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Somaliland President: Step Down Gracefully or Disgracefully

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HARGEISA, 19 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Almost a decade ago, in 2002 after President Ibrahim Mohammed Igal passed away, many political analysts predicted that no way will Somaliland honour its constitution and sworn the vice president Dahir Riyale Kahin in as the third president without bloodshed. Never! It was unthinkable for such a smooth transition to unfold, at least not in corrupted Africa and, of course, not in war-ravaged Somaliland.

He didn’t stand a chance against the contenders from the dominant tribe. For one thing, he hails from one of the smaller tribes. For another, his lack of education and leadership skills posed a formidable challenge for him. However, his painless transition to lead vulnerable and fragile Somaliland surprised the critics and shook the deep-seeded tribal doctrine that blurred our vision for centuries (even the educated elite are not immune to tribalism). A brief introduction to President Dahir Riyale Kahin: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dahir_Riyale_Kahin

Not only was the transition smooth, but also Mr. Kahin was elected in 2003. In other words, Mr. Kahin was the first Somaliland president who won free, fair, and transparent election, despite the election fiasco of 2003. See this article: “Somaliland: A Democratic State In East Africa, Or A Tinderbox Waiting To Explode?” http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/312/78.shtml

Because of his laconic speech, no one predicted that the silent President Dahir Riyale Kahin will become a small bone stuck in Somaliland’s throat seven years later. Now critics argue: by the ballet or the bullet Mr. Kahin will neither relinquish nor compromise power. But overwhelmingly, Somalilanders want change—a new robust government with a charismatic leader (one that isn’t born yet). So they demand: Mr. Kahin to either bow out gracefully or take a hike disgracefully.

History will judge Mr. Kahin from different angels and for different reasons. His legacy could either send Somaliland to an abyss, or lead it to recognition. Many of us who supported him initially—including me—are now chagrined by his dirty, manipulative, and selfish politics.

From a smooth transition to a painful eviction from office, Mr. Kahin perhaps asks himself: should I be a ruthless dictator who pulverizes Somaliland to dust, or a memorable leader who takes the high road at the height of Somaliland’s political crossroad? But is he as villain as portrayed?

Despite the unwavering opposition to Mr. Kahin’s regime few doubt some of his notable achievements. Neither the first Somaliland president Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (Tuur), nor its second one Ibrahim Mohammed Igal governed the country completely. Both presidents established the foundation of Somaliland. However, the internal security of the county and its armed forces were in shambles during Somaliland’s first and second president’s era. People carried guns on the streets at will. Tribal skirmishing was common.

On the other hand, today Mr. Kahin is in charge of the entire country with the exception of few remote small towns and villages. Additionally, from coast to coast, Somaliland is secure. Somaliland security and armed forces are some of the most disciplined forces in Africa. And despite Somaliland coast guards’ meagre budget, they have successfully repelled Somali pirates trespassing into Somaliland’s territorial waters.

To top it up, if Mr. Kahin doesn’t send Somaliland down the drain, he will be remembered as the president who humiliated Somaliland adversaries in the battle fields. Repeatedly, from 2004 to 2007 his forces launched aggressive and impressive pre-emptive strikes against both terrorists and invading Puntland militias. Somaliland adversaries were rounded up like wild horses.

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In fact, because Mr. Kahin continuously trained and equipped his forces, Puntland could not keep up with him. In essence, his military build-up coupled with his painstaking diplomacy towards Sool region’s conflict bankrupted Puntland administration. Similarly, in a conventional warfare, Somaliland forces could annihilate Alshabaab terrorists swiftly and devastatingly. Today, Mr. Kahin’s forces patrol far more territory than anyone ever imagined. These are the undeniable achievements of Mr. Kahin. But his opponents argue what he has accomplished is trivial compare to what the country has lost since he took office.

His downside is not limited to unabated human rights violation, corruption, and looting public funds. Read Somaliland regime: “Hostages to Peace” documentary by Human Rights Watch http://www.hrw.org/en/node/84296/section/9 Economically, the country went downhill during Mr. Kahin’s term. But is he alone in this flagrant self-enriching scheme?

