Home Blog Page 856

SOMALILAND: America’s Underestimated Friend

0

(SomalilandPress)-Think about Somalia and all that jumps to mind is the image of a lawless country where extremist forces have turned it into killing fields, where people are butchered, maimed and their dignities and human rights are trampled on in the name of a mangled Islam, where piracy is a lucrative business that brings brides and undreamed of wealth and luxuries to hapless maritime scarecrows.

It is a place where the President of the internationally-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) hides in a foxhole called Villa Somalia with the protection of African Forces but gets red-carpet treatment in western countries. A place where corruption is so rife that government officials as well as clan militias and unscrupulous local contractors get hefty bribes in order to allow world donated food supplies to reach the displaced and the needy sheltered in make-shift camps. A place where the TFG’s western trained military sells its weapons to their sworn enemies due to an intricate mix of clan loyalty and endemic indifference to military values and patriotic feelings.

Somalia is a place where each of the fighting groups is so fragmented that any hope of one group coming on top as dominant force to bring stability remains a distant dream. A place where internationally-concocted peace conferences have become a profitable industry that no sooner one is held to satiate the greed of some groups, another one is demanded by groups who feel left out of the spoils of the first by starting another horrendous conflict. Topping the list of these surrealistic images is the picture of the suicidal group Al Shabab that allures disillusioned youth of Somali origin from North America and Europe to be part of what they claim to be a legendary Islamic revolution of equal status to Prophet Mohammed’s conquest of Mecca from the pagan Quraishites or to die for the fantasy of wedding virgin girls in the life after death.

Compare this to another people of Somali stock who managed to avoid all the above vices and vagaries; people who are like your next door neighbors and have worked to restore peace and stability in their territory; people who opted to consult the fine products of their culture and human mind in running their own affairs and kept Islam in God’s turf and in its dignified place of being in the hearts of people to meet the individual’s spiritual needs. It is a place where its people distanced themselves from the lawlessness and butchering taking place in former Somalia. A place where pirates are captured as criminals and put on trial, where suicidal ideologies are shunned and not adorned with grand titles and noms de guerre that are alien to the Somali psyche and culture.

This latter place is Somaliland, a country that gained its independence from Britain in 1960 and has become a full member of the United Nations before it joined the Italian colonized South in a union that brought them only destruction and misery. Almost 30 years after the union, the former British Protectorate of Somaliland walked away from the union with their towns destroyed, their infrastructure in tatters and their whole population in refugee camps. But within two decades and after several inter-clan conferences under their acacia trees, they consolidated peace and established government institutions through a unique blend of customary laws and a multi-party democratic system. Today, while world favored Italian Somalia is still in mayhem, Somaliland has an elected president, an elected parliament, a free judicial body and a vigorous free media.

It also has its national flag, national currency as well as a military and a police force. A score of universities and colleges and hundreds of public and private schools sprang up in various parts of the country. Now as I write this piece, Somaliland National Election Commission is issuing voting registration cards for the upcoming second presidential elections due to take place sometime this year. This makes Somaliland one of the first countries in Africa to apply an electronic voter registration. The three political parties in the country have lined up their candidates and are on the campaign trail to sell their agenda to the people.

The people of Somaliland have achieved this without UN-sponsored conferences and with limited international assistance. But while Somaliland finds it hard to sell its success story of peace, progress and democratization to the international community, the world pours money to the bottomless vortex of lawless Somalia; money that doesn’t feed the needy and shelter the poor but lines the pockets of irredeemably corrupt diaspora carpetbaggers and terrorist groups.

It is amazing, however, how Somaliland people sustain such a strong belief that their resilience and determination would pay at the end, if not by gaining political recognition at least by getting the financial assistance they need for building their capacity in contributing to the safety of the maritime routes against piracy and for bolstering the security of the strategic Horn of African region against the threat of terrorism.

Given the significant role Somaliland plays in safeguarding its coastal waters and checking the spread of Islamism with its meager resources, it is clear that Somaliland can be a vital geopolitical partner for the United States and the EU. The fact that a high profile Somaliland delegation is currently in Washington DC at the invitation of the State Department, is a good indication that the Obama administration is quickly learning that Somalis might not be the same people after all and that spending American tax payers’ money on the good people in Somaliland might put the horse before the cart in dealing with the intricate situation of that Horn of African country and might win America grateful friends who see it as beacon of hope and freedom and not as infidels worth killing.

By Bashir Goth
Email: bsogoth@yahoo.com

__________________________________________________________________________
Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Working Mothers in Somaliland: Facts and Challenges

0

HARGEISA, 23 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – In every corner of our country, mothers wake up very early in the morning and walk to work places and markets alone, sometimes accompanied by the song of some birds. These mothers are of all ages and their goal is the same. They work hard towards their goal even if circumstances are unfavorable. They have in mind that success has no lift but they should climb the stairs.

They know the situation back at home, the kids waiting to be fed, dressed and stayed with; the older boys and girls in schools waiting the payment of school fees and the bus fair. Many other things related to house pour like a heavy rain drops to the mind of the mothers while walking to the work. These things together occupy mothers’ thinking and a lot of uncertainties fill their mind. They ask themselves about the children, what will happen to them, will they manage to catch the school bus or not, will they be safe; even if there is some one else looking after them,mothers tend to ask themselves these and similar questions.

Our mothers are the back-bone of our existence, they are our everything and they are the source of courage, kindness and well being. In many cases, it happens that mothers work while fathers or the old boys are sleeping or chewing Qat. Surely, these men have neglected their role.They even don’t think that they should have worked and not the mothers. Mothers should have relaxed and enjoyed, they have already had many difficult years, starting from the day they gave birth to their loved children till they grow up. It should have been so, but why do they work? It may seem a little bit difficult to put all answers in a short and easily understood manner.

They work simply to earn for a living, for the betterment of their living standards and that of their children and family in general. Some work because of difficult circumstances forced them to do so. Reasons for working seem different and varied but their result are the same.All end in one point which is the struggle for well being, for better life and for livelihood. In reality it doesn’t deserve to be called a work, because jobs are paid and have definite working hours and conditions, but what mothers do to earn a living is just for survival and not a job. However, the terms work and job are more familiar to our ears and therefore I used them just for simplification purposes.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

Another important perspective is the working conditions and environment. They buy some products in some kiosks, shops and on wheel barrows. Many of them sit on the ground selling fruits and vegetables. They work in a sunny open space, very hot in the day and during rainy seasons unprotected from the storms and heavy rain fall. Dust is their best friend,overcrowding and noise and other pollutions are also their neighbors. Many times their few products are stolen by thieves. Passers by don’t care them and sometimes the police seem their biggest danger.

In many cases, police deal with them with anger and power, destroying and throwing away their belongings. It is a bad picture, yet many mothers never complain. They work under all these conditions. They have no proper places, and the government which should have helped them, takes some of their earning. They take tax from them, but they never get the reward. The tax and some other commissions they pay are never seen again. Those dealing with our mothers like that didn’t forget that they are their children, but their justification is not very pleasing.

Men on the other side forced women to work, many of them ignoring the importance of work, others cursing the circumstances and situations, then giving up. Many also throw an insult and bad words over the government and others blame themselves for not being lucky and born rich. Scapegoating is their only skill;many say that they lack available jobs. Unemployment is there, but they don’t know that they are the reason behind it. Yes, they are because many chew Qat and waste their time, not going to schools and acquiring knowledge. Others are busy with politics and useless speeches and debates in tea-shops.

They don’t know that they have let their mothers down, that they have put a burden so heavy over their shoulders, that they are spoon feeded although they are grown up. Younger girls and boys should have replaced them. Isn’t it disgusting to see seventy old mother working and her boys are loitering around. As far as the government is concerned it should have provided jobs, but it has its own reasons , perhaps right or misleading excuses. Mothers never ask the government about work, they never ever complain about what they are doing, they don’t curse the government rather they pray and ask Allah for leading their sons to the right path.

Our mothers wherever they are in our loved land are not in a happy situation.little do we know about their working conditions and their struggle, very few raise questions about their right for good jobs. The paradise is under the feet of mothers, that is what our religion teaches us. We should take care of them and answer their needs, otherwise we shall not live happily as long as they are working under these harsh times and environmet. Shall we understand our goals more, surely we will become good example and prosperious. Both men and women, we should act wisely, remember our mothers more, and become more responsible. Responsibility is the ability to respond.

Written By:
Ahmed Mohamoud Elmi-Shawky
Somaliland Education Network

KENYA: Terror Suspect Might Have Fled to Uganda

0

Nairobi, 23 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Nairobi — A terror suspect who escaped from police custody in Busia is believed to have fled to Uganda, while three police officers suspected to have let him escape have been suspended.

Mr Hashi Hussein Farah, who holds an Australian passport, is alleged to have links with the al Shabaab rebels in Somalia and Osama bin Laden’s al Qaeda.

Sources at Busia police station said his escape was well planned.

Two area businessmen who visited him at the station and the police officers have been arrested.

“That’s the first step then they will be taken to court and charged,” said Police Commissioner Mathew Iteere.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

In a major operation on Monday morning, police arrested a man they believed was Farah only to realise later that he was a Kenyan businessman.

Busia police boss Micheni Muthamia declined to divulge more information on the operation, only saying that Farah had not been recaptured.

It is alleged that the terror suspect claimed that he was asthmatic and was put in an isolated room where he met the two businessmen, who had brought him food.

Police found Farah missing when they went to fetch him so he could be transferred to Nairobi for interrogation by anti-terrorism unit officers.

Source: AllAfrica

U.S. Contractor Flies AU Peacekeepers To Somalia

0

STUTTGART, 23 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – U.S.-contracted flights, working under the NATO banner, ferried some 1,700 Ugandan troops into Mogadishu, Somalia, last week in response to an African Union request for transportation support, alliance officials said in a news release.

The troop movements were made as government officials in the Somali capital are preparing to launch a military offensive to reclaim parts of the city from al-Shabaab — an extremist group with al-Qaida links.

The airlift, which ran from March 5 through March 16, was conducted by the U.S.-contracted DynCorp International. In addition to shuttling troops into Somalia, the airlift also flew 850 Ugandan troops out of Mogadishu, NATO said.

Tensions have been on the rise in Mogadishu as the fragile Somali transitional government has been unable to turn the tide against Islamic extremist groups that seek to seize control of the country and impose a harsh form of Sharia law. And as AU forces dig in for the upcoming fight, a March 10 report by the U.N. Monitoring Group of Somalia raises questions about whether Somalia’s weak security forces and dysfunctional government are capable of achieving any significant gains.

“The military stalemate is less a reflection of opposition strength than of the weakness of the Transitional Federal Government. Despite infusions of foreign training and assistance, government security forces remain ineffective, disorganized and corrupt,” the report stated. “The government owes its survival to the small African Union peace support operation, AMISOM, rather than to its own troops.”

NATO has a standing agreement to provide strategic sealift and airlift support for AU troop-contributing countries that deploy to Somalia. Currently, there are more than 5,000 AU troops operating in there.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

There also has been widespread speculation that the U.S. military could become more involved in the conflict, supporting the Somali government by planting military advisers in the country and conducting surgical special operations forces strikes against the extremists. But earlier this month, Johnnie Carson, U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, told reporters that there were no plans for the U.S. military to become directly engaged in Somalia.

“The United States does not plan, does not direct, and it does not coordinate the military operations of the (Transitional Federal Government), and we have not and will not be providing direct support for any potential military offensives,” Carson said. “Further, we are not providing nor paying for military advisers for the TFG. There is no desire to Americanize the conflict in Somalia.”

So far, U.S. Africa Command’s work in the region has mainly been in the form of providing training to AU peacekeepers, who then deploy to Somalia.

Meanwhile, NATO’s last significant airlift contribution to the AU effort in Somalia was in 2008 when a battalion of Burundian peacekeepers were transported to Mogadishu, according to NATO.

NATO also has five warships operating in the region as part of its counterpiracy mission.

Source: Stars & Stripes

Somaliland Citizen Shortlisted for 2010 International Freedom of Expression Award

0

HARGEISA, 23 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Dr. Jama Muse Jama, a Somalilander and PHD holder who currently lives in Italy has been shortlisted for the 2010 awards of freedom of expression.

According to Index on Censorship, Britain’s leading organisation promoting freedom of expression, the honor is for those who often at great personal risk, have given voice to issues and stories from around the globe that would otherwise have passed unnoticed. This award is given to a publisher who has given new insight into issues or events, or shown a perspective not often acknowledged, or given a platform to new voices

This year, for the first time, Dr. Jama comes into the short list as one of the awards most effective candidate from around the globe. He was selected along with other activists from Afghanistan, Israel, Lebanon, UK and others.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

Dr Jama Musse Jama is a Somaliland activist, author, publisher and founder/organiser of Hargeisa International Book Fair. In 2009, Jama published Weerane (The Mourning Tree), biography of Mohamed Barud Ali, one of a group of political activists known internationally as the Hargeisa Self-Help Group, who were imprisoned under the late dictator Siyad Barre. Jama is editor of www.redsea-online.com, the only forum dedicated to the exchange of views on Somaliland culture and literature in both English and Somali languages. The site also acts as online library and bookstore.

Jama wrote and published Somali Writers’ Association 2008 book of the year, Freedom is Not Free, which explains to ordinary citizens the significance of Article 32 of the Somaliland constitution, which “guarantees the fundamental right of freedom of expression and makes unlawful all acts to subjugate the press and the media”. The book is part of a wider campaign in conjunction with Somaliland human rights groups for freedom of expression.

Somalilandpress

Kenya Police Criticized For Losing Terror Suspect

0

NAIROBI, (Somalilandpress) — A senior immigration official says the Kenyan police should explain how an Australian terror suspect handed to them by immigration investigators escaped from their custody.

The official said Monday that the man, Hussein Hashi Farah – identified as an Australian national of Somali origin – was arrested at the Kenya and Uganda border March 9 because he was on an international watch-list.

Farah went missing four days later. The immigration official was speaking on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak with the press.

Kenyan police spokesman Eric Kiraithe declined to comment. A second police official said the suspect was a member of the Somali terror group al-Shabab. The official also spoke on condition because he is not authorized to speak with the press.

Source: AF, 22nd March 2010

Who Do you Want to Dispense Justice – Committees or Courts of Law?

0

HARGEISA, 22 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – On 13 March 2010, the House of Representatives’ Judiciary, Justice and Human Rights Committee submitted to the House a report about Somaliland prisons which brought to the attention of the public again the number of persons currently imprisoned on the orders of the Somaliland security committees. The report stated:

• Of the 765 prisoners held at the Mandhera prison in February 2010, 373 were sentenced by courts of law, whilst 300 were in prison on the orders of the Somaliland. The security committees’ prisoners included one person held since 2006 and two persons held since 2005.
• At the smaller Berbera prison, there were 7 security committees prisoners and the prison governor confirmed that there are usually more.
• At Gabiley prison, of the 132 prisoners, 32 were held on the orders of the security committees. Of these, one was sentenced by a committee to 18 months imprisonment and another was held for a year.

The House Committee reminded the Minister of Interior (who is in charge of the security committees) that the Constitution and the laws of the land do not allow anyone outside the judiciary exercising judicial powers and that the question is not so much why these persons were in prison, but why they have not been brought to a court of law.

The response from the government came, surprisingly, from the Justice Minister . The Minister who has, in the past, being reticent about the extra-judicial activities of the security committees argued that, as far as the government is concerned, the actions of the security committees were legal and were based on the Public Order Law. If it is the 1963 Public Order Law that the Minister is referring to, then none of its 78 articles set up a security committee or allow any detention except in situations when a state emergency has been declared by the President and the Parliament, and even then any such detentions are time limited and are subject to confirmation and review by the ordinary courts of law. No such national state of emergency has been declared under the strict provisions of Article 92 of the Somaliland Constitution. It has been our view that the way the security committees work owes more to the dictatorship’s security decrees and practices than to the 1963 law.

The Somaliland government has so far disregarded the unanimous condemnation of the extra-judicial activities of the security committees by:

• many Somalilanders, at home and abroad, and including members of the House of Representatives ;
• the Somaliland opposition parties and civil groups
• the international human rights organisations (for example Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International in 2009 alone);
• the US State Department (in its yearly human rights reviews – latest 2009); and
• the UN Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in Somalia/Somaliland – 2008 report, for example.

The detention and imprisonment of persons without due process is contrary to the Somaliland Constitution and the rule of law. The activities of these committees have also done untold damage to the reputation of a country which is aspiring to become one of the few in the region where democracy and respect for the rule of law and human rights are taking root. Human Rights Watch (2009) has summarised the government’s use of the security committees as follows:

“By using bodies that have no viable legal foundation, make no effort to conform to the rights enshrined in the Somaliland constitution, and which elicit no rebuke from the courts, the executive has appropriated much of the power of the judiciary for itself. In the process it has stripped away most of the fundamental rights that are guaranteed to everyone brought before the courts.”

Somalilandlaw.com and others have repeatedly called for the immediate end of the extra judicial activities of the security committees and for the latter to concentrate on their role of helping in the maintenance of security and peace and to leave law enforcement and dispensing justice to the police, the prosecution service and the courts. We repeat that call again and urge all civil groups to make similar calls.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

We appreciate that many of the provisions of the Public Order Law 1963 that have nothing to do with security committees, although dated and not fully in line with modern human rights law, can be used, in the interim, after the government publishes them clearly, until a new modern law can be passed by the parliament. The government has failed over the last 7 years to submit a modern bill to the parliament, and it is no wonder then that its misuse and abuse of the 1963 Public Order Law has led to calls for the total rejection of this old law.

We are disheartened by the fact that the continued intransigence of the government on this issue has made the constitutional/supreme court and the lower courts wary of challenging these unlawful detentions. Now that the Justice Minister pronounced that these detentions are made under the Public Order Law 1963, then even if we assume that such detentions were made under a declared state of emergency, surely the courts can then exercise their powers under Article 72 of the Law which states:

“Article 72 – Confirmation of Restrictive Measures
1. All measures concerning arrest or search of persons or premises taken during a state of emergency under the an ordinance referred to Article 71, paragraph 1(b) [relating to persons suspected of a crime or activities contrary to public order and security] shall be promptly notified to the competent court for confirmation within 30 days from such notification.
2. Except in cases of criminal proceedings, the arrest of persons suspected of such activities contrary to the public order and security may be confirmed for such period as is necessary to prevent the danger of disorders; provided that such period shall not exceed 90 days. The Regional Court within whose territorial jurisdiction the arrest was made shall have exclusive jurisdiction in the matter.
3. An appeal against the confirmation referred to in the preceding paragraph shall lie to the Supreme Court and shall be filed in the manner prescribed by law.”

Courts therefore have jurisdiction to review these detentions even when made under a state of emergency. But as there was no declared national state of emergency, the detentions are not lawful, even under this exceptional provision of the Public Order Law 1963, and therefore the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal can use their Habeas Corpus under Article 66 of the Criminal Procedure Code to order the release of the detainees. Habeas Corpus was the first power of the courts that the military dictatorship suspended in 1970, and it is sad that nearly 20 years after its reinstatement in Somaliland and the adoption of a Charter/Constitution which guarantees the right to liberty (specially under Articles 25 to 28), the Somaliland courts have not so far offered justice to these detainees. We hope the Supreme Court will show leadership in defending both the independent constitutional role of the judiciary, as well as the rights and freedoms of individuals.

Finally, we are coming this year (again) to numerous elections at national and local levels. Public order issues are always heightened during election times , and it is fitting, therefore, that every candidate must be asked a simple question: Do you want committees (of public officials) who hold no hearings or courts of law (with the police, prosecutors and judges) to dispense justice in Somaliland? It is a stark and simple choice – justice, sometimes, is that simple!

Ibrahim Hashi Jama
Somalilandlaw Editorial
editor@somalilandlaw.com

Healthcare vote: Barack Obama passes US health reform by narrow margin

0

In the annals of American liberalism, a (very) few years in our history stand out enough that the mere mention of the year summons a waterfall of images and emotions – 1933 means the start of the New Deal and the birth of modern liberalism, 1964 means the passage of the civil rights act, 1965 means the passage of universal healthcare for the elderly. Now, in the wake of this morning’s narrow margin in the House of Representatives, 2010 joins that short list: the year we finally passed major healthcare reform after a century of trying.

It is a monumental accomplishment. The story of that century of failure is a story of multiple plots and subplots, but at its heart the story is about the tension in American society between the individual and the community – whether we are just a loose confederation of individuals who should be left alone to pursue self interest, or something more than that, a community of citizens with mutual ties and obligations.

I know that sounds awfully highfalutin and philosophical, but it’s precisely what the healthcare debate, both the current and historic versions, has been about. Your average American thinks, I have my insurance coverage, so why should I worry about the loser who hasn’t bothered to get his? For people who work hard and aren’t exactly wallowing in spare dollars, it’s a fair question to ask. But there is an answer to it, which is that in the long run, if coverage is universal and insurance companies face stricter rules, society will benefit, and your average American will benefit too, in the form of lower costs and better care.

The problem, of course, is that most people don’t believe that. There are many reasons for this, but a central one is that very wealthy and powerful interests have spent blood-curdling amounts of money convincing them that extending insurance to 32 million more of their fellow citizens (and yes, citizens only – not undocumented immigrants) will be at least detrimental to them and more probably calamitous. A record $3.47 billion was spent lobbying Congress last year. Not all of that was about health care, but a hefty chunk of it was, and the vast majority of it by corporations and associations that wanted to kill the bill outright or shape it to reflect their financial priorities.

[ad#Google Adsense (336×280)]

It’s been those two forces – that deeply embedded philosophical resistance to the notion of a common interest, lashed to those billions from corporations whose oxen reform might gore – that have killed efforts like this one every time. The defeat of them is indeed a rare thing in American history.

It did not, you may have noticed, come easily. The Democrats pulled it out in the end, but they – especially the Democrats in Congress – behaved abominably throughout this process. Dozens of Democrats – mostly moderates, but a few on the left, too – acted more like members of a small-town city council considering a zoning application than legislators considering one of the most momentous votes in recent American history. And while it’s certainly true that a “yea” vote last night will prove to be a risky one for some members, and will cost a few of them their jobs, even that reality is no justification for the preening and fretting we’ve witnessed in these recent weeks, weeks they could and should have spent promoting the bill.

Sometimes one had to wonder why some of these people are Democrats in the first place. Barack Obama, speaking to Democratic legislators on Saturday, sought to remind them of this, and he did so in just the philosophical terms I discussed above: “Something inspired you to get involved, and something inspired you to be a Democrat instead of running as a Republican. Because somewhere deep in your heart you said to yourself, I believe in an America in which we don’t just look out for ourselves … but we also have a sense of neighborliness and a sense of community, and we are willing to look out for one another and help people who are vulnerable and help people who are down on their luck and give them a pathway to success and give them a ladder into the middle class. That’s why you decided to run.”

So now they’ve cast that vote, and they will have to defend it. Opposition will be feral. Democrats may well suffer losses in the near term. And substantively, the mandated purchase of insurance, which begins in 2014, will be a hardship for some people at first.

But here’s the thing. Community hasn’t succeeded very often in American politics, but when it has, it’s tended to work better than advertised. Social Security and Medicare (universal coverage for senior citizens) are very popular. Once changes like these are made, well, it takes a while, but most people tend to like them. And maybe that’s the real reason Republicans are so unhinged right now.


Source: Guardian

Terminally ill Somali woman and her son deported from Norway

0

OSLO, (SomalilandPress) — Fathiya Ahmed Omar and her six year old son, Munir, were forcefully deported from Bergen, Norway, and sent back to the city of Genoa in Italy where she was found to have been fingered printed and processed as an asylum seeker before entering Norway in 20006.

Ms. Omar left Mogadishu, Somalia, carrying her son Munir and walking all the way to Kenya. From Kenya she went to Sudan, and eventually ended up in Libya. On her way to Libya she was held captive by the Libyan human smugglers who raped her for twenty days.

After this tribulation, Fathiya and her child arrived in Italy where she was processed in the city of Genoa as an asylum seeker. Fathiya decided to head to Norway where she had some family members and went to the city of Bergen.

Last week Immigration officers came to Fathiya’s apartment and was given one hour to gather all her belongings and told that she will be deported to Italy because of the Dublin Cooperation regulation (343/2003/EC).

This agreement established a series of criteria in which any member state that permits an applicant to enter or to reside in the territories of the member States of the European Union is obligated to take back its applicants who are irregularly found in another Member State.

At the time of her deportation Fathiya Omar was going intensive medical surgery at the Bergen hospital for the rape that she sustained from the Libyan human smugglers. Doctor Ulf Horlyk who was treating Fathiya before her deportation confirmed that Fathiya not only needed the physical surgery but also that she needs physiological treatment for the torment that she went through.

Fathiya and her son Munir are now in the city of Genoa, Italy, where they are homeless and without the medical treatment that Fathiya requires. She may not make it without assistance from international rights groups and medical teams.


On 18 February 2003, the EU Council of Ministers adopted a regulation (343/2003/EC) establishing a series of criteria which, in general, allocate responsibility for examining an asylum application to the Member State that permitted the applicant to enter or to reside in the territories of the Member States of the European Union. That Member State is responsible for examining the application according to its national law and is obliged to take back its applicants who are irregularly in another Member State.

Homeless and ill: Farhiya puts her son to sleep on a bench

Photos: WaryaTV

SomalilandPress, 21 March 2010

Rageh Omaar: journalism with passion.

