Nairobi, 29 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – A leader of a moderate Sufi militia group that signed a power-sharing deal with the Western-backed Somali government this month has vowed to rid the country of radical Islamists.
The government brought Ahlu Sunna Waljamaca on board ahead of an expected military push against hardline Islamist rebels threatening to topple the administration.
“Together, we are going to eliminate radical Islamists from the country. We will confront Shabaab directly not through the media,” Chairman Maalim Muhamud told Reuters.
Muhamud said his group, which controls large swathes of central Somalia, had the capacity with the government, to ruin al Shabaab, which professes loyalty to al Qaeda and holds vast areas in the south and the capital.
In January this year, al Shabaab, which seeks to impose a strict version of Islamic sharia law in Somalia, attacked Ahlu Sunna’s positions in a bid to take control of strategic towns, but the Sufis defended them successfully.
Under the deal signed between the group and the government of President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, Ahlu Sunna will get five ministerial posts and appoint the army’s deputy chief of staff.
The Sufis’ quarrel with the rebels is mainly ideological.
Somalia has a rich Sufi tradition going back more than five centuries. Sufis have been angered by the desecration of graves, the beheading of clerics, and bans on celebrating the birth of the Prophet imposed by the hardline Wahhabi insurgents.
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The latest round of grave attacks occurred this week in Mogadishu after similar incidents in Kismayu and Baidoa in the south and in other areas, over the last two years.
“This is an unacceptable matter. The ones who are doing this are not true Muslims, they are far from the religion. We must launch a jihad against them,” Muhamud said, adding there were passages in the Koran allowing them to kill those who destroy graves.
Shabaab dismisses deal
An al Shabaab official said the alliance between the Sufis and government would not impact the balance of power.
“We have heard from the media about the deal they signed in Addis Ababa, but it will not have any impact on us. Our Mujahedeen are ready and are well trained,” Sheikh Ali Hussein, chairman of al Shabaab in the capital told reporters.
The deal between Ahlu Sunna and the government was opposed by several members of the militia group, including Muhamud’s deputy, Hassan Qorey, who says they were not well represented in talks that led to the agreement.
“Yes there are some Ahlu Sunna Waljamaca scholars who are opposed to the deal we have signed but we are going to solve our problems through talking to the rest of our group,” Muhamud said. “On the government side there is also some opposition, so we hope the other side will also do so.”
The chairman would travel to Mogadishu this week for a meeting of a joint technical committee of the alliance on implementing the power sharing deal, he said.
Somalia has had no effective central government for 19 years and Western nations and neighbours say the country is used as a shelter by militant’s intent on launching attacks in the region and further afield.
The Islamists launched their insurgency at the start of 2007 to drive out Ethiopian troops propping up the government. Ethiopians left at the start of 2009 but the conflict continued.
A smaller rebel group, Hizbul Islam, has an alliance with the al Shabaab in Mogadishu, where the government has been hemmed into a few blocks since a rebel offensive last May.
HARGEISA, 29 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Of course not! Be it the Somali National Movement (SNM) which bitterly fought against the former Somali dictator Gen. Mohammed Siad Barre’s brutal regime in late 80s, SNM supporters or its proponents, chauvinistically and overwhelmingly Northern Somalis supported Somali unity before 1991. But today a different picture emerges in the North—Somaliland. What went wrong? Or what went right?
Before the fall of Somalia’s junta regime in 1990, SNM and its counterpart: the United Somali Congress (USC) of Southern Somalia agreed to establish a unity government as soon as Gen. Barre’s regime collapses.
But no sooner did Gen. Barre flee the country than USC formed its own government where Ali Mahdi took the presidential seat. Just like the 1960, Southern leaders divided leadership roles among themselves, as if the North didn’t exist. Soon a rift between Ali Mahdi and Gen. Mohammed Farah Aided, the commander of the USC, brewed. What ensued was a savage, tribal war between Southern Somalis.
To the North, SNM predicted that it would take decades—in fact it may take centuries—before Southern Somalis settle their differences, so it convened a conference in Bura’o, the second largest city in Somaliland. After the conference, Somaliland’s independence was announced in May 18, 1991.
Although SNM proponents signed Bura’o reconciliation conference and agreed to independence, they may have done so to avert more bloodshed. But the Borame city’s, in Awdal region of Somaliland, conference in 1996 was one of the most important meetings which led to a lasting peace in Somaliland.
Despite the independence announcement in 1991, just like Bashir Goth—a professional Somaliland journalist—undoubtedly the majority of Somaliland people including myself supported Somali unity. Today overwhelmingly Somalilanders, however, support Somaliland’s sovereignty. What has caused the change of heart?
The factors that led Somalilanders to pursue independence tirelessly:
After the barbaric war between Ali Mahdi and Gen. Aided, a savage killing which lasted over a decade, many Northerners detested Southern leaders’ mindless feuds and abandoned Somalia to resurrect itself.