Of course not! He may take all the blame, but some of the notorious gangs in his junta regime—the most loathed cliques—include the Minster of Finance Hussein Ali Duale (Awil)—the man behind the scene, the Interior Minster Abdillahi Ismail (Irro), the Public Works Minister Saeed Sulub, and some of the ruling party UDUB members. Some members even carry guns in the parliament and don’t hesitate to draw their weapons, if need be. At least one gun-totting MP—the UDUB gunman—didn’t conceal his intension to use it during a heated parliamentarian debate last month. Equally, Mr. Kahin’s inept vice president Mr. Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, a religious man by name but a scandalous politician by nature, is guilty of the current crises. Just like Mr. Kahin, Mr. Yasin hardly has any education never mind leadership skills. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahmed_Yusuf_Yasin

Mr. Kahin, once fairly a popular president, his public support vanished years ago. Hardly anyone else except his three zealot ministers and incompetent vice president defend the president. And their best line of defense is: anyone who criticizes Mr. Kahin has something against his tribe—a cheap shot indeed.

Shockingly, the opposition parties KULMIYE and UCID leaders, Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo and Mr. Faysal Ali Warabe are equally threat to Somaliland as much as the ruling party is a menace to society. In reality, their lack of unified front against UDUB party transformed Mr. Kahin from a comprising leader to an autocrat and risked Somaliland’s existence. Mr. Silanyo and Mr. Warabe demonstrated their infectiveness as an opposition leaders; one wonders about their performances as presidents.

And there isn’t a shred of evidence or indication whatsoever that if either Mr. Silanyo or Mr. Warabe takes office the country will be in better shape. To the contrary, in fact, many people fear if either of them wins election Somaliland forces may not maintain their strong grip on the country. Security may deteriorate. See brief introductions of Mr. Silanyo and Mr. Warabe: http://so.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somaliland_Leaders and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Faysal_Ali_Warabe

Meanwhile, although most of the MPs are from the opposition parties, a number of MPs are on Mr. Kahin’s payroll and this explains why it is impossible to impeach him. During a recent interview with the BBC, Mr. Silanyo chastised Mr. Kahin for corrupting the MPs.

Also, Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan,UCID Vice President Candidate, sheds light on how the MPs that supposed to serve the interest of their country are now the subservient of Mr. Kahin. Dr. Hassan states, “Although the majority of the MPs as well as the joint chairmanship of the parliament belong to the opposition parties, Kulmiye and UCID, nevertheless often they have never been able to articulate meaningful proposals that reflect the policies of the parties they represent in the parliament nor the grand national interest. Whenever they take initiatives in that direction, in most cases, they fail largely due to the manipulation and the interference of the government through bribes and political threats.” http://somalilandpress.com/8424/besieging-the-parliament-and-the-assault-on-somaliland-democracy/

Additionally, few years ago when Mr. Kahin extended the Guurti’s (the House of Elders or the Upper Chamber) term to another four years, Somalilanders knew when Mr. Kahin is in crises many of the Guurti members will return some favours. Some have kept their promises. (If you scratch my back, I will scratch yours.)

The untold truth is: the same hypocrites that shed crocodile tears for Somaliland and how Mr. Kahin ruined it keep him on life support and accept bribes from him.

In short, Mr. Kahin’s chances of winning the upcoming election are next to nil. His greed simply ruined his political career. In fact, his UDUB party is doomed, much less win an election. That is, if Mr. Kahin does not step down peacefully, he will leave office disgracefully and so will his party UDUB.

Don’t get me wrong. It is within Mr. Kahin’s right to compete for the presidential election, but he cannot continue to hog power after September 27, 2009. Enough is enough!

Despite the ominous clouds hovering over Somaliland, the majority of its people are optimistic that their wisdom will prevail again. Repeatedly, the noble citizens of the North [Somaliland] have demonstrated their voracious appetite for achieving peace. It is the pride of Somaliland patriots that at the height of crises, everybody rushes to the negotiation tables—not to the battle fields. Truly, the people of Somaliland are natural-born pacifists. As history will attest, the current crises too will pass peacefully. And Somaliland—an extraordinary nation of mediators and peacemakers—will press ahead.

Dalmar Kaahin
dalmar_k@yahoo.com
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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

What could suicide bombings mean for Somalia?

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HARGEISA, 18 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Twin suicide car bombs that struck the main African Union (AU) military base in Mogadishu and killed 17 peacekeepers have raised serious questions about the credibility of Somalia’s feuding government.

The attack showed the ability of the al Qaeda-linked rebels to strike the heavily-guarded heart of the AU mission AMISOM, and underlined the administration’s lack of control over a country that is of growing concern to Western security experts.

In the short term, there is no realistic chance of peace returning. Here are some possible scenarios going forward.

MORE ROBUST PEACEKEEPING?

The Somali government has long called for AMISOM to be strengthened. The force was supposed to be 8,000-strong, but still only has about 5,000 troops from Uganda and Burundi.

Other African countries that had pledged in principle to send soldiers may be dissuaded by the audacious attack on the force’s headquarters, but many were already reluctant, arguing in private that there was no peace for their troops to keep.

The prospect of a fully-fledged, robust U.N. military mission looks even more remote — for largely the same reasons.

Burundi and Uganda have said they will not be chased off the job by the insurgents. But without more support they will not be able to do more than try to guard the sites they hold and attempt to win local hearts and minds, for example by continuing to provide free medical treatment for residents.

Both nations say they want AMISOM’s mandate toughened. But the rising death toll may weaken their resolve and fuel opposition at home.

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PRESIDENT AHMED QUITS?

Western and regional observers see President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed as the best hope in 20 years of restoring stability since the former Islamist rebel’s January election at U.N.-backed talks in Djibouti. But attempts to engage influential ex-ally Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys have failed. Ahmed is also losing influence over a government split between his supporters and opponents including allies of his predecessor, Abdullahi Yusuf.

It has seen little of the more than $200 million pledged by donors in April to help Somalia boost security, mostly because the administration lacks robust institutions and is viewed as corrupt and ineffectual by some donors.

Last month, Ahmed toured Gulf Arab states seeking support, and will visit the U.N. General Assembly this month. But without concrete promises to strengthen AMISOM, or ideally a more robust U.N. force to replace it, he could decide enough is enough — sending the international community back to the drawing board.

REBELS SEIZE CAPITAL?

The al Shabaab rebel group, which Washington says is al Qaeda’s proxy in Somalia, rejoiced in its attack on Thursday, saying it was in revenge for the U.S. killing of a most wanted al Qaeda suspect in the rebel-held south on Monday.

It denounces the AU peacekeepers as “crusaders” defending an apostate regime and has called for more foreign jihadists to come to the country and flood its ranks.

Al Shabaab and its allies run much of southern and central Somalia, but while AMISOM remains in Mogadishu the rebels will find it hard to oust the government from strategic sites like the airport, seaport and hilltop presidential palace.

If it succeeded, there could be a repeat of 2006 when Ahmed’s Islamic Courts Union toppled U.S.-backed warlords to rule the capital for six months. Then Ethiopia invaded, with tacit U.S. support, and drove them out of the city.

Late on Thursday, the Ethiopian government vowed to stand firmly alongside the Somali government and AMISOM in their “heroic endeavours to stem the tide of terrorist violence”.

A NEW FRONT IN SOMALILAND?

One possibility is that the insurgents will open a new front in their campaign by exploiting growing political tensions in the northern breakaway enclave of Somaliland, which declared itself independent in 1991.

The region has been relatively peaceful compared with the rest of the country, but many of al Shabaab’s leaders and young recruits come from there. The insurgents targeted its main city Hargeisa last October with suicide bombings at the Ethiopian embassy, the local president’s office and a U.N. building.

At least 25 people were killed in those attacks.

Last week, three people died and six were injured when Somaliland police dispersed hundreds of opposition protesters angry over election delays, underlining the growing insecurity that the rebels might hope to exploit.

Source: Reuters

Events: Somaliland Democracy Threatened

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HARGEISA, 18 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Launch of a paper discussing Somaliland’s postponed presidential elections and constitutional crisis

Speaker: Michael Walls, Coordinator, international election observation team, Somaliland presidential election; Chair, Somaliland Focus (UK); Lecturer, Development Planning Unit, UCL

13.15pm – 14.15

Wednesday 30th September 2009

Somaliland currently faces a critical constitutional and political dilemma as the presidential elections, scheduled to take place on 27 September, have been postponed for the third time with no new date announced. The President’s and Vice-President’s already extended terms in office expire on 29 October, and there are no constitutional means for addressing the power vacuum which will be left in the absence of an election.

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For a region which is one of the few secure and democratic territories in the Horn of Africa, the failure of Somaliland’s political system could result in instability, a more authoritarian governance system and contribute to the further deterioration of an already unstable part of the African continent.

Michael Walls will provide his analysis of the crisis and discuss why the Somali tradition of dialogue and consensus-building may be the only real avenue for resolution.

If you would like to come please register with Tighisti Amare tamare@chathamhouse. org.uk

Who’s who in Somaliland politics

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HARGEISA, 16 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – NAIROBI, 16 September 2009 (IRIN) – Since Somaliland unilaterally broke away from the rest of Somalia in 1991, it has prided itself on its relative peace and the development of democratic institutions, but political events in recent months have rocked its stability.

This article offers a brief overview of Somaliland’s political landscape.

Dahir Riyale Kahin, who leads the United People’s Democratic Party (UDUB), was elevated from Somaliland’s vice-president to president in 2002 on the death of Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. He very narrowly won a presidential election in 2003.

Riyale, who once served as a colonel in Somalia’s infamous National Security Service under the late president Mohamed Siad Barre, comes from Borama near the Ethiopian border and belongs the Gadobirsey clan. He used to enjoy considerable support from the Isak, Somaliland’s dominant clan, whose internal divisions made an outsider more appealing than conflict. This support has waned over the last few years.

He is now facing his biggest political challenge from two opposition parties who hold a majority in the lower house of parliament. “It is very hard to see how he can overcome this challenge. The numbers are against him,” said one political observer in Hargeysa, the capital.

Ahmed Mohamed Mahamoud, universally known as Silaanyo, leads the Development and Solidarity Party, or Kulmiye, and is considered the leader of the opposition. He lost by fewer than 100 votes to Riyale in 2003.

Silaanyo, in his 70s, served in different ministerial positions in the Somali government in the 1970s and 1980s before joining the armed opposition. He was one of the main leaders of the Somali National Movement, which helped oust Siyad Barre in 1991, and later served in the Somaliland government as a minister under Egal.

He belongs to the Habar Jelo, a subclan of the Isak, and hails from Burao, the second largest city in Somaliland. He is the man most likely to be the next president of Somaliland if he can unite the Isak vote.

Faisal Ali Warabe, leader of the Justice and Welfare Party, or UCID, is an engineer by profession. He was a senior civil servant in the Somali government before the fall of Barre. He is a latecomer to Somaliland politics but is considered one of the most charismatic politicians in the region and one of the few to advocate the rights of marginalized communities. His party holds the third largest number of seats in the lower house. Warabe is from Hargeysa and is a member of the Isak subclan, Iidagale.

Suleiman Mahamud Aden is the leader of the upper house of parliament, or Guurti, and is one of the people publicly working for a peaceful solution to the current crisis. Suleiman Gaal, as he is better known, will be the main beneficiary if an impeachment process launched by the opposition against Riyale goes through. As leader of the Upper House, under the constitution, he will assume the presidency until elections are held.

Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi, widely known as Iro, is a member of UCID and close ally of Warabe’s. He is the speaker of the lower house of parliament and among those the government has accused of fomenting the current crisis by pushing for Riyale’s impeachment. Iro is seen as a likely candidate for interim vice-president should Suleiman Gaal assume the top job.

Source: IRIN

The damaging cost of the political violence in Somaliland

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HARGEISA, 16 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – These two last weeks without doubt have been among the most difficult in Somaliland’s short political history. From absolutely nowhere and without any warning it appears as though what was a month ago a calm nation in the process of preparing for a delayed but democratic general election had turned into a violent, thug ruled state where even the Police and Honourable Members of Parliament were sucked in by the violence and turmoil taking place in the streets.

This bloody and shameful episode in Somaliland’s history has cost the lives of three demonstrators in Hargeysa, led to the brief closure of Parliament by the president as well as ruined the reputation of the now dishonourable Abdirahman Mohamed Jama (Xoog) who disgracefully pulled out a gun in the Parliamentary chamber whilst it was still in public session.

Even worst, this incident by the dishonourable Member has not only shamed his own political party but has also brought the entire Political system into disarray as it implies that where dialogue fails or is not useful as a means of achieving what parliamentarians seek, it is acceptable to bring a concealed weapon as an insurance policy to getting what one want through the legislative process. As a result of all of these events and the continually delayed general election, it is not hard to see why some supporter of and investors in Somaliland could be having second thoughts about the nation as whole for it appears to be losing its peaceful, friendly and forward looking direction.

The cost of the political violence in Somaliland is immeasurable and will have a lasting affect politically, socially and economically for all those who live and work in the country. Ironically, in this months (September 2009) issue of the National Geographic magazine, published weeks before the violence started, Somaliland was described as an oasis of calm and gradual progress whereas Somali was referred to as the worlds most failed state and where the best and most reliable employer was the terrorist organization Al-Shabab which allegedly pays $150 a month to their fighters.

The pictures that accompanied the articles showed stark contrast between the war torn Somalia with its many empty shelled buildings and militia run streets and the tranquil streets of Hargeysa where in a side street the Photographer managed to capture a picture of young Somaliland women enjoying beauty and hair treatments at Zamzam’s beauty parlour. However, after the last two weeks of unrest and violence it would appear that this comparison maybe some what unreliable and premature as the Somaliland leadership cannot honestly claim that the nation has any moral or political authority over its war torn neighbour in the South.

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The rapid deterioration of peace and the heightening of the political tensions before, during and after elections in Africa are not uncommon but this toxic mix’s ability to destroy community relations, national economies and scar the collective national psyche is well documented in most African country’s, especially Kenya and Zimbabwe. Although the pre-election situation in Somaliland is not as bad as these two nations were at the time they were going to the polls, it has the potential to escalate and create the same level of damage. It is this damage that Somaliland must avoid at all costs for it will crush all hopes of future recognition and progress of any kind.

The main worry for the majority of law abiding, hardworking citizens of Somaliland is that these latest rounds of violent unrest will lead to some form of political sanctions from donor nations and groups such as the EU who may limit funding or cut political ties. In addition many NGO’s providing vital services such as medical treatments, health and welfare advice as well as contributing to the rebuilding of the old, battered infrastructure may feel that they need to suspend their operations as a result of fear for their workers safety. Furthermore, the large leisure industry which is supported by international tourism will suffer heavily as without the guarantee of peace, stability and safety, tourist will not come to spend their money in Somaliland. The consequences of this would be catastrophic for both seasonal workers as well as large and small business entities that are reliant on the tourism trade for survival.

The facts of the matter are not disputed nor should they be downplayed as the demonstrators are angry because of delayed Presidential elections and they just want their concerns to be heard. However, what a seasoned politician like Abdirahman Jama ought to have learnt through his own experiences and from Somalia by now is that violence rarely works as a vehicle of change and never can it be seen to be the route to progress. Violence is the enemy of democracy and the bedfellow of dictatorship and authoritarianism and as such should not be allowed anywhere near the political process let alone engaged in during a Parliamentary session.

Whilst Somaliland awaits the presidential elections the Somaliland government and people need to understand the importance of continuing the peace the nation has enjoyed for the last 16 years. Everybody has a part to play in the reconciliation process and Political parties, especially the opposition, must encourage their supporters to seek peaceful methods of venting their anger or waiting for the elections to vote in the government of their choice.

Somaliland has been the real democratic model for East Africa for the last 16 years. It has grown and developed above and beyond all expectations and all this has been possible because of the peace and political stability the people and government nurtured. Having come so far and achieved so much, one is optimistic that recognition will not be far off and for this dream to be recognised all those who have a stake in the nation must refrain from violence and once again return peace, stability and patience to the heart of Somaliland social policy. This is the nations only hope of restoring its former reputation.

Liban Obsiye
libanbakaa@hotmail.com

The end of Siyad Bare's disciples in Somaliland

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Tuesday,Sept 15,09 (SomalilandPress)-Somaliland’s infant Democracy is on the brink of collapse! The courageous people of Somaliland have been betrayed by few of Siyad Barre’s disciples. These thugs who never believed in the independence of Somaliland have simply taken charge of Somaliland.

These are the people who were at the forefront of the destruction of the country when Barre’s military was waging indiscriminate warfare against the people of Somaliland.

Their participation of the genocide on the Issaq People is well documented. Now, they are at it again! They are sowing the seed for another civil war, because that is what they know best. And they believe nothing will happen to them, after all no one held them accountable for the gruesome crimes they have committed in the past.

The president’s abuse of power is beyond comprehension and to add insult to an injury, we have a parliament who is incapable to hold him accountable for his actions. IT IS A GRAVE SITUATION AND IN MY OPINION THE STAKES FOR OUR NATION ARE HIGH. The truth is that no one is above the Law and if we allow Riyaale to violate, ignore and blatantly disregard the constitution, then God help us all!

Thousands of Somalilanders have paid the highest price, their life, for the democracy and freedom we have been enjoying for the last 18 years. But If Riyale and his henchmen have their way, we are going to loose our democracy and with that our dignity.

The constitution requires president Riyaale to follow and enforce all the laws enacted by the legislative body, whether he agrees with them or not. Failure to obey the law leads to grounds for impeachment. Now rumors are spreading like wildfire that Riyaale is fulfilling Mr Ismail Omar Gelleh’s hidden agenda to destroy Somaliland once and for all, which if it is true is unlawful heinous act of treason. The people of Somaliland remain as poor, uneducated, and unhealthy as ever and instead of putting the money earned from the collection of revenues into transparent government account and using the proceeds for social services, Riyaale chose to hoard the money into secret accounts he personally controls in Djabouti and France. If the poor people of Somaliland ravaged by one of the worst droughts are dying by the thousands, Riyale does not care. Instead of solving the country’s current problems and quelling the growing inter-clan conflicts he chose to attack the House of Representatives. He ordered the police force siege on the parliament, preventing members of the parliament from entering. Then, thousands of angry protesters have taken to the streets demanding the reopening of the parliament. Police forces opened fire and gun down thousands of peaceful protesters with no reservations, which lead to the killing of at least three unarmed protesters. Nonetheless, Riyaale is responsible of the massacre of these innocent people. This was an attempt to subvert the democratic process in Somaliland by a group that hopes to gain power through violence. Some politicians who are power, position and privilege seekers are often behind those who stoke the flames of tribal conflict, particularly in El-Berdaleh.

The magnitude of the poverty is unimaginable which creates powerlessness among the citizens and that is why he was able to make people competition over meager resources which will easily lead to tensions and civil unrest. This country urgently needs a sensible leadership who will fight against poverty, illiteracy, and underdevelopment .We cannot afford another 7 years of mistrust and underdevelopment. .

Somaliland has been facing a political crisis ever since he started playing delaying tactics of presidential election which should have been held in April last year. President Riyal’s term expired more than one year ago, calling in to question his legitimacy to run the country in the meantime. The incompetent electoral Commission insisted that the second presidential election in Somaliland will take place 27th of September this year. Yes, the electoral commission is statutory body set up by Somaliland constitution in 2000 to oversee the democratic process and in particular to promote integrity, involvement, and effectiveness in our democracy. But, they only work by guidelines set out by the Somaliland constitution so if there are any breaches or flaw within the commission then it is down to the initial setting process. It is crystal clear that the current Electoral commission cannot fulfill its responsibilities efficiently, impartially and professionally, because they are not independent from the control of the authority of the President and its members are subject to too much government intervention.

The president’s term has expires September 27 and the only acceptable solution is Riyale to relinquish power a caretaker government chosen among all three parties until elections can be held. In my opinion a provisional administration should be chosen and an acting president appointed by the decision of all political parties and House of Representatives, it will then go before the Guurti to pass/approve the agreement reached by all sides.
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From 27 of September this year if there is no presidential Election in the Motherland, then every single decree issued by Riyaale’s administration is illegitimate and any decision he makes is null and void. He has no right to run the country after that date. Let’s hope this will be the end of Siyad bare’s disciples in Somaliland and we will overcome. On the other hand, our neighbouring countries policy objectives should support good governance, democratic institutions and respect for the rule of law so that there will be a healthy and an enabling environment in which the people of Somaliland can thrive and achieve their full potential.

