HARGEISA, 08 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – The UN Secretary-General’s special representative to Somalia, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah has not answered reporters’ questions concerning his involvement in the crafting of a 15-page “Memorandum of Understanding” that would give Kenya rights to drill for oil off the Somali continental shelf, extending for 200 miles.
Some analysts claim that Nairobi applied to the UN for an extension of its maritime border, by claiming larger sectors of the continental shelf which would impact on drilling rights for the region’s mineral potential.
The press asked Mr. Ould-Abdallah if it was a conflict of interest for the UN to involve itself in assisting the Somalis in engaging the Norwegian government to pay its fees for the filing of the MOA; and if his role in the matter constituted a conflict of interest.
Mr. Ould-Abdallah said that all questions should be posed to the officials in the UN Development Program. To date no one from UNDP has responded to reporters questions; nor have any other high-level officials. The spokesperson for Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon explained to The Final Call that the special envoy had indeed given a sufficient answer.
The government of Norway, through its UN Mission was the only one to answer, saying helping Somalia file its paperwork was something they have done to help several African nations, but refused to say what other African nations they have helped. Norway is the world’s seventh largest oil exporting nation in the world.
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Gerald Lemelle, executive director of the Washington-based think tank, Africa Action tells The Final Call that what we are witnessing at the UN is the “historic” Western concept on how to have a relationship with Africa after colonialism.
“Nations such as Norway had to figure out a way to maintain control over African resources, so they use Security Council resolutions, and African proxies such as Kenya (reportedly Norway paid $200m to Kenya for the MOA),” he said. “At the heart of Western intervention in Somalia, which has been a geo-political football, is the battle for its oil,” Mr. Lemelle said.
He said that in today’s climate of transparency, Western powers are using the UN-created Transitional Federal Government, “a government with no legitimacy” in Somalia to do the bidding of the oil corporations.
The interim government announced back in 2005 it would start offering concessions for oil, gas and mineral rights, not just for exploration but also for marketing. However, the leadership of that government was replaced by the U.S. and UN in 2007.
And the new administration of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed wasted no time in getting down to business by signing a partnership agreement with Kuwait and Indonesia, with Somalia getting a 51 percent interest in the corporation, according to International Oil and Gas News.
Analysts and activists such as Sadia Aden, a Virginia-based human rights advocate and Prof. Abdi Ismail Samitar, a Somali advocate at the Univ. of Minn., say the UN has engaged in leading Western nations in an attempt to control Somali resources. The foreign navies that patrol Somali seas against pirates are really there to exploit the resources of Somalia, mainly its oil reserves and natural gas; and have been given permission to do so by the UN Security Council, Ms. Aden told The Final Call.
“Somalis know that these navies did not come to hunt and prosecute pirates but to divide the Somali seas, and to protect their interests as they hope to divide up our resources—not just in the ocean, but also on land,” Ms. Aden added.
Prof. Samitar told The Final Call that the MOA caused an uproar in Mogadishu; and that the 245-member Somali Parliament voted unanimously against it. “This is not a real government, so they lack the authority to implement or enter into agreements,” the professor insisted.
Prof. Samitar said that the TFG was beholding to Kenya and its Western backers because of a lack of financial resources; and therefore, the interim government lacks the ability to protect the interests of the Somali people.
Oil industry analysts were saying back in the early 1980s there was evidence of a natural trough of oil that extended across the Red Sea from Yemen into Somalia. Before the over-throw of Somali Pres. Siad Barre in 1991, tens of millions had been sunk into oil wells in Somalia, the largest investment by a Texas-based company, CONOCO.
The U.S. Energy Information Administration reports that while Somalia is considered by many experts in the oil industry as being the last frontier for the “Black Gold” in Eastern Africa; there is no creditable evidence of large reserves of oil; however, there is a sizable reserve of natural gas.
A 2004 report by HAN DATA & Information Background: “Strategic Mining & Oil in Somalia” stated there were precious metals such as copper, gold, zinc and silver, including iron ore, bauxite and gypsum in the Horn of Africa nation.
The UN has been hearing from pro-African activist organizations such as Africa Action, according to Mr. Lemelle, on their role in giving away large tracks of land in Africa to the multi-national corporations; and their backing of dubious contracts that give away African resources. “We want to know who authorizes these contracts,” he said.
HARGEISA, 08 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Three sailors from the Seychelles held by Somali pirates for seven months were freed on Sunday, only to be arrested by authorities in Puntland and accused of being part of an illegal prisoner swap.
Puntland, the semi-autonomous north of Somalia, said it detained the sailors, five Kenyans, an Australian and a Briton when their two planes landed at an airport to refuel before leaving the country.
Puntland said the aircraft had earlier landed at an airstrip near a pirate haven elsewhere in the region. It said 23 suspected pirates had been handed over to other gunmen and friends and the three sailors had been taken away in exchange.