The fourteen consecutive failed Somali regimes parachuted into Mogadishu, was indeed the second reason that many Somalilanders pushed for independence. Also, all fourteen regimes—despite managing to control only few blocks of Mogadishu neighborhoods—not only remained hostile towards Somaliland and claimed an imaginary authority over its territory, but they also undertook a diplomatic crusade against Somaliland’s recognition.
Hundreds of malignant, deceptive, nefarious literature published against Somaliland by none other than the so-called pro-unity Somali groups has indeed forced many Somalilanders to ask themselves: were these the same people we shared a country with from 1960 to 1991? These pro-unity groups made every possible effort to disintegrate Somaliland along tribal enclaves. For instance, they refuse to accept colonial borders, but they want to draw tribal boundaries. Their hatemongering as well as warmongering tactics masqueraded as a pro-unity campaign remains the paradox that Somali unity lost steam. More than ever before, thousands of determined and unwavering Somalilanders joined the efforts to achieve independence. Read the article entitled, “Somaliland: Why Somali Unity Case Won’t Fly?” http://www.qarannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4096&Itemid=65
Additionally, the repeated terrorist attacks against Somaliland in which dozens of innocent citizens as well as foreign nationals lost their lives not only shocked peace-loving Somaliland people but also compelled them to refuse to touch Somalia with a ten-foot pole much less join it. Read more about how some Somalis left no stones unturned to wipe Somaliland off the map. http://www.americanchronicle.com/authors/view/4458
It was not just the terrorist attacks that alienated Somalilanders but also the hostile attitudes of many Somalis towards Somaliland delivered the final blows to Somali unity. Let me share with you a true story: in 2003 a dozen friends of mine and I departed from Ottawa to Toronto to participate the Somali week events held in Toronto.
During the festival, among other events, spectacular soccer tournaments were held. In the final match, a team from Scarborough area—a Toronto neighborhood where most Somaliland-Canadians settle—and another one whose members were Somali-Canadians competed. Somali flags were everywhere, but no sings of Somaliland flag appeared. As the Somali-Canadian team scored its first goal against its opponents, Somali flag-waving citizens were jubilant. You could see hundreds if not thousands of people waving Somalia’s blue flag. We were all happy to see the flag and hoped that Somalia will be revived soon. Nostalgia and reminisces of good old days—spectacular soccer matches in Mogadishu’s stadium crept into the ecstatic flag-waving fans’ minds.
But once the Somaliland-Canadian team scored an equalizing goal: it was as if the lights went out. A young player took the Somaliland flag and sprinted from one corner of the stadium to the other. And then the unexpected happened: as soon as the Somaliland flag appeared, the crowd not only booed but also got violent.
I remember a man at his early fifties carrying a box of Tim Horton’s timbits for his children. As he walked towards his kids, he noticed the Somaliland flag. He swung the box so furiously at 360 degrees—ooh lord have mercy on us, there goes another Mooryaan—timbits were scattered all over the crowd. Hissing and huffing with anger, “Curse upon you and your flag.” he stated. (Mooryan: anarchist.)
Shortly after, two events that followed the hateful reaction towards the Somaliland flag imprinted an ever-lasting impression in my mind. First, a good friend of mine who hails from Sool region of Somaliland but resolutely opposed its independence was so upset that he told the crowd: “If a gay flag was waved, none of you would dare to say anything against it, but once a flag that represents an entire section of Somali society—a flag that has the name of God and our prophet’s (pbuh) —is waved you spit out curses.” “This is what makes me a Somalilander as of this second.” he added.
But more important, a little girl, about six years old, whose parents also hail from Somaliland, asked her mother, “Mom why do they hate us.” Her mother, holding the Somaliland flag with one hand and the other one with her daughter, responded, “They hate us for the same reasons that they hate one another and can’t get their act together in Somalia.” The mother and her daughter stormed out of the stadium and so did hundreds of Somaliland-Canadians. These deep animosities, yet no one fully grasps where they emanate from, pushed Somalilanders farther.
The economic embargo against Somaliland—Arab regimes banned to import Somaliland’s livestock as to force Hargeisa—Somaliland capital—to recommit to another gunshot marriage with Mogadishu but they looted Somaliland’s rich marine resources unabatedly—was yet another factor. The embargo, an economic holocaust, was not only a counter-productive strategy but—if any thing—it also expedited Somalilanders’ quest for independence.
Over fifty percent of Somaliland population cannot relate to Somalia. They have been born after 1991 and never seen a war, with the exception of the brief inter-clan war in 1995. The only country they have been known is Somaliland. These young generations remain clueless about Somalia. They neither feel nostalgic for, nor reminisce Somalia’s glorious days.
Above all, the brutality of the Somali regime against Somaliland people in the 80s when all major cities were pulverized to dust and over 60, 000 civilians were slaughtered still lingers in the minds of many citizens. And just as there is no assurance that similar atrocities will be averted in the near future, so too there is no guarantee that Somaliland will join Somalia in the next thousand years. Or put it differently: just as hastily we joined Somalia in 1960, so too simply we divorced Mogadishu in 1991. Plain and simple!