Take care in advance,
London, UK
Yassin Hassan Abdillahi
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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Insurgents vow to avenge US raid in Somalia

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MOGADISHU, 15 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – A U.S. raid killed one of Africa’s most wanted al-Qaida suspects sought in connection with a deadly hotel bombing, and Somalia’s powerful insurgent group vowed Tuesday to avenge the American attack.

Two senior members of al-Shabab, who asked that their names not be used because they are not authorized to speak publicly, said their fighters will retaliate for the raid that killed Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan on Monday.

“They will taste the bitterness of our response,” one of the commanders told The Associated Press in a telephone interview.

The commando-style action took place amid growing concerns that al-Qaida is gaining a foothold in this lawless nation.

Many experts fear Somalia is becoming a haven for al-Qaida, a place for terrorists to train and gather strength much like Afghanistan in the 1990s. Last year, U.S. missiles killed reputed al-Qaida commander Aden Hashi Ayro — marking the first major success after a string of U.S. military attacks in 2008.

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Nabhan is a Kenyan wanted for questioning in connection with the car bombing of a beach resort in Kenya and the near simultaneous attempt to shoot down an Israeli airliner in 2002. Ten Kenyans and three Israelis were killed in the blast at the hotel. The missiles missed the airliner.

Two U.S. military officials said that forces from the U.S. Joint Special Operations Command were involved in Monday’s raid in southern Somalia. The officials gave no details about the target, and they spoke on condition of anonymity because the operation was secret.

But the deputy mayor for security affairs in Somalia’s capital, citing intelligence reports, confirmed Nabhan was killed. Abdi Fitah Shawey did not elaborate.

Somali witnesses to Monday’s raid say six helicopters buzzed an insurgent-held village near Barawe, some 155 miles (250 kilometers) south of Mogadishu, before two of the aircraft opened fire on a vehicle, killing two and wounding two.

Ernst Jan Hogendoorn, Horn of Africa Project Director of the International Crisis Group, said the “surgical” precision of Monday’s raid shows that U.S. has specific intelligence in Somalia.

“I think it will certainly make al-Shabab leaders much more cautious when they are operating because obviously the United States has very precise intelligence about their movements,” he said.

Like much of Somalia, Barawe and its surrounding villages are controlled by the militant group al-Shabab, which the U.S. accuses of having ties to al-Qaida. Al-Shabab, which has foreign fighters in its ranks, seeks to overthrow the government and impose a strict form of Islam in Somalia.

The U.N.-backed government, with support from African Union peacekeepers, holds only a few blocks of Mogadishu, the war-ravaged capital.

Source: AP

Somaliland Parliament Resumes Its Sessions

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HARGEISA, 15 September 2009 (Somalilandpress) – The Somaliland parliament resumes its normal sessions today with the presence of 70 MPs. Today’s session which was chaired by the parliament speaker, Mr. Abdirahman Irro was attended by a large number of Somaliland traditional leaders who have been mediating between the two sides.

The parliament said they have only two days left for their extra-ordinary session. The speaker said they will vote if they should go for a month holiday or make an extension to their session. After the voting, 36 members voted in favour of the extension while 32 others voted for the holiday. The speaker did not vote.

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The speaker then informed the MPs that the traditional leaders asked the parliament to halt their sessions for two days in order to finalize the mediation process which the MPs agreed.

In his opening speech, the parliament speaker condemned the government of not letting the press cover their sessions. He said the press should be allowed to attend the parliament sessions as they have to right to exercise their freedom and serve the nation.

The press was then allowed to go inside and cover the news from the parliament.

Opposition leaders visit the injured civilians during the recent protest

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Hargeisa, Somaliland (SomalilandPress) – The leaders of Somaliland’s opposition parties visited those who were injured during the recent protests at Hargeisa hospital today.

The Opposition leaders, Mr. Siilaanyo and Eng. Faisal spent several hours with the injured civilians and their families. They said most of them are wounded because of gunshots. They also provided some financial assistance to the patients.

The visit which came after three days when the incident happened is believed to be one of the opposition’s cards to gain the people’s support during the expected elections. In a brief press conference during the visit, the leaders called the government of releasing those who were arrested during the protest.