“These persons, who were involved in pirate smuggling and ransom transfer, had no legal clearance to land in Puntland and are now under criminal investigation,” the Puntland government said in a statement on Monday.
Seychelles said on Monday it had released and repatriated 23 Somalis arrested in its waters on suspicion of piracy because it did not have sufficient evidence to bring them to trial.
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The government denied it had paid any ransom for its freed sailors, or that there had been a prisoner exchange. It said using the same aircraft for both operations made sense.
“We are not in the business of human trafficking or making exchanges. This was the most cost-effective option. We have had to pick up most of the costs of repatriating the 23 Somalis,” said Joel Morgan, minister for the environment, natural resources and transport.
“We believe we have followed all the correct procedures to repatriate our three citizens who have been held against their will and international law for the last seven months,” Morgan, who heads the Seychelles anti-piracy task force, told Reuters.
MAY FACE TRIAL
Piracy is still rampant off the Horn of Africa, with sea gangs defying the foreign navies patrolling the strategic shipping lanes linking Asia with Europe.
Puntland is used as a base by many of the pirates despite pledges by the authorities to crack down on the gangs.
Pirate attacks worldwide more than doubled to 240 during the first half of 2009, driven by a surge in hijackings in the waters off the Horn of Africa, according to an International Maritime Bureau’s Piracy Reporting Centre report in July.
Maritime security groups warned in May of a surge in the number of pirate “mother ships” operating in the Seychelles archipelago’s expansive territorial waters.
Two vessels flying the Indian Ocean nation’s flag have been hijacked this year, while an Italian cruise ship fended off an assault in April in Seychelles’ waters.
Puntland said the 10 people arrested would be brought before a court once the police investigation had been completed.
“Puntland government remains unwavering in its opposition to ransom payments and its commitment in the fight against piracy,” its statement said.
Seychelles said the return flight was experiencing delays in Puntland, but that the government was in contact with the authorities there and the holdup was expected to be resolved.
HARGEISA, 08 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Ngonge A. will be writing to Somalilandpress about his experience in Somaliland and will be offering tips to anyone who may want to visit the unrecognized republic along the way – discover Somaliland from the experience of a person on his first ever trip home.
On the 14th of April 2009, I expectantly sat in Dubai airport waiting for the plane that would take me to Djibouti! Next to me, sat an old but very pretty Djiboutian lady. She was carrying lots of hand luggage when we first met and I, rather foolishly, offered to help her carry them into the airport. I was stuck with her for the rest of the journey!
The flight was supposed to take off at three in the morning but we were required to check in at midnight. We checked in on time, the flight did not take off on time. After eight hours of waiting, we finally were ushered to our hastily arranged plane (turns out the original plane had problems and the Somali Airline had to quickly hire a new plane). As we all took our seats and readied for the journey to Djibouti, our pilot welcomed us into the plane and announced that we should reach Hungary in five hours and a few minutes. Suddenly, there was complete silence in the plane and we could only hear the sound of rustling bottoms on seats. Then all hell broke loose and (those who understood) started arguing about being on the wrong plane! The hubbub, arguments and complaints were deafening. The people behind me were tabbing me on the shoulder and asking me what the pilot said. The people next to me were asking me to repeat the answer and the people in front turned around and told me that I must have heard him wrong. Someone on the other side shouted that he heard the wrong message too. There was total and utter pandemonium.
Someone must have alerted the pilot about his mistake. He spoke to us again and apologized. He informed us that this was the correct plane and that we were going to Djibouti and not Hungary!
The cabin crew started walking around the plane and ensuring that everyone had their seat belts on. One air host noticed that four seats in front of me had five people sitting on them. He told them that one will have to get up and go sit in an empty seat in the back. They refused. He insisted that they do so. They refused! He told them that what they were doing was against health and safety regulations, they told him that they were Somali and that such regulations did not apply to them. He tried to explain that each seat had only one oxygen mask and that in the event of an emergency one of the five will be left without a gas mask! They told him that they will share! He told them that what they were doing was very dangerous when some fat bald man in the back jumped up and told him that we were SOMALI and that we did not fear death! The poor airhost told him not to speak of death and such things when we were about to embark on a journey that would take us ten thousand feet in the air! The man shrugged and reminded him that we were SOMALI and MUSLIM, we do not fear death!
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I started wondering to myself if I was doing the right thing by going on holiday to a place full of people such as my proud fellow passenger! I was beginning to regret this holiday before it even started. But hope flooded right back when someone chided the crazy five and ordered them (though he obviously had no authority over them) to move seats (if I recall correctly, he had a very distinct Burco accent). They listened and moved seats. The air host went to inform the pilot that everything was Ok and that we were ready to go.
We landed in Djibouti three hours later and were ushered by a very troubled man to the transit section of the airport (though I, and they, do stretch the word a little by referring to that sardine box as an airport). The immigration staff here are some of the angriest and rudest you could ever hope to meet. For some strange reason, they all seem to be females. They came across as very haughty and proud. I could not help wondering if they were the spoilt daughters of some Djiboutian millionaires that were robbed of their rich container ships by a few Somali pirates (it would have explained the special treatment all the Somalis were getting at the hands of these precious ladies).
We were supposed to wait at the airport for two hours before catching our flight to Hargeisa. What could one who was stuck in that hut masquerading as an airport do? I went to the toilet. There were only two cubicles. Both dirty and both full of deposits that some hurried passengers already left behind. I smiled as I examined the smelly brown stuff and wondered if this act of defiance was not deliberate after all. I considered adding my own token of appreciation to Djibouti’s finest building. Darn my chronic constipation!
I sat on a chair and watched my fellow passengers milling about and questioning each other about their eventual destinations or their adopted countries. We had the full compliment, Americans, Brits, Italians, Canadians, Norwegians and even one coming from China! I foolishly revealed that this was my first ever trip home. They bombarded me with advice, tips and far too many tricks. In the middle of this noise, I heard someone shout something as he walked past us. I asked the man next to me but he said he did not hear anything. I continued listening to the conversation and all the advice. Some were telling me I will have great fun and some were saying I made a great mistake.
An airport worker came to us and asked if anyone was going to Hargeisa. I told him I did. He told me off and asked me to hurry. It turns out that the shout I did not hear earlier was for my flight. The people I was sat with were taking an entirely different flight (so much for their empty advice).
I hurried behind the man and was pushed into a full bus that was already waiting for ten minutes. People were grumbling about my lateness and telling me that I almost missed the plane. I sheepishly apologised and tried to block their voices out. We were driven to a mighty plane and we climbed the stairs to find ourselves inside the only place in the world that was uglier than Djibouti airport! Even though this was a propeller plane, it did not look too bad from the outside. It was clean and looked new. But, on the inside, it was a tip! The chairs were loose, the seat belts did not work and the brave Somalis that claimed they did not fear death on our earlier flight were now reciting any and every verse of the quran they knew!
The Russian pilot closed the door after the last passenger had entered the plane. He actually closed it with his own hands. There was no sophisticated button to press, no ground crew to close it from the outside and, unlike other airplanes, it was not hidden from view. He stood there right in front of all of us and closed the door. A few helpful Somalis got up and tried to help him close it but he gestured them away with his free hand!
The Somali airhost who must have fancied himself as some sort of master of ceremonies welcomed us aboard and give us the usual information about the flight, the temperature outside and the various destinations of this plane (it turns out that it was going to Mogadishu too).
Five minutes later, we took off! Our next stop, Hargeisa……..
HARGEISA, 08 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – In the early 1990s, “it was hoped that the introduction of new constitutions with a two-term limit on power would consign the ‘big man’ syndrome of African politics to history.” The political culture on the continent has transformed considerably since the end of the Cold War. Conversely, the attraction of power remains a strong motivating factor for many leaders. Undeniably, current years have witnessed a number of heads of state attempting to extend their tenure beyond the constitutionally permitted number of terms, or uphold power via a back-door strategy of hand-picking a docile successor and remaining in the powerful post of the chairman of the country’s dominant political party.
Somaliland which is unrecognized has followed this democratic trail in order to transform the African political culture. After the collapse of the dictatorial regime in the former Somalia, Somaliland reconsidered its political destiny and changed the African political tradition of the ‘Big Man’ term to a limited tenure. Since then, Somaliland has been referred as an example of the revival of vanished democratic regimes in Africa. It was in 2003 when the current president of Somaliland was elected as the first democratically elected president since the 1960s. Before that, it was predicted that such a move will result the understanding of the new political tradition in Africa.
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After the end of the constitutional term of the president, the House of Elders held a session for the extension of the president to another term. This has negatively reacted been to the opposition parties who argued that the extension was unconstitutional. However, there was no formal constitutional case opened before the Constitutional Court of Somaliland for the adjudication of the matter. As result, the supreme body which the constitution obliges to monitor and interpret any constitutional dispute has become silent. Since then, there has been a political calamity in Somaliland which still lacks a joint and collective accord. Therefore, this article will explore the legal aspect of the previous presidential extensions. Secondly, the article will assume that there may not be election which will be held on 27 September 2009. Thirdly, the article will critically scrutinize the constitutional arguments of the government and opposition leaders. And finally, the article will forecast the role of the constitution in such a crisis and will attempt to unearth a constitutional solution to this political crisis
The constitutionality of the extension of the presidential term
Most post-cold war African constitutions do not legalize an extension of presidential term through constitutional process. Unlike other countries, Somaliland inserted an article in its constitution which provides the extension of the president and the vice president for an unspecified term of office. Importantly, the constitution sets pre-requests for the extension of the term of the president. Article 83 (5) provides that, ‘if is not possible, due to the circumstances related to the security and stability, to hold the elections of the President and the vice president when their term of office ends; the House of Elders must increase the duration of their powers while taking into account the time in which it is possible to overcome these difficulties and to hold the election’. The article mandates the House to exercise their constitutional powers to extend the term of the president and the vice president of the country to another term in which they are able to organize and hold elections. In this article there is a pre-requisite that needs to be encountered before the House extends the tenure. Security and stability which can be regarded as interchangeable terms are the key requirements of possible constitutionally permitted extension.
On 8 April 2008 the House of Elders held a session to debate and discuss the possibility of the extension of the president and the vice president of the Republic. Eventually the House deliberated as follows:
‘–the Guurti realizing the elections not meeting their schedule because of different reasons, the biggest one of which was the disagreement on the creation and approving of NEC, as well as Kulmiye party not naming their rightful candidate for a long time. Likewise, understanding the impossibility of holding elections without voter registration, the members of the [House] underline that the planning for the registration, budget, securing the funding, attaining of modern technical know‐how remain the main reasons the election not meeting their deadline. On the other hand the House believes the impossibility of holding elections without voter registration because of insecurity that might arise to hold elections without knowing and registering those casting their votes. Therefore, the extension of the President and the Vice‐president term was based on these reasons which are in agreement with article 83 Paragraph 5 of the Constitution of Somaliland.
The House further stated that:
‘The conditions relating to security in the eastern regions of Somaliland where there is insecurity. Secondly, the pressure and constant interference coming from the authority that intend to come back to the areas in Somaliland that they were pushed from and are mobilizing themselves. Thirdly, the population in the eastern regions need time for reconciliation among themselves so that an atmosphere that enable them to participate in the voter registration and local and presidential elections which they did not directly participate before be attained. It is constitutionally imperative and sacrosanct that elections take place in all the regions and districts of the Republic of Somaliland so that territorial integrity of the country is secured.
As the article states the only constitutional justification that the Guurti can extend their term of the president and the vice president is for security purposes. Security means that there is no possibility that the election can take with peaceful means. A similar case happened during the war between the collapsed state of Somalia and the former dictatorial regime of Ethiopia. At the time there was a slogan which could reflect the security situation of the country. Hold your guns on one hand while you are using the other for voting. These following should be met when analysing security as a constitutional justification for the extension of the term of the president and vice president
• Interstate war
• Intrastate war
• Civil disobedience
• Natural disasters
Therefore, the constitutional justifications mentioned in the decision made by the House of Elders in which they used to extend the current regime are contrary to Article 83 (5) of the Constitution.
The feasibility of the presidential election
In 2008 the NEC and the international community represented by Interpeace agreed that they should prepare the voter registration list which theoretically will make sure that fair and free elections are held. Beginning in October, 2008, Interpeace collaborated with NEC and the current regime to begin the voter registration process. Due to unforeseen discrepancies and alleged multiple votes in this system, however, the Commission has suspended the voter registration list on the grounds that it is not valid and inaccurate. The oppositional leaders contended this decision and argued that the Commission cannot unilaterally suspend the list. On the contrary, the president and the Commission argued that they have the legal authority to suspend the list in which they alleged that it is invalid and incorrect. This legal tension has changed into a political confrontation between opposition leaders on the one hand and the Commission and the president on the other hand. Previously the three political parties and the government agreed that the election date would be 27 September 2009. This date may not be logic for free and fair election. It is there forecasted that the election may not be feasible to be held the proposed date due to the political conflict between the contesters. Therefore, the paper assumes that the election may not happen on the agreed date and then as result of this, the extended term of the president and the vice president ends. Therefore, the question would be is there a constitutional solution to this problem.
Contested issues
After the suspension of the voter registration list, the oppositional parties announced that they are not in support of the unilateral suspension. On the other hand, the government and the Commission are sticking on to their position that the list is invalid and incorrect and, as result, cannot be used as part of presidential elections.
Elders and other foreign mediators mentioned that on the one hand, the opposition leaders argue the term of this government will end on 27 October one month after the date of the election and as result; there should be an interim government which organizes the election within six months should be formed. Conversely, the government argues that it can only be replaced by an elected president and vice president. In the following paragraphs the paper will examine the constitutionality of these arguments.
The possibility of an interim government: a constitutional argument presented by the oppositional leaders
It is undoubted that the current government’s mandate has been extended for one year by the House of Elders with the inconformity of the constitution of the Republic. It is fact that the constitution does not provide the specifications of the extension, yet the Elders used it as means of keeping the current regime in power. This may be regarded as a major impediment to the democratization process of the country.
After the unilateral decision of the Commission, the oppositions argue that there should be an interim government. Article 89 (4) provides that ‘if one of the cases mentioned in article 86 of the constitution happens at the same time to the president and vice president of the Republic; the chairman of House of Elders shall assume the power and the duty of the president of the Republic for an interim period and the election of the president and the vice president shall be held within (60) days from the day in which that case has happened’.
Under this Article, an interim government can only be made when these requirement are met:
• Conviction of a criminal offense which leads to loss of office.
• Inability to fulfil the duties of the office because of ill health.
• Death.