It was the preceding deep animosities towards the people of Somaliland which pushed them to the point of no return. Today, evidently those who resolutely opposed Somaliland’s independence in the 90s are now chauvinistically supporting it. Why? The reason is: Somaliland is the only hope. Also, it dawned on many Somalilanders that not only did they get the shaft in power sharing in 1960, but also their country remained underdeveloped and their people were used as the bulwark against each other. For instance, only 3% of Aid reached Somaliland. But two-thirds of Somali National Army was stationed in Somaliland (how generous) to suppress the population. Somaliland possessed far more army ammunition depots than food distribution centers—where there was a shortage of food, there were a plenty of bullets for Somalilanders to murder one another. Without a doubt, the preceding factors and other reasons compelled Mr. Goth and I, as well as other citizens to change our views towards Somaliland.
Now, Mr. Goth’s recent article infuriates Somalis and Somalilanders alike. His article entitled, “Somaliland: America’s underestimated friend” offends some Somalis because he either implies or states the obvious: Somalia—an anarchic land where piracy and human trafficking are unabated, where its war-ravaged and bullet-riddled capital Mogadishu (or Muuqdisho) is under vicious warlords and savage terrorists’ thumb, where Somalia’s seabed is used as the dumping ground for nuclear waste, where its rich marine resources are pillaged by European and Asian invading fishing fleets—the vicious and voracious vultures of the “civilized” world—who also hypocritically under false pretext of curbing piracy deploy their mighty navies—NATO and other trespassers—into Somalia’s waters to protect their lucrative multi-million dollar illicit fishing industry as well as their inexpensive waste disposal programs. So much for the hollow mantra of protecting humanity and curbing piracy! Dear NATO nations and Asian sea-food fanatics keep raping and looting Somalia as much as you can. But spare inundating us with your four-letter word: “humanity”. (See the article: “Somalia: Piracy vs. Blind Western Justice” http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=11445 ) (Muuqdisho: horrible place to look at.)
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Equally, Mr. Goth’s article irks Somalilanders because he compares Somaliland with a country that sank ten feet into the ground, into a state of disgrace. That is: Somalia. Why not equate Somaliland’s progress with that of Djibouti, Ethiopia, or other nations, I ask you, Mr. Goth? (I too would be furious if I was compared with the lowest scum on earth.)
In response to his article, a reader named Mohamud Ahmed wrote a piece entitled, “Hypocritical praise: Response to Mr. Goth’s comments on Somaliland”. Although Mr. Goth was just used as a smokescreen, Mr. Ahmed’s frustration stems from Somaliland’s presence in Sool region—no need to read between the lines at all. But I will only shed a light on some quotes from a book written by Mr. Goth perhaps in early 90s, when we overwhelmingly supported Somali unity and were apprehensive about what the dozen rebel groups—some without any agendas, others aiming the presidential seat—waging wars against Gen. Siad Barre’s rogue regime might bring to Somalia. Back then, for some citizens the future looked bleak; for others, they felt liberated.
Take as an example, Mr. Goth, as a proponent of SNM, was understandably apprehensive about what SNM could bring to a war-ravaged and impoverished Somaliland, with of course revengeful feuding tribes. He perhaps perceived SNM as the typical African machete-wielding rebel group which would slaughter its opponents by the thousands. I, on the other hand, as a supporter of SNM enthusiastically welcomed the rebel forces and considered them as Mujahedeen. However, neither Mr. Goth nor I was wrong or correct. The views we held were based on our perceptions and how the events unfolded back then.
Mr. Goth and I were at different extremes in the 90s but shared one thing in common: we supported Somali unity. Today, we are on the same page and have something else in common: we advocate for Somaliland’s recognition.
Now coming back to the drawing board, Mr. Ahmed uses quotes from Mr. Goth’s book which clearly explain Mr. Goth’s support for Somali unity in the days of the civil war and uncertainty.
As Mr. Ahmed details in his article quotes from the book: “The unity of Somalia is one which is based on people having one culture, one language, one religion and one national integrity. And no single clan however powerful they assume themselves to be will never be able to nudge let alone move the mountain of Somali Nationalism,” writes Mr. Goth in his book— “Awdal Phenomenon”
Of course, in the 90s Mr. Goth thought that the “sacred” Somali unity (or the holy cow) was untouchable; similarly, countless Somalilanders supported Somali unity in the 80s and 90s. The concept of “greater Somalia” (Somaliwayn or Silicwayn) was in the minds of many citizens.
Mr. Ahmed takes more quotes from the book: “Today, the civil war ragging on in the North of Somalia is an Issaq monitored war aimed at annihilating all the other Somali clans existing in the area, so that the Issaq cherished dream of creating an Issaq Independent State, could be achieved. I am sure, many foreign people who were misled by the false propaganda published by the SNM would reconsider their positions towards the SNM.”
In the 90s if I were Mr. Goth, I too would not trust SNM or its supporters. Understandably, it would have been foolish for Mr. Goth to fall for the agendas of those he perceived as a threat to his region of Awdal. In fact, in early 90s Somaliland existed only in the regions controlled by Issaq tribes, so of course, it resembled a tribal entity. That is, Mr. Goth feared SNM; SNM