Government officials did not visit those who were injured during the violent demonstrations on Saturday. The oppositioin leaders said it is against the Somaliland’s constitution to arrest people because of demonstration as they were supporting democracy in the country.

Source: SomalilandPress

Southern neighbour puts Somaliland on Horn of a dilemma

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AFTER almost two decades as a failed state torn by civil war, perhaps the world should begin to admit that Somalia – as currently constructed – is beyond repair.

Some of the country, however, can meet at least a basic standard of governance. The northernmost region, Somaliland, situated at the opening to the Red Sea and home to roughly 3.5 million of Somalia’s ten million people, is more or less autonomous and stable.

But this stability fuels fears that Somaliland’s people will activate the declaration of independence they adopted in 1991.

At the end of September, Somaliland will hold its third presidential election. Unlike many developing countries, it will welcome foreign observers to oversee the elections, though, unfortunately, most Western countries and agencies will stay away, lest their presence be seen as legitimising Somaliland’s de facto government.

But Somaliland’s strategic position near the world’s major oil-transport routes, now plagued by piracy, and chaos in the country’s south, means that independence should no longer be dismissed out of hand.

Indeed, following a fact-finding mission in 2007, a consensus is emerging within the European Union that an African Union (AU) country should be the first to recognise Somaliland’s independence.

A 2005 report by Patrick Mazimhaka, a former AU deputy chairman pointed out that the union in 1960 between Somaliland and Somalia, following the withdrawal of the colonial powers (Britain and Italy), was never formally ratified.

Ethiopia is the obvious candidate to spearhead recognition, given its worries about jihadi unrest within Somalia. Moreover, landlocked Ethiopia uses Somaliland’s port of Berbera extensively. Yet Ethiopia may hesitate, owing to its fears that formally recognising Somaliland’s independence could undermine Somalia’s fragile, western-backed transitional federal government (TFG). But, as Somalia’s new president, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, is a former head of the Islamic Courts, Ethiopia may choose the status quo in Somaliland over the dream of stabilising Somalia.

The key regional obstacle to recognition is Saudi Arabia, which not only objects to the secular, democratic model promoted by Somaliland, but is also a strong ally of Somalia, which is a member of the Arab League (despite not being Arab) and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference. Saudi Arabia supports the TFG financially and politically. Saudi pressure on Somaliland has ranged from banning livestock imports to threatening to reject the Somaliland passports of Hajj pilgrims.

When Somaliland’s people vote at the end of the month, they will not be deciding explicitly on secession, but their steady effort at state building does amplify their claims to independence. So it is high time for diplomats and statesmen to provide some guidelines as to when and in what circumstances secession is likely to be acceptable.

Does any self-selected group anywhere have the right to declare independence? If so, the richest parts of any country could decide to go it alone, thus impoverishing their fellow citizens. Even if greed is ruled out as an acceptable motive, in favour of traditional ethno-cultural nationalism, a profusion of tiny tribal states might make the world far more unstable.

Thus clear principles are needed, as neither self-determination nor the inviolability of national borders can be treated as sacrosanct in every case.

So let me attempt to outline some basic principles: no outside forces should either encourage or discourage secession, and the barriers for recognising secession should be set high. Secession is in itself neither good nor bad: like divorce, it may make people more or less content.

A declaration of independence should be recognised only if a clear majority (well over 50 per cent-plus-one of the voters) have freely chosen it.

The new state must guarantee that any minorities it drags along – say, Russians in the Baltic states, or Serbs in Kosovo – will be decently treated. Secessionists should have a reasonable claim to being a national group that, preferably, enjoyed stable self-government in the past on the territory they claim. Nations need not be ethnically based; few are entirely. But most nations are unified by language, a shared history of oppression, or some other force of history.

On this, admittedly subjective, measure, Somaliland qualifies as a nation. It was briefly independent (for five days) in 1960 after the British withdrawal, before throwing in its lot with the formerly Italian south, a decision its people have regretted ever since. In this brief period, 35 countries, including Egypt, Israel, and the five permanent members of the Security Council, recognised Somaliland diplomatically.

Given the interests of all the world’s great powers in stabilising the Horn of Africa, there does seem to be movement toward accepting Somaliland’s claims and it could be a force for stability and good governance in an otherwise hopeless region.

By Charles Tannock

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