• The President or the Vice-President may forward his written resignation from office to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Speaker of the House of Elders, and the two Houses may, in a joint sitting, accept it or reject it by a (simple) majority of their total membership.
• If the two Houses reject the resignation referred to in Clause 4 of this Article, the President or the Vice-President shall have the right to submit again his resignation within three months of the initial resignation request, whereupon the two Houses shall be obliged to accept it.
It is at this time when the Constitution of Somaliland permits that presidential power should be transferred to the Chairman of House of Elders. According to the argument of the opposition leaders there is no place in the Constitution which permits that an interim government should be established. It would be unconstitutional if the oppositions persist that an interim government should be formed.
An elected president can only be replaced by an elected president: a constitutional argument made by the government
Article 83(3) of the Constitution provides that, ‘the former president and vice president shall continue to exercise their powers until the new president and vice president assumes these powers within a period of one month.’
The term ‘former president and vice president’ signifies that a new president has already been elected. Furthermore, the term ‘new president and vice president’ also clarifies that a new president and vice president has been popularly elected. The article mainly highlights the transitional period of the outgoing administration and upcoming administration. Thus, this Article cannot be applied to the current situation. If the ruling party and the government argue that they can only be replaced by an elected president and vice president and base their argument under this article, they cannot substantiate their constitutional argument under this article. It is evident that there is no elected president and vice president and therefore, this article is irrelevant.
Predicting way forward
Importantly there is no explicit Article mentioned in the Constitution which can be used to diffuse these constitutional disputes between the government and the oppositional leaders. It is therefore, imperative to read the lines and find a constitutional solution to this confrontation.
The role of the constitution of Somaliland
Principally the constitution as the supreme document of the land must have a position to stand in such turbulent situations. According to the articles of the constitution there is no explicit and undisputable article which formulates the way forward in such situations. Although there may be the possibility that the president may again approach the House of Elders and request another third extension of his tenure, this would not acquire a constitutional support. On the other hand, the oppositional leaders and other concerned groups may not be happy with such a move. Therefore, there is a need to resolve this problem through constitutional process.
Founding principles of the constitution
One of the founding articles of the constitution is that decision be reached through joint consultation. This term has been mentioned in the preamble of the constitution which legally does not have a legal binding force. Pre-colonial epoch the Somali people used to resolve their disputes through dialogue, consensus and consultation. Accordingly, this principle can be used to resolve the conflict between the contested parties.
Constitutional principles
Article 9 of the constitution of Somaliland provides that, ‘the political system of the Republic of Somaliland is based on peace, consultation, democracy and multiplicity of the political parties.’ Consultation as a constitutional principle can be used to diffuse the current political disputes.
The role of the Constitutional Court
The constitution established a judicial branch which is mandated to regulate the disputes that may arise between the state and individuals and between individuals. Article 101 provides that, ‘the Supreme Court of Justice is the highest entity in the judicial scale and it is at the same time the Constitutional Court…’ It is therefore, an institution which regulates the constitutional disputes arise from the organs of the state and between the state and individuals. Article 14 of the Law of the Organization of Judiciary provides the composition of the court. In addition, its mandate has been mentioned under Article 15 of this law which explicitly provides the task and the powers of the court. The court has absolute power to determine the constitutionality of certain actions and to rule it impartially. Furthermore, the court has legal power to interpret the provisions of the constitution and other parliamentary acts. With regard to this constitutional dispute the court has power to rule and determine the constitutionality of the two arguments presented by the parties. Principally it would be this court which would ultimately determine the constitutionality of those arguments. the oppositional parties cannot regrettably file their constitutional suit to this court because of its lack of independence.
Conclusion
The paper has explored to find a constitutional solution to the current political crisis in Somaliland. As mentioned in the paper, there is no explicit article in the constitution which can be used to diffuse the current political tensions. The constitution is silent with regard to what will happen if the election does not take place and the constitutional tenure of the government ends. The paper deeply researched and unearthed that the only constitutional solution to this crisis would be the founding principles which are mentioned in the preamble of the constitution and Article (9) which provides the constitutional principles. These two articles provide consultation as part and parcel of the laws of the country. It further states that decisions which are reached through consultation are binding and legally enforceable. Therefore, the only remaining constitutional mechanism that can be used to resolve this political crisis is through consultation, dialogue and consensus.
By: Mohamed Farah Hersi
Hargeisa, Somaliland
_______________________________________________________________ Mohamed Farah Hersi is an attorney and human rights researcher. He holds an LL.B (Bachelor of Laws) from the University of Hargeisa in Somaliland, an LL.M (Master of Laws) from the University of Pretoria in South Africa, and is currently a Ph.D. candidate
HARGEYSA (AFP) – The electoral commission in Somalia’s northwestern breakaway state of Somaliland announced Monday that a presidential election due at the end of the month had been indefinitely postponed.
The commission said the election would not be held as scheduled on September 27 and that a new date would be decided at a later stage.