0

BEFORE joining the Witness team at the launch of Al Jazeera English, Somali-born reporter Rageh Omaar worked for the BBC for over 12 years. An international correspondent covering stories from all over the world, he reported on the Kosovo War, and the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict. He was named BBC’s Developing World Correspondent and then in 2001, as the BBC’s Africa Correspondent.

After 9/11, the Oxford-trained journalist was the only TV correspondent from a Western media house to report from inside Kabul, Afghanistan during the bombing of the city and Taliban forces.

It was, however, his coverage from Baghdad during the invasion of Iraq in 2003 which brought him worldwide attention.

This year, the forty-three-year old is to front a new series for Al Jazeera called The Rageh Omaar Report, which begins on March 24. In this exclusive interview, Omaar talks about his expectations and hopes for the new programme, and offers advice to upcoming journalists.
What motivated you to start the Rageh Omaar Report?
It really didn’t need much motivating because it was an offer that I think every journalist dreams of, which is to be given your own programme to explore the issues and the stories that you’re passionate about, that are largely ignored by the mainstream western media. I’ve returned to the Balkans, Bosnia to look at how the ethnic war in Bosnia has scarred that region and continues to do today. And also to re-tell the story of how Radovan Karadzic, the Bosnian Serb leader evaded justice from war crimes for so long. I’ve just come back from Zimbabwe, looking at Zimbabwe very differently, not like the one-sided view that’s been done in the Western media quite a lot, but trying to explain Zimbabwe from all sides. We’ve spoken to the opposition and to ZANU-PF. We’ve spoken to indigenous black farmers who’ve benefited from land reform and white farmers who have lost everything, and looking at the land issue in a historical context. So these kind of stories and many more to come is a great personal opportunity and professional opportunity, and as I said it’s the kind of thing all journalists dream of.

What issues do you want to explore in Africa when you start your programme?
The most important thing I want to do, given that how sometimes one dimension and clichéd the coverage of issues in Africa, is not to come with any agenda. I don’t want the Rageh Omaar Report to say, you know, ‘we’re going to do this kind of reporting in Africa or that kind of reporting’. I just want to look at specific issues and countries and deal with them individually because I think one of the problems that I learnt before my years at Al-Jazeera, working in mainstream media, is that often a lot of the West both journalists and even politicians look at Africa as though it is one country and one place. You know Zambia is the same as Nigeria, and Nigeria is the same as Ethiopia, and Ethiopia is the same as Mozambique. Africa is like one place with all the same, similar problems you know, war and hunger and HIV. So I want to do reports on Africa to try and explain individual countries and societies undergoing difficult and sometimes hopeful change, but within their context, so that they’ll be interesting to an African audience. I know that people in Zambia and in Southern Africa are engaged in and are involved in what is happening in Zimbabwe, but that’s not true if you were to talk of viewers in maybe Ghana or Ethiopia or Mauritania. So I’d like people in those countries in Africa to be able to watch it and see hopefully a more intelligent, a more levelheaded but still journalistically strong and brave reporting from Africa. I want to approach the continent in all its complexities, as individual societies and think that there’s one theme to African problems.

Which specific countries are you looking at on your programme? How did you gain the courage to venture into Kabul at the risk of your life to cover the stories?
In terms of the new programme, it’s quite challenging the new programme because we don’t just want to be, it’s not a background story. We want the stories we cover to be relevant and newsworthy. Which is why we’re doing Zimbabwe now and we’ll certainly be looking at my own country Somalia which is a big hot issue, regionally in the continent and internationally. We’ll be looking at many other sorts of issues. I think we really want to explore America and America under Obama, and how it relates with the world, I think that’s very important, how it relates to Africa, the Muslim world. I think especially for a channel like Al-Jazeera, it’s very important to examine and look at America and its role in the world, but how Americans explain their policies and their role in the world and vice versa. So that’s a big topic, I think especially from a non-Western international news organisation’s point of view, like Al-Jazeera, because of course the other big international news channels, BBC, CNN are Western, but to have Al-Jazeera as a way for America to engage and how its engaging with the world is very important, in Africa and elsewhere. So very broad issues really, and timely issues.

