statement has little to do with offending Issaq tribes but has something to do with his frustration towards how haplessly events unfolded during the civil war. In the 80s and 90s, the term “Faqash” was abused and misused so much that even a random bird dropping was characterized as the work of “Faqash”. (Faqash has only one meaning: it used towards any one suspected working for or collaborating with Gen. Barre’s regime.)

Mr. Ahmed continues to take quotes from Mr. Goth’s book: “When the Northern part of Somalia won independence on 26 June, 1960, the United Somali Party (USP) which had the Gadabursi and the Dhulbahante clans behind it called for an immediate reunion with the South which was under the Italian rule. Again it was the Issaq of the SNL who with instructions from the British government severely fought the idea of unification. And against their will the two Somali parts united to form a single state on 1st of July 1960.” In 2010 Mr. Goth tells us the opposite: “… Somaliland, a country that gained its independence from Britain in 1960 and has become a full member of the United Nations before it joined the Italian colonized South in a union that brought them only destruction and misery.” Mr. Goth writes.

Again, the preceding Mr. Goth’s statement is based on personal views. Understandably, Gadabursi and the Dhulbahante clans had every good reason to rush into establishing a Somali unity, if that was the case. After all, if Somaliland remained an independent nation after 1960, both clans had concerns about Issaq tribes dominating the leadership. The notion of unbreakable, tribal bond was stronger than super glue in the 60s than it is today. On the other hand, Gadabursi and Dhulbahante clans could not have joined Somalia without Issaq tribes’ support.

Additionally, Mr. Ahmed accuses of Mr. Goth for supporting Somaliland because the President Mr. Dahir Rayale Kahin hails from the same clan as Mr. Goth’s. Contrary to popular belief, Mr. Goth indeed remains an outspoken critic of Mr. Kahin’s government. In an article entitled, “An open letter to Mr. Dahir Rayale Kahin, President of Somaliland”, Mr. Goth urges the president to step down gracefully. Unambiguously, Mr. Goth states, “My cousin, Mr. President, let go with dignity “.

Other articles lashing out Mr. Goth for his “unholy” conduct: advocating for peace, democracy, and sovereignty in Somaliland are decorated on many websites. Some “writers” label him as a man who deploys a poisonous pen. See the personal attack entitled, “Mr. Goth’s Article Represents an Old Disease“. And for reasons that baffle the average sane person, some Somalis mistake any writer who defends Somalia for someone who promotes Somali unity. In that case, Mr. Goth and I are the biggest unionists because we speak against raping the hapless creature—Somalia. But when things are tough, hysteria does some wonders, doesn’t it?

Similarly, just like Mr. Goth, countless other citizens who initially opposed Somaliland’s independence, for instance Somalia’s last Foreign Minister, Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe), eventually either joined Somaliland’s top leadership ranks or supported its quest for independence. Mr. Aden once warned the world against the recognition of Somaliland. But years later, he became the speaker of Somaliland’s parliament. Read the article entitled, “Somalia’s Last Foreign Minister Warns Somaliland on Secession”.

Also, the former SNM fighters, their proponents, and Gen. Siad Barre’s officials are not only found in Somaliland’s ruling party UDUB but they are also in the opposition groups, KULMIYE and UCID. Somaliland has come along way.

To sum up, Mr. Goth—a prominent Somaliland journalist—is perhaps the most outspoken writer against Somaliland’s isolation. He vigorously campaigns for Somaliland’s independence because just like many of its citizens it dawned on him that the hasty union between Somaliland and Somalia in 1960 was the biggest blunder. From 1960 to present, fifty years of setback, thousands of lives perished, and billions of dollars lost—never again will Somaliland recommit itself to another gunshot marriage with Somalia. We must press ahead.

The quotes from his book reflect on how the events unfolded in the 80s and 90s. Just like him, we all shared uncertainty about other fellow citizens because that was how Gen. Barre’s regime programmed our society: putting our people against each other so he could govern our land and its people with an iron-fist rule.

Somaliland people were victimized twice: first, nothing was developed in any of the six Somaliland provinces. Only 3% of Aid reached Somaliland; 97%, Southern Somalia. Second, Somaliland people were divided between Hutus and Tutsis where they remained at each other’s throat during Gen. Barre’s regime. Divided and conquered they were. As hopeless as a flock of sheep waiting to be slaughtered, Somalilanders watched as their country was razed to the ground where the survivors fled in droves. It is this dark history and what ensued that reshaped our thinking.

As for Mr. Goth, perhaps he is one of the few brave writers who express his thoughts without fear of retribution. As a writer, he supposed to be daring and provocative. What about other citizens who hold a malignant, tribal dogma towards other fellow Somalilanders because of their tribal lineages? Sadly, some of them could be at the helm of our nation. Also, should we encourage our citizens to share their views on current events just to lynch them few decades later for speaking their minds?

Also, some people are baffled why Mr. Goth abandoned his unity conviction. They accuse him of flip flopping. Well, just as many people adore, respect, and admire their spouses but scorn, abhor, and vilify them after bitter divorces, so too Somalilanders, like Mr. Goth, changed their hearts and minds and no longer view Somalia: as their soul mate. (So long babygirl; you been dropped like a bad habit.)

It would be foolish for the upcoming Somaliland government, if it doesn’t nominate Mr. Goth for the Minister of Information’s post. His powerful and persuasive literature—indeed—put Somaliland on the map. Bravo, my countryman.

Written By:
Dalmar Kaahin
dalmar_k@yahoo.com

____________________________________________________________________________________
Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial