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A Message to Young Somalilanders Worldwide

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I first of all wanted to say hello to all my fellow young Somalilanders and future leaders. It is you who I speak of when I promise Somaliland politicians that ‘Somaliland will be fine after your entire generation dies.” While those words may be harsh, the stinging reality of its promise garners at least an appreciative smirk from those who remember what it feels like to love Somaliland. It is no secret that the current young generation of Somalilanders will inevitably be the leaders of tomorrow and I want to thank every one of them in advance for beginning their journey simply by realising that they are the answer that they are looking for.

What takes us all as young Somalilanders on this journey is that the country of Somaliland burns like a fire in our hearts, holds an emotional attachment that overcomes great distances, and calls to us beckoning our return to our true home and final resting place. It’s this same passion and unbreakable attachment that will lead Somaliland to its future success, but first we need to take this passion and convert it into energy we can harness in the form of tangible results and the progression of Somaliland.

Being based in Somaliland I have the privilege of bumping into members of all the political parties (including both their leaders and their fervent followers) and indeed my very close relatives are extremely active in all the main political parties; even Udhis! So I think I can safely say that I am speaking from a very broad perspective when I say that we need to consider who we support and the reasoning and logic behind our support. Should we support a certain party based on our clan ethnicity, support whom our parents do, or should we choose a party based on the needs of Somaliland?
With the increasing intellectual capacity and patriotism of our younger citizens I will have to leave that as an open question as the answer is quite obvious and I am sure we are all on the same page. It is the bleeding and humiliated concept of Somaliland that needs our support and attention and as patriots whose heart the love of Somaliland burns in, we must rally to support Somaliland using all methods available to us; but where do we start?

A lack of a clear election date has created an understandable lack of confidence among most voters, but it still remains that this sacred privilege of voting is the only option when you overcome the immature notion of using violence. It is this same lack of confidence and feeling of helplessness that has in fact allowed the current administration of Somaliland to exploit loopholes in our current constitution allowing them to circumnavigate the limits placed on terms of office. What makes many voters even more disillusioned with our voting process is the inevitability that the ballots will be stuffed.

My answer to this disillusionment is ‘so what?’ Having witnessed ballot stuffing take place in big cities such as Toronto, Canada and London, England I can assure you that this nasty little tactic is employed in practically every country and in every election in the world. What you should think about is that ballots always reflect the will of the greater masses and no one can change that. The Nazi party could never come back to power in Germany even if all the election officials belonged to that party because the number of fake votes it would take to counter the real votes could simply never exist! What I am trying to say is that when the citizen’s of Somaliland’s resolve is heightened to the point the only logical outcome is made clear, it is only Somaliland and not any party in particular that will be declared the winner on Election Day.

So who is this party that is capable of delivering us this promise? Who is this party that will single hand idly bring us from the darkness into the light? The answer is that there is none. Yes, none. Zip, zero, none. There is no such thing as a Magic Party that always gets it right. If it did exist then they would’ve won the election long ago. So now that we know this and we’re thinking realistically and not ideally, who should we be throwing or support behind? Udub? Kulmiye? Ucid? Udhis? Should we start from scratch with a new party? Or should we choose a party based on the needs of Somaliland? The answer to this question may at first seem obvious to those who are privy to passing fanaticism and you will soon realise that the answer to this question is in fact the same answer that was equally obvious before; we should support a political party based on the needs and reality of Somaliland. As much as each promises with all their breathe; no single party will ever be the saviour of Somaliland. In fact, it will be their successive efforts when put together as a whole that will create a better Somaliland.

The trappings of office are actually quite nice, even here in Somaliland, and even I wouldn’t mind living on the state’s tab! Jokes aside, it is our civic duty and our civil responsibility to ensure Somaliland should not be left in one man’s hands; but rather in the hands of the entire nation. It is for this reason we should all be opposed to leaders interested in dictatorial office terms. As humans, we are all prone to complacency; the disease that ravages even the best of us and begins to eat away at our productivity and efficiency without us ever knowing. You see, it begins with overconfidence in one’s accomplishments and usually ends with complete disillusionment with one’s actual abilities verses our actual accomplishment. Throw in our nations disgusting national favourite pastime (chewing qat) and you are now looking at our current administration.

I am sure that our current President had Somaliland’s interests at heart a great deal more seven years ago then he does today and I don’t even blame him. There are actually people who call themselves Somalilander who put their allegiance to his affiliations and favours before their allegiance to Somaliland and give him an excuse to stick around. This may dismay Udub supporters, but even they themselves would find it hard to argue against tribal ties, financial motivation or outright cowardice as their motive for their support of the current party in power. My question to them is what exactly has he accomplished in his seven years of office?

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So now that is it obvious that Udub is not the answer we are left with Ucid, Kulmiye and Udhis. See this makes it hard because I both dislike and like them all equally. None of them has ever given me a coherent platform for me to consider, but all of them belong to the party that I plan to vote for; The Party of CHANGE. You see, I am more interested in Somaliland practising democratic ideals then the abilities of the current generation who are in a position to assume authority right now. I embellish the motto of the great state of New Hampshire who’s ‘Live Free or Die’ motto has made them a notoriously unpredictable swing state that holds no allegiances to any political party. When it comes time for me to vote I will be voting for The Party of CHANGE.

If this one can’t get it right; then fire them. If the next one doesn’t get it right; then fire them too. Hell, go Donald Trump on them and fire every one of them until one of them gets it right. And even when that one comes along he or she will only get one term more than those before him/her and a place in my heart alongside Somaliland as a consolation prize. You see, I care not about my uncle or the man who pays my bills. I care about the nation my children and grandchildren will call their home and whether or not they will have the same opportunity to pursue their happiness as the developed world does.

So this still doesn’t answer who we should be voting for. After dreaming of the idealistic kind of politics promised by Ucid and wanting to see those ideas come to fruition I have also learned about the nasty old politics in our country that you just have to experience to understand. Many of the voters don’t know their rights (and I challenge the Commission currently in Somaliland to spend the simple five thousand dollars to run a decent TV/Radio advert educating people on why to vote and how to vote in their best interests and according to democratic ideals). A lot of this has a lot to do with silly tribal affiliations at play in Somaliland, previous disputes amongst tribes and old promises and favours. Add this to who can provide the most free qat to rallying supporters and you now have a perfect picture of the majority of the Somaliland voting base.

After becoming in touch with the reality of Somaliland politics and the average voter, I realised that while Ucid ideally seems like a good party and has a level of organisation the other parties lack, that they have no realistic chance of winning the election due to the current political situation on the ground (which includes the ignorance and tribalism in our politics we need to eradicate). I recently drove through an Ucid rally in Downtown Hargeisa’s and I’m sorry to have to say that most of the people honking their horns were honking out of sheer frustration at the traffic jam the rally caused.

So now, being a big supporter of The Party of CHANGE why would I give my vote to a party that doesn’t have a realistic chance of winning the election? I know I want to get rid of Udub and will support anyone who can take their place. So, I guess, I should just go out and vote for the party that makes the best promises right? I mean, it’s that simple; roll the dice and may the best party win dude! The truth is, is that it is not that simple. You must realise that Udub has bought so many votes that they can easily come in first place in the election without stuffing any ballots. So it is on us as those who want to vote for The Party of CHANGE in Somaliland to look at which of the four parties can actually become the alternative to our current hapless administration. Udhis is an upstart and is in the same position that Ucid was in the last election; a fresh way to say you’re not a part of the status quo and that you won’t vote based on the old way of thinking. I like the hope that Ucid provides, but there is no way in hell that I like that hope enough to give Udub another 5 years at the helm Somaliland.

So now you see where I’m getting. The purpose of this article is an exercise in realism and to throw the idealistic dreamy wishy washy feeling aside. I actually look forward to assisting Ucid in the future and don’t want to discourage people from supporting the party that they agree with, but at some point I have to tell myself the truth; it’s not going to happen. I have to take my vote and use it as a weapon in Somaliland’s defence and be a smart voter who votes strategically and constructively and uses this weapon for an actual outcome. Doing anything less would amount to a waste of my precious vote and registering what would amount to a protest vote. The truth on the ground here in Somaliland is that a vote for Udhis or Ucid amounts to throwing your vote or straight up voting for Udub.

We have to realise that since they realistically have no chance to register more than a presence that we are splitting the opposition vote and giving what amounts to a ‘ vote to Ross Perot.’ This now leaves us with the party that is far from perfect, Kulmiye, as our only option as The Party of Change. It is, after all, this party that either won or almost won the vote the last time (depending on who you believe) and has the largest supporter base and therefore the only realistic challenger to Udub in the upcoming election.

In the future I look forward to a leader who has the patriotism and a love for their country and that I can call a ‘Wadaani’. The sad truth is that it will take time before this kind of leader can emerge in a correct climate in Somaliland where we can vote for the party we want to win and they actually have a fair chance; A time where a candidate only has to express their platform to an educated voter base in order to have a realistic chance. Anyone who believes we are currently at this point on the ground in Somaliland is only asking to be punished for their naivety.

So I conclude this message to all the young Somalilanders reminding them to use their vote strategically and to think beyond the current game. Think about the entire season and the life of Somaliland if it is Somaliland that you truly do love. And remember that no particular party is a sports team and it’s okay to be a glory-hunter if it suits the needs of Somaliland. Vote for The Party of Change and remember that this title belongs to none of the four parties exclusively, but to Somaliland itself. I may support Kulmiye this time around, but as I promised Mr. Silaanyo to his face, my support for their party will end the day they come to power. You see, I am a supporter of Somaliland the country, and not its representatives. Until Somaliland politics has everything to do with what’s right and nothing to do with tribes, I will forever be a part of the opposition and vote for The Party of Change.

I call on all of you to join me in supporting The Party of Change and look forward to the future of Somaliland and the ‘Rise of the Independents’. I urge you all to think about why and who you are voting for before you cast that ballot. You may honestly be Somaliland’s last chance.

Written by:
Mo ‘Arr’ Hussein

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

SOMALILAND DROUGHT: Food Distribution to Resume in Baki District

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PRESS RELEASE

Food distribution by World Vision has resumed in Baki district, Somaliland, after suspected cases of loss of food aid resulted in temporary suspension of the Baki food programme in December 2009. Investigations conducted by World Vision have also led to termination of five staff members based in Baki district.

The announcement to resume distribution was made during a meeting with three members of parliament from Baki and affected staff on Wednesday 24, in Hargeisa. “It is unfortunate that innocent people suffered during the suspension, but we had to carry out a fair and thorough investigation to ensure that food aid reaches the intended beneficiaries.” says Andrew Butali, the World Vision Somaliland Coordinator.

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Earlier, the Mayor of Baki had appealed for a quick solution to the problem noting that communities being affected by the current drought heavily relied on food distributed by World Vision. Most beneficiaries, who are pastoralists, had expressed their dilemma of whether to wait for the issue to be solved or move with their livestock in search of food and water for their livestock and themselves.

The government of Somaliland made a public appeal for urgent humanitarian assistance and livelihood support, to avert worsening humanitarian situation that is affecting all six regions. “In addition, assistance and support to urgent water trucking, construction, and rehabilitation of boreholes as well as rehabilitation and desilting of ‘Berkads’ and dams and supplies of necessary medications for affected human and livestock populations will be needed to avert breakout of epidemics. Nutrition Support to the weak will also be necessary.” added the statement.

The World Vision food programme which gets support from WFP operates in Awdal and Hargeisa regions. The nutrition component of the programme carries out screening of children less than five years of age where confirmed cases of malnutrition are enrolled in the supplementary feeding programme for four months. Their families also receive fortified rations to supplement their diet.

The Food programme which began in April 2009, has recorded a significant drop in Global Acute Malnutrition Rates (GAM) from 22% to 8%. Currently there are 7,882 children in the Supplementary Feeding Programme.

Somalilandpress

Somali pirates seize Somaliland aid trucks

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MOGADISHU (Somalilandpress) — Somali pirates in Puntland seized food aid trucks and their drivers to obtain the release of detained comrades, officials said Friday, in a rare land attack by the sea bandits.

The five trucks had been contracted by the UN’s World Food Programme and had finished delivering food aid in the Galkayo area, in the semi-autonomous northern Somali state of Puntland, which harbours several major pirate lairs.

They were on their way back to Berbera, the main port in the neighbouring breakaway state of Somaliland, when a gang of pirates intercepted them on Thursday.

“The pirates hijacked five trucks with nine people onboard and took them to their base in Garaad. They are demanding the release of their colleagues arrested recently by the Somaliland security forces,” Abdullahi Mohamed, a security official in Galkayo, said by phone.

“We heard pirates took civilians from Somaliland region as hostages and we are still investigating the incident,” police officer Colonel Dahir Jama said.
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The Somaliland authorities have arrested and jailed dozens of pirates from Puntland in the Gulf of Aden recently.

“We are treating the hostages well here in Garaad and our aim is to get our friends in the jails of Somaliland freed. We are not demanding anything else. When our friends are free and back home we will free the drivers and the trucks,” Abdi Jamal, a pirate, said by phone from Garaad.

Dozens of other trucks transporting food aid in the same region are stranded in Galkayo, their drivers afraid to continue.

“There are many trucks from Somaliland still here in Galkayo, too afraid to return, but we will give them escorts,” Jamal said.

Source: AFP, 26th February 2010

Will the Dubai hit increase Israel's global isolation?

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These are the known facts: The Dubai police claim that 26 visitors entered and exited the emirate over the past year on false British, Irish, Australian, German and French passports. Some or all were involved in the assassination of senior Hamas operative Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, who also entered Dubai under a false identity. The Dubai police chief has accused the Mossad of the January 19 hit. He has presented no proof, but more than half of the fake passports in Dubai bore the names of Israelis.

The European Union and the countries whose passports were counterfeited have criticized the misuse of their identity documents without mentioning the names of those responsible. French President Nicolas Sarkozy termed the assassination utterly unjustified – “nothing more than a murder.” Israel has neither confirmed nor denied involvement in Mabhouh’s killing or in falsifying the documents, but former Israel Defense Forces chief of staff Dan Halutz said that such actions attributed to Israel “deter terror organizations.”

It is unclear whether terrorist groups are more deterred than in the past. What is clear is that the plot is thickening as more suspects are uncovered. If the claims of Israel’s responsibility are correct, what appears to be cumulative damage is getting worse.
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The main question pertains to the planning of the operation, or operations, in which the 26 holders of false passports were involved. It seems that the planners did not take into consideration Dubai’s ability to cross-reference information from surveillance cameras in the airport, hotels and malls with computerized information from its passport control. Even if none of the suspected agents were caught in the act, clearly they will have difficulty taking part in similar actions in the future. It’s also possible that the investigation will lead to the exposure of other suspects or other operations. A week before the hit on Mabhouh, a nuclear scientist was killed in Tehran, and Iranian leaders accused Israel.

The group that took out Mabhouh was exposed due to one weak point: the use of false passports from Western countries bearing the identities of real Israelis with dual citizenship. From now on, it will be much more difficult to use such passports, and all Israelis with dual passports will be suspected of being intelligence agents. There is no doubt that this revelation endangers, or at least complicates, other operations.

Did Mabhouh’s assassination justify taking such a risk? Was there negligence or contempt for the adversary on the part of the planners, the commanders and those who approved the operation (Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, according to foreign reports)? Were other operations compromised, that were even more essential than the killing of a Hamas weapons smuggler? Is criticism by countries whose passports were falsified just for the record, or will it limit operatives’ freedom of action in other hits? Will the affair increase Israel’s international isolation and present it once again as a lawless state?

If foreign reports are true about Israel’s responsibility for the Mabhouh hit and the forged passports, then a thorough clarification is warranted, which can lead to conclusions about both organizations and individuals.

Source: Haaretz, 26th January 2010

Somaliland: "Vice President is Doing Fine" Says the Government

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HARGEISA, 25 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Somaliland government strongly denied reports say the vice president passed away in Paris. Today, some of the media reported that the Somaliland’s Vice President, Ahmed Yusuf Yassin passed away this morning while he was at a hospital in France.

According to a press release from the government’s spokesman, Said Adani Moge, said the Vice President is doing fine and getting his medications in a hospital in Paris. He said those reports are bias and aimed at creating confusion among Somaliland citizens.

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Few weeks ago, the Somaliland’s Vice President was taken to France for medical treatment and being admitted in a hospital. Since then, there are uncertain reports about the VP’s health as there was no official statement about his health situation from the government.

Mr. Moge said the media should not circulate such reports before they make sure the reality.

This is the first time that Somaliland government officially speaks about the health status of the Vice President.


Somalilandpress

Nigeria stablity depends on 2011 poll planning: US

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WASHINGTON (Somalilandpress) — The United States pressed Nigeria’s caretaker president on Tuesday to revamp the oil giant’s tattered election machinery, saying it must hold credible polls in 2011 or risk increased instability.

U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson said acting President Goodluck Jonathan, who stepped in this month to fill the power vacuum left by President Umaru Yar’Adua’s near three-month absence in a Saudi hospital, was making a good start but that Africa’s largest oil producer remained in dangerous political territory.

“We’re not out of the woods yet. We won’t be out of the woods until Nigeria holds its next presidential election, until it has a president that all of the people have had an opportunity to select and vote for,” the top U.S. diplomat for Africa told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
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Carson said that during a trip to Nigeria this month, he urged Jonathan and other political leaders to start serious preparations for national elections due in 2011, saying these could be a crucial turning point.

“They must be a significant improvement over the country’s 2007 presidential elections, which were deeply embarrassing and deeply flawed,” Carson said. The 2007 election was marred by vote-rigging and intimidation.

The race to succeed Yar’Adua in the West African nation of 140 million people appears wide open, although Jonathan could win broad support if he performs well.

Carson said the United States was heartened by Jonathan’s commitments to tackle stalled oil reform plans, domestic gas supply shortages and instability in the Niger Delta, where militants have threatened to resume attacks on oil installations if the government does not quickly act on an amnesty program agreed to last year.

DELTA REMAINS ON EDGE

Attacks on oil and gas installations in the Niger Delta in recent years have prevented the OPEC member from pumping much above two-thirds of its 3 million barrels per day (bpd) installed capacity, costing it an estimated $1 billion a month in lost revenues, according to the central bank.

Nigerian crude is favored by refiners in the United States and Europe because it is light and easy to process into fuel products. The instability helped push world oil prices to record highs near $150 a barrel in 2008.

Among companies concerned by the situation are Royal Dutch Shell, U.S. giant Chevron, France’s Total and local firm Oando.

“Security has improved considerably in most areas of the Delta,” Carson said. “But a resumption of violence cannot be ruled out if the government does not follow through.”

Nigerian officials have said the elections could be held as early as November — although analysts say an accelerated timetable could increase political uncertainty.

Carson said it was crucial that Nigeria improve its INEC electoral commission, which he said “needs new and improved leadership if elections are to have any real meaning.”

Carson said the United States would continue to take a strong line on Nigerian corruption and would seek to help Nigeria’s government work to forestall the spread of militant Islam in Muslim areas of the country’s north. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently characterized the corruption in Nigeria as “unbelievable.”

Nigeria found itself in the spotlight following the December arrest of Nigerian Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, who is accused of trying to blow up a U.S. airliner as it approached Detroit from Amsterdam on Christmas Day.

The United States included Nigeria on a list of 14 countries whose travelers would be subject to increased security scrutiny after the attempted bombing, drawing fierce complaints from Abuja.

But Carson said U.S. officials at present saw “no direct linkages” between Nigerian militants — which he said were largely motivated by local concerns — and groups such as al Qaeda’s North African wing, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.

By Andrew Quinn

Source: Reuters, 24th February 2010

The Somali Community Needs To Learn To Deal With The Reality of Mental Illness

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Mental health is a very real and difficult issue which many in society face. Mental health concerns how those with mental illness think, feel and consequently behave. According to the National Health Service (NHS) of Great Britain one in four people in the UK have a mental health problem at some point in their lives that affects their daily life, relationships or physical health.

The simple fact is that mental ill health is not exclusive to one group or people within society and it is not linked to any individual characteristic or personality traits. Mental health problems can affect anyone and at any time during their life and without the correct support and treatment, mental health problems can effect and seriously damage individuals sufferers, their families and those around the sufferer. According to the NHS every year over 250,000 people are admitted to psychiatric hospitals and around 4,000 people commit suicide as a result.

Mental health disorders take many different forms and affect people in differing ways. Some of the most common and best known mental disorders are depression, stress, personality disorders and schizophrenia. Mental disorders can also include dementia which usually is associated with old age and eating disorders which are more common in young people today.

The reasons for mental health development in individuals are complex and personal and contrary to stereotypical prejudices, there is no one single cause. However, mental health issues are more prevalent in some groups than others and members of these groups tend to be the most vulnerable in society. These include the homeless, those from ethnic minority backgrounds, the disabled and those subject to immigration control or who are seeking asylum in the UK. Key events such as loss of family member, family breakdown, being made redundant from employment and long term alcohol and drug abuse can also lead to poor mental health.

Due to their vulnerability and a lack of understanding of their social issues, people with mental health problems are widely discriminated against in wider society and this is detrimental to the effected individual’s recovery as it worsens their mental health problem and slows down or even hampers their potential recovery.

Many Somalis in the UK suffer from mental illness and need support, advice and guidance in order to recover from it. Even if they cannot make a full recovery, they can be supported to enable them to cope with their mental illness. Thanks to medical advancement and innovations there are various treatments available free on the NHS. Among these are medication, counselling services and psychotherapy. However, despite all this, one of the key reasons why mental illness is so prevalent among Somalis in the UK and wider world is because of the stereotypically negative way it is viewed within the Somali culture.

Traditionally Somalis did not know about mental illness and even the limited few that might have known about it were ignorant to it. The reason for this is because in the Somali culture those with mental illness, regardless of how minor, are seen as weak, problematic and a shame on the family. The whole concept of been mentally unwell was and still remains, with a large section of the Somali communities worldwide, a social taboo which could potentially bring individual families perceived honour into question. As a result of this, many mentally ill Somali’s living in the developed world, despite the support and medical treatment available, seek no help or are fearful to even reveal they are mentally unwell in case they are marginalised by their own families and community. Many family members who are aware of their relative’s illness selfishly do not speak out or seek help on their behalf for fear of ruining a perfect family image at the cost of the mentally unwell relative’s recovery.

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The vast majority of Somalis living in the West have immigrated to their new respective Countries of residence as a result of a violent and deadly civil war which rages on today, nearly twenty years after it first started. Many of these immigrants are now settled in their new Western homelands and some even have children who are considered first generation Somali westerners. However, the traumas associated with war such as losing family members, losing one’s livelihood, wealth and starting all over again in an alien foreign land as a refugee have taken their toll on many members of the Somali Community members living in the West. Even some of those who have come to the western countries as children and have grown up there and have no recollection of Somalia suffer from common mental illnesses such as stress as a result of discrimination, unemployment and lack of opportunities.

Not surprisingly, more and more Somali women suffer from mental illness in the Western countries where they have settled as a result of family breakdown and lack of a support structure in the form of the traditional extended family which they were used to back in Somalia. Whereas the extended family support network offered them support, guidance and advice on bringing up their child(ren), family breakdown and all the ills that accompany it such as poverty, has trapped them in isolation, fear and social exclusion. To some Somali women seeking support for mental illness is more than a taboo, it is an indication that they are not fit parents and are not able to adequately deal with the responsibilities been a parent brings.

Many People who were asked about mental health for the purposes of this article were reluctant to speak about it. When asked if they knew what mental health was most said they did but could not define it. However, all were sure it involved a certain amount of mental imbalance in individuals who suffered from the illness. Lastly, when asked if they knew where to seek support and advice for mental illness if there ever was a need for it or if one generally needed information, most did not know. One person amusingly said, “The Police.”

Poor education about mental health and intolerance as a result of a macho culture has left many Somalis suffering from mental health in the West. Here in the UK where medication and treatment is free, it is rare to see Somalis seeking the support they are entitled to without been sectioned under the Mental Health Act. The fact is that mental health is an international problem which will or has the potential to effects everybody at some point in their life. It is not something that is unique to anybody or group and it is not something to be ashamed of. Many people recover from mental illness every year and go on to lead successful and fulfilling lives.

The Somali community must recognise this and move away from this macho culture which does not allow for good members of the community to be mentally unwell. The western governments and local and international mental health charities must also do their part to tackle the ignorance and the stereotypes that embed this dangerous level of ignorance by providing better education and training to the Somali community. Furthermore, the training and employment of Somali mental health advocates, trainers and advisers will go a long way in bringing mental illness as an issue out of the shadows and into the centre of the Somali community’s minds.

Liban Obsiye (libanbakaa@hotmail.com)
and Yusuf Salah (ylucknow@hotmail.com).
Yusuf Salah is a mental Health trainee advocate in Bristol.

The Mourning Tree – An Autobiography and A Prison Memoir by Mohamed Barud Ali, February 2010

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In 1993, as a Minister of the Republic of Somaliland, “I was given the same office that the National Security Service interrogated me in the first night I was arrested [in 1982]. What can I say? All the demons have been exorcised from my life”. So ends, in characteristic modesty and generosity of spirit, the memoirs of Mohamed Barud Ali. The memoirs titled “The Mourning Tree – An Autobiography and Prison Memoirs” were launched on 20th February – an eventful date for the author and one which has since been commemorated in the Republic of Somaliland. The memoirs which have been published as the well chosen first book in a series titled “men and women” of Somaliland, is not just the story of a man, but also reflect the tale of a nation.

Born, in British Somaliland of the 1950s, under a tree (the Mourning Tree of the title) which was steeped in clan folklore, Barud attended one of the few elementary schools in Somaliland and joined the successive generations which left nomadic life. After independence, Barud attended the prestigious Sheikh Secondary School which was still staffed by redoubtable British teachers, and then, as one of the brightest pupils, he came to the United Kingdom for university education. With a keen eye for detail, Barud narrates amusing vignettes about the inevitable but innocent culture clashes and about the invidious racism of the 1970s seaside town “skinheads” who had never faced before young Somalis jealously guarding their honour.

I can attest to the fact that the curious incident of the “black magic” (hot pepper) powder which reduced the tough Brighton “bovver boys” into sopping jellies has gone down in the annals of UK Somaliland students’ folklore!
Unlike many other Somaliland students completing their overseas studies abroad in the 1970s, Barud returned to the Somali “Democratic” Republic, as the country was known then, at the end of 1978. By then the so called “bloodless” military coup of General Siyad Barre has already shed much blood. On his return, Barud had no choice but to go to Mogadishu “because it was the only place where there was an opportunity for employment in the country”. In 1980, however, he was lucky enough to find employment in his home town, Hargeisa, and soon a new chapter of his life unfolded.

Barud and other young professionals were concerned about the dire state of the British built Hargeisa Group Hospital. With no adequate electricity supplies, relatives of expectant mothers were asked to switch on the headlights of their cars so that midwives and doctors can deliver the babies. A voluntary committee started to improve the state of the hospital and the streets and kept the local officials apprised of their work. The dictator’s extensive security apparatus could neither countenance any voluntary welfare activities that might be seen as highlighting the government’s failings nor would it allow any meetings or gatherings of such volunteers.

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The dictatorship’s idea of voluntary self help “iskaa wax u qabso” was neither organised by volunteers nor undertaken voluntarily. Barud is very characteristically modest about his role and that of his colleagues, but both the nature and symbolism of their actions to the regime, on the one side, and to the long suffering “Somalileyn” people, on the other, set in train the events that followed and are narrated in the remainder of the memoirs.

It started with a portentous nock on the door late at night in November 1981. Five fully armed National Security Service soldiers took Barud away from his home. They reassured his anxious wife “with disarming civility” that he will be back home within the hour – an hour that stretched to eight and half years! 28 other Hargeisa professionals were arrested during the ensuing months. Barud describes the torture and the inhumane treatment to which he was subjected over a period of four months. This included indiscriminate and repeated beatings, various water torture, sensual deprivation, and hunger. In their continual efforts to extract confessions, the teams of interrogators even tried to condemn Barud and the others for absurd inferences drawn for their traditional names – Barud (gunpowder in Somali); Olad (struggle); Abby (defence) and Dagal (war)! Barud retorted by pointing their other names, such as Warsame (glad tidings), Dualeh (blessed) and Madar (nourishing rain)!

On 19 February 1982, Barud was served, for the first time, with a charge sheet alleging that he committed offences under Siyad Barre’s Security Law, which were punishable by death. Barud already knew that the people accused of serious offences were executed promptly with or without short “trials” in special security courts and states that this was indeed the worst week of his life. On the following day (20th February 1982), Barud heard from his prison cell gun fire that continued spasmodically for three days. This was the regime suppressing and killing unarmed students and young people who came on the streets when they learnt that Barud and 28 other detainees were to be sentenced by the dreaded National Security Court. Young students (and others) in Hargeisa and other cities came out into streets in defiance of the might of the dictatorship, and their stones and pebbles were answered with a hail of bullets, and reportedly some artillery fire. 45 were killed and a considerable number were arrested.

The ensuing show trial of Barud and the other 28 men took only 10 hours, including a break of one hour for lunch. The lawyers brought for them from Mogadishu two days.

Somaliland Thwarts Attack on Military

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LAS ANOD (Somalilandpress) — Somaliland military said it thwarted a Puntland militant attack on members of it’s 12th division stationed in east of Las Anod on Monday morning.

Mr. Saleban Guled, Somaliland Defense minister, said there were no casualties on either side but the militants fled back to Puntland.

The attack came as Somaliland prepares the last leg of voter-registrations in the region.

According to an eyewitness, a search operation was also conducted in Tukaraq, a town some 50km south of Las Anod, against miscreants involved in terror activities. They said arms and cash were seized.

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Earlier this month, the security forces nabbed at least 20 suspected militants and Quranic teachers from Las Anod, who were accused of having ties with Somalia’s Al Shabab militants.

On the 29th of January, Mr. Ali Sundale, Somaliland’s Postal and Communication minister, suspended all communications in the town after reports suggested that mobile phones were used as ‘bomb triggers’.

Since the security measures were introduced there has not been any attacks in the region.