In terms of why did I go to Kabul with the Taleban, I was the only news television journalist working for Western news agency, Al-Jazeera Arabic was there. I think, like someone said, it’s like a cat, curiousity. In journalists I think the one element that is indispensable (is) you’ve got to have a natural curiousity: what’s happening there? What’s really going on? Because also as dangerous as it was, because I was Muslim, because I was not white, I think that was an advantage. I was able to engage with the militia leaders and other people, and they saw me differently, and that’s why they decided to take me and only a few other non-Western colleagues into Kabul, and to have the privilege to see the last moments of the fall of Kabul with the Taleban before NATO and its allies took the city.

Will you cover Iraq? How does present-day Iraq compare with the Iraq of 2003?
I think it’s very important. Of course it’s different in some ways, and not different in others. The main thing I think we have to remember is that many, many tens of thousands of Iraqis have died for the country to get to where it is today. We’ve obviously just had elections in Iraq and I read a very interesting headline; it read ‘Iraq condemned to democracy’. And I think that was a very telling headline, you know, because there are elections, but politics is not time democratic. You have militia leaders and a lot of people who have sectarian politics, the insecurity is still there but still it’s not the place it was in 2003, 2004. But Iraq is still very fragile, it’s going to take a very, very long time for you and for me to be able to take a ride in Baghdad and walk around and talk to all Iraqis and see the country differently.

I think it’s been very, very incremental changes, and there have been important developments, there is a thriving press and so forth, but we can’t describe Iraq as a full democracy in a way that someone in the West would understand it.

And also there is a sectarian fault line in Iraq. It’s very different to the kind of Iraq we were all told was going to emerge from the invasion and occupation. If everyone had said in 2003, “by going into Iraq, we’ll have six, seven years of bloodshed and upheaval, but at the end of it, we’ll have relative democracy, but still authoritarian and sectarian division,” would everyone have said, “yes, let’s go in”? I don’t think so.

What do you think are some of the challenges journalists are facing and do you see any countries in Africa where great strides have been made to allow journalists to practice their profession freely?

I think the profession has changed out of all recognition in the last 10 years.

Because, I think especially in electronic media, the ability to get into it has become more accessible. To have television cameras and editing equipment and software and computers is possible now. You’ve got television stations, and really good journalism blogs, and newspapers and production, the standards are out of this world. I just think one has to be much braver because of the political context in a lot of Africa to be able to practice the profession freely. I think journalism succeeds not only because you have the ability to do it, but also because you have the support of society and government to practice it freely. You’ve got to have that. So that’s a big challenge in a lot of different places. There are far too many places in Africa where, look at my own country – journalists who write articles about al-Shabaab which is the militant group in Somalia – they’re often threatened and killed. That’s a real problem. …the profession is doing incredibly well, but it also needs support and help.

Do you think the media has portrayed your country specifically Somalia in a fair light, considering most of the images we see have to do with what you’ve mentioned terrorist groups, pirates, lawlessness…?

I think you’re right. Somalia has become a cliché. You know, everybody talks about Somalia as a failed state, no government for 20 years and then whenever anyone gets interested in Somalia, Western interests or Westerners are involved; you know the piracy. The piracy is a symptom of what’s happening in Somalia and to Somalis. But we have to be honest; this has been done by Somalis to Somalis, there’s no getting away from that, you know. And Somalia is in a catastrophic state, but I think the West needs to realise and is beginning to realise now, especially with the support of the transitional government is that there’s only going to be a Somali solution to this, with help from the outside, with help from countries in the region, from Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Djibouti, Ethiopia, many others. But its only going to be Somalis that can effectively…at the end of the day. So of course these things are happening I can’t deny, no Somali can deny, but I think that like the rest of Africa, it’s hard to see in the Western media beyond the cliché.

Looking at where you have come from as a journalist, what advice can you give to upcoming journalist today in Africa?

I think journalism as a profession, whether you go from the UK or wherever, it’s tough, because sometimes it’s a closed shop. You need a lot of persistence. It can seem like it’s hard to get ahead. But the advice I’d give first of all, you’ve got to know what kind of journalism you want to practice.

Don’t have like just pipe dreams and say “Oh, I want to be in the media.” What is it that you’re passionate about? Is it sport? Is it politics? Is it like social commentary? You’ve got to know what is it that you’re passionate about.

Be very direct because you won’t get any editor giving you any advice or a chance, unless you’re very clear about what you’re good at. You’ve also got to develop a tough character because news is fast-paced, you need to be able to write well. But persist. You got to have persistence, I think that’s the main thing because it’s a tough, tough business to break into; it’s not easy to get into. But you’ve got to persist.

Source: Sunday Post Online