“Considering the political situation in the region and the need for a broader solution, we have decided to delay the election date,” the statement said.
After much bickering, the incumbent regime of President Dahir Riyale Kahin and the two main opposition parties agreed the polls should be delayed following a mediation by the council of elders.
The election has already been delayed twice, notably over a disagreement concerning the territory’s voters’ register.
In July, Riyale and the electoral commission decided to discard a biometric register that had taken two years to set up, prompting fierce protests and threats of boycott from the two main opposition groups.
“It will not be possible for the elections to be held at this point when the political parties in the country are still failing to reach an agreement,” the commission’s statement explained.
Riyale, who was born in 1952 and has been in power since May 2002, is seeking re-election but faces a stiff challenge from Faisal Ali Warabe, of the Justice and Welfare Party, and Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud, of the Development and Solidarity Party.
A former British protectorate, Somaliland united with Italian Somalia in 1960. It unilaterally broke away and announced independence 10 months after Somali strongman Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted in 1991.
Somaliland, which has been more stable and economically viable than central and southern Somalia in recent years, is seeking international recognition as an independent state.
HARGEISA, 7 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – When I visited Somaliland in 2003 and traveled from Sanaag to Awdal regions via beautiful and mountainous Sheikh City, I could always see one thing: whatever the town or city, every time I would see locals gathered at some teashops discussing and resolving the great issues of the country in very good-natured and healthy way, I consider such gatherings as Citizen Watchdogs, who could solve the country’s problems better than elected parliaments.
That claim may or may not be true, but as I continued my visit in these enjoyable moments I often thought to myself that the health of Somaliland democracy is sustained by these informal discussions among the citizens. These discussions are replicated countless times across the country and in different forms. At teashops, Kat Chewing sessions, and many other places. This was one of most encouraging democracies, I have witnessed in the Arab and Muslim World throughout my experience.
In Somaliland, when citizens listen to different viewpoints, they come to understand that politicians typically can’t resolve difficult disputes quickly because each one got hidden political agenda: To Become President. However, the people of Somaliland give the politicians enough space to practice their constitutional roles in the politics, but citizens always defuse the tension, in case of politicians fail to end their differences. Mahatma Gandhi said “Honest disagreement is often a good sign of progress”. This wonderful democracy in Somaliland allows more than one political view to be expressed in an open discussion, like the current opposition parties.
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In fact, the current criticism by opposition parties over the manner that President Riyale is running the country is essential in democratic systems. They help prevent abuse of power by individuals or groups. Today, the free press and strong opposition parties in Somaliland know everything going around in Somaliland. The Somaliland democracy system always encounter crises; but eventually the system remains stable enough to find compromises or solution in civilized democratic way.
Many Somalis in Puntland – particularly Faroole supporters – believe that Somaliland is disarraying and current political disputes will bring it to end. I don’t blame them, because they never enjoyed or witnessed free democracy like Somaliland in their entire life. They suffered violence and killing, where there is no law-of-order and criminals are ‘HEROES’ in Garowe. They don’t know that healthy disagreements, like in Somaliland politics, are beginning of development process. They should understand such differences don’t reflect on Somaliland’s national interest.
Supporters of Faroole failed to understand that healthy democracies grow stronger from critics. They misbelieve that current election disputes in Somaliland will result chaos, as usual in Garowe city. They don’t know that the government system in Somaliland is very strong, and critics are normal in all democratic societies around the world.
The overarching aim of Somaliland policy is to promote the expansion of democracy in the neighboring countries, as it is the only surviving democracy in the region that is dominated by dictators and military leaders. Somaliland could be described as flower in middle of desert. Somaliland proved all its enemies, including Faroole supporters, wrong and democracy prevails always.
The current political uprising in Somaliland Parliament led by opposition parties like UCID and Kulmiye are sign of free and fair democracy, unlike many neighboring countries that either don’t have parliament or dictator controls it.
In Somaliland, the Opposition Parties control the Parliament with overwhelming majority of about 65% and UDUB, with few seats the parliament, is the ruling party. This promotes accountability, lack of major corruptions and unauthorized use of power by the president and ruling party. Somaliland Parliament controls the activities and transactions of the government.
Recently, Opposition parties in Somaliland took the streets in the major cities of Somaliland including Hargiesa, Gabiley, Burao, Berbera, Erigavo and even Lasacanod. The protestors clashed with the police, and even opposition parties’ use public venue to talk to supporters. This is the free democracy of Somaliland, where neither president and ruling party nor the opposition can take the rule into their hands.
Many factors contributed the current election dispute in Somaliland including the newly installed biometric system, where all Somaliland voters registered electronically using fingerprinting. This system was new to both Somaliland government and Somaliland’s National Election Commission, and until today the server of the system is facing errors. The international community failed to help Somaliland in debugging the server, or provide skilled IT Professionals to Somaliland’s National Election Commission.
Interpeace and EU sponsored the server, but they both failed to debug the errors. The people of Somaliland and government contributed very well in registration process, where government supplied necessary support to the election commission, and 58% of population turned out to the election registration. We can say the new technology let Somaliland and democracy down!
Conclusion:
The people of Somaliland, Opposition Parties and Government rely on healthy dialogues that saved their country from the violence, which destroyed the region, and wise chief tribes always look for peaceful solution to all conflicts.
The people should look into their interest, instead of supporting politicians. Somaliland is your asset, so protect it with all possible means.
HARGEISA, 7 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – As part of the slowly growing business in Somaliland, and part of the country’s development after the devastating civil war in the late 80s, ADAM’S INN is The First INN in Hargeisa, the capital city of Somaliland.
The Inn is situated at a walking distance from the Airport and only three minutes when driving. It has a unique, L-Shaped building on a hilltop overlooking the city. This hotel provides one of the largest and most prestigious lodging facilities in Somaliland.
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The rooms are spacious; the beds are comfortable with fine linens and fluffy pillows in abundance. There are deluxe bath amenities; plenty of light and a hotel management that understand all that a traveler needs.
Adam’s Inn offers comfort, charm, affordability and a friendly and knowledgeable staff that goes out of its way to be helpful. It is the one and only hotel that offers a bird’s eye view of the city. It is a Perfect spot for honeymooners who want to see the great landscape of the city below whilst maintaining their privacy and seclusion.
ADAM’S INN on a quiet hilltop is designed for your undisturbed rest after a long flight or your first stop before you begin a land travel to the other regions. It is a “home away from home” for international and budget-conscious travelers and was officially launched in April this year.
While at Adams Inn, you will still be in contact with the outside world by free wireless internet connection that you can access from your room, lobby or while sitting and enjoying the view of the city in your balcony on the second floor. There is also a powerful telescope that brings the city right before your eyes or allows you to stare at the stars and galaxy at night. In addition, there are other free entertainment facilities such as a pool table (Billiard).
The owner of the Inn who lived in Canada for more than 20 years is now happy to open this hotel in his origin homeland and spend the rest of his life in Somaliland.
For further inquiries and information get in touch with the Inn, you can simply send an email to: adams_inn@yahoo.com
Sept 06,2009 (SomailandPress)-Somaliland has accepted, like many other societies in the world, a system of governance in which its core foundation is the parliament. The present Somaliland parliament was the first of its kind in the history of Somaliland that was elected through popular vote in 2005 since the foundation of Somaliland in 1991.
MPs in the parliament consist of a variety of people from different social backgrounds with various political orientations – (descent nationalists, democrats, and half-hearted islamists) and (opportunists, tribal chauvinists, demagogs and bribe-collectors).
Although the majority of the MPs as well as the joint chairmanship of the parliament belong to the oppositoin parties, Kulmiye and UCID, nevertheles often they have never been able to articulate meaningful proposals that reflect the policies of the parties they represent in the parliament nor the grand national interest. Whenever they take initiatives in that direction, in most cases, they fail largely due to the manipulation and the interference of the government through bribes and politcal threats.
So in the eyes of the public, the parliament has been generally seen as a hopeless mechanism which failed the nation and they consider the majority of MPs as seflish individuals who only pursue their interests and hence frustrate the workings of the parliament.
What happened on 28th of August, the parliament was divided into two blocks: those who took a firm stand and stick to what they consider as a national issue and a parliamentary responsibility and those whose intention was to disturb the workings of the parliament of that day. The bone of contention started when the chairperson of the parliament, Mr. Abdirahman Irro saw that six MPs whom he suspended from the parliamentary normal sessions for three days in the previous day for disciplinary purposes were sitting in their seats. When he told them again that they should respect the rules of the parliament and leave the hall of the parliament in comformity with his previous order, they refused. Together with their colleagues from the UDUB Party, they started to throw, crash and overturn chairs and tables, cut microphone wires, tear documents and shout with provocative words.
Having realised that the situation is not normal for discussion, the speaker announced that the session of the day is closed.
Outside the parliament, another history was in the making again like Thursday, the 20th of August; the population of Hargeisa came out to express their anger with those who disturbed the parliamentary proceedings as well as the involvement of the government in this matter, particularly when they saw a huge police presence inside and outside the compound of the parliament. They were chanting slogans to defy the governent’s interference in the seat of democracy – the parliament.
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Another interesting aspect of the events of the day was when one of the closest ministers of the president who often volunteers to face the public when they are angry, thought things were as usual. But indeed that day things were different. People were very angry for this government’s disregard of the law of the country and its intervention of the parliament. The minister was surrounded by angry young people, elderly, women and children. They demanded from him to resign, reminding him to understand the level of the frustration and the anger of the people.
The masses refused to leave and demanded explanation why the government is interfering the parliament. The speaker of the parliament, Abdirahman Irro together with his two deputies came out from the compound of the parliament and addressed the gathering. Four young men from the demonstrators raised him from the ground and put him on their shoulders. The speaker addressed the gathering with calm voice and with dignity and then the masses started to leavethe scene.
The events of the 20th and 28th of August have shown three significant aspects of the current situation of somaliland:
A government and a regime that is losing the confidence of the people by the day,
A parliament which is trying to regain the confidence of the people but still struggling how to achieve this,
Masses that are gradually understanding their rights including the right to demostrate and the right to defend their democratic institutions and the leaders that they think they are on the right side of the constitution.
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Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan
UCID Vice President Candidate
E-mail: rashid108@hotmail.com
A healthy person in office who is more concerned with serving the people than with getting re-elected could accomplish a great deal. however, is a man of heart, and rather than allowing himself to be controlled he sets about making necessary changes. We need sameone even takes responsibility for the power abuse, corruption, Sadly,we would never elect a man of such integrity – a straight forward,honest, caring, Our election process bad habit does not allow for this.
President Riyale does not take any move unless that to his own advantage, including removing and filling in public posts and offices; to keep his presidential office whatever the cost and no regard to integrity of his office. though these acts of selfishness are testing Somaliland public’s patience, yet it is still not too late to find a lasting solution to the problem. this paper suggests that president Riyale is longer Somaliland’s part of its solution but part of its problems.somaliland should now be given opportunity to face post Riyale challenges and opportunities because that is nothing more than what this nation deserves.
I respect the parlamant today for being courageous, interpreting the law; that is their responsibility. You cant have illiterates suddenly become learned people interpreting court orders, even if those orders are written in simple Somali. It would amount to misinterpretation by masquerading politicians purporting to be senior advocates when the competent person authorised by the constitution to preserve and ensure that the rule of law has given a ruling. When they (courts) make pronouncements, we have to obey.But you dont Mr.President, And because I exercised my right to make that clear, I became an enemy of someone seeking to drag me into what was not my own making.
But, one argument’s logic is inescapable. If the Constitution is inherently good, then bad government must be the result of bad politicians. Corrupt government must be the result of corrupt politicians. And wasteful government must be the result of wasteful politicians. Given this truth, does it not also follow that the remedy must begin with removing these politicians from office? Isn’t it illogical to assume that bad, corrupt, and wasteful politicians will correct their own behaviors? And if so, then is it not the duty and responsibility of the voters, like it or not, to remedy the situation by electing new politicians rather than keeping the incumbents responsible for the waste and corruption?
Reforming the internal workings of government is essential to cleaning up government and making it work for Somaliland future instead of against it. We must force reforms such as reducing the influence of huge sums of campaign dollars used as bribes, eliminating exclusionary rules that prevent amendments from being voted on by the Parlament, and end the Committee processes that have become the stalwart of one party extremist government.
we are heading for anarchy.
Any misadventure, any abuse of power, any denial of rights is an abuse of the constitution and when the constitution is not being respected, then you are looking for and promoting anarchy. You are setting a bad precedent which nobody can predict how it will end. Are we building a society that is for the people? Are we protecting the lives and property of our people? Are we promoting and protecting their liberties? Are we working for their happiness? In the drive towards nation-building and development, the people must come first. And if that is the case, then we must be orderly and have respect for the rule of law. We must obey court orders or challenge them if we are not happy. But when it gets to the crunch, we must abide by the ruling.
Revamping our election process would give people like middle-class an opportunity to run for office. We desperately need people whocare more for the common good than for their own popularity.
We need brilliant, creative, honest and caring people to lead our country, but this will never happen with our present goverment system.
Hargeysa (Somalilandpress)- Golaha Guurtida Somaliland ayaa soo saaray go’aan ka kooban 3 qodob oo ay u arkeen inuu xal u noqon karo soo afjarida khilaafaadka siyaasadeed ee wadanka iyo doorka uu ka qaadanayo Golahaasi.
Saddexdaas qodob oo sidan u dhignaa: –
1. waxaanu mar labaad ayidaynaa go’aankii golahu ansixiyey, dhex dhexaadna noqono sida ku cad go’aanka lamrkiisu yahay GG/JSL/Go’aan-04/08/2008 kuna taakiikhaysan 18/98/2009 ee ka koobnaa 7 qodob.
2. si dhexdhexaadinmaa golaha guuritdu uu xaqiijisanto waa in aan xubnaha goluhu ka mid noqon xisbiyada siyaasiga ee qaranka.
3. in goluhu isagoo dhinaca maslaxad guud ka eegaysa, wuxuu anssixinayaa wixii xal ah ee ay ku soo heshiyaan sadddexda xisbi qaran ee lagu soo afjarayo muranka siyaasiga ee dalka ka tasgan.
Hadii ay ku heshiin waayaan goluhu wuxuu ku hawl geliyaa wajibaadkiisa dastuuriga ah.
Sidaa darteed marka qodobada kor u ku xusan la helo ayaa goluhu u gudbi karaa wajihi karaana wixii khilaafaad ah ee jira, doorkiisana ka qaadan karaa.