Somalilandpress, 23rd February 2010

Somaliland: Two girls kidnapped from Puntland, Sri Lankan arrested

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HARGEISA (Somalilandpress) — A Sri Lankan citizen of Russian native was detained for questioning after he was caught attempting to smuggle a 13 year old girl from Puntland, Haatuf reports.

Asha Mohamed Hassan, 13, from Qardho in the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, went to her usual work on Friday 5th of February in one of the local beauty salons where girls occasionally get their hands and feet decorated with henna. On that same day, an Italian woman, also a regular client, whose mother is said to be Somali came to the salon.

Asha told Haatuf, the Italian woman lured her with the promise of a job in Hargeisa that was paying $600 per month. She was told she will be working for a family as a housemaid, doing basic household chores.

“The Italian woman, who I met before asked if I wanted to work in Hargeisa, I told her, I tried before to go to Hargeisa to find a job but did not work out for me. However I told her if she would pay for my journey I was ready to go,” she said.
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After getting her clothes, Asha was forced into the boot of a car to avoid being seen by her sisters who run their own stalls in one of the central markets.

“She then asked me to get my belongings and be ready, there was a car leaving for Hargeisa tomorrow. After getting all my belongings she took me to a house in the out skirts of the city where she lived, a moment later a Mark II car approached us and she told the driver to hide me in the boot from my sisters and the guards at the check-points,” she told Haatuf.

Once they left the town of Qardho, Asha said, she was moved to the front seat of the car and crossed the border after few hours.

While traveling through the city of Buaro, Somaliland’s second largest town, the driver was contacted by a man who stated that the girl was to be delivered to him.

Once they arrived in Hargeisa, Asha claims, she was delivered to a ‘white man with damaged skin’. The man is actually a Sri Lankan who suffers from leprosy, a chronic skin disease. She added she was in a state of shock, disbelieve and distressed as she thought she would be working for a family not a man.

“I told him, I don’t know you and I will not go with you, he then requested I speak to my sister referring to the Italian woman,” she said.

The driver took the girl to one of his relatives in Hargeisa where she is currently staying. Later she find out that the Sri Lankan man was detained by the police and is said to be in prison.

Asha has since contacted her family and his in good spirit.

In a press conference in Hargeisa today, Somaliland police Chief, Col. Mohamed Shiil Dibar said they have detained a Sri Lankan man of Russian origin. He said, the man, who lived in Qardho for five years wanted to take the girl to Russia. He warned Somaliland parents to be alert and at all times monitor their children.

No one knows if the driver will face any charges and Puntland has not commented either and no one knows if the Italian woman in the centre of the trafficking is detained.

In a similar incident, a young girl is currently held in Burao by the regional authority after she was kidnapped by an Oromo lady (ethnic group in Ethiopia) and sold her to two Ethiopian men.

Halima Osman Bile, the mother, said her daughter went missing midday in the town of Bandar Bayla in Puntland, near the northern tip of Somalia, where pirate base Eyl is more popular.

The little girl was taken to Puntland’s commercial town of Bosaaso before she was smuggled into Somaliland.

She is currently held in Burao by the local authority as police investigate the matter. The case is still under review.

No one knows the number of children trafficked, kidnapped or smuggle each year between Somaliland and Somalia but there has been a sharp increase in recent years due to the lack of border patrols and influx of immigrants. Child smuggling was unheard of in Somaliland and Puntland but in recent years there have been an influx of immigrants displaced in Ethiopia and Southern Somalia, where kidnapping children is more common.

It was not long ago, when a lady from Southern Somalia also kidnapped a two year old child from the town of Las Anod before her family informed the police.

In early February of this year, Somaliland’s minister of Family Affairs and Social Development, Ms. Fatima Sudi voiced her concern about the new problem of human trafficking.

“This is something new to us but widely known in the war torn places. It is called human trafficking,” she said.

Ms. Sudi said her Ministry has been working hard in finding a viable solution to the issue and dealing with the tremendous immigration problem.

“We thank [the] UN & NGOs, who had assisted us with the problem of human trafficking. We extend special thanks to the government of Japan, who funded IOM to assist us on these matters,” the minister said.

“There are people who are experts on carrying out human trafficking activities. They lure people, they tell them that there are better places with better life, but at the end those innocent lives will be exploited.”

Ms. Sudi said they will be launching massive awareness campaign and very soon huge billboards will go up in the regions of Awdal, Hargeisa, Sahil, Togdheer and Baligubadle.

According to an analyst, most of the trafficking involve immigrants or foreigners in the country.

Source: Somalilandpress, 23 February 2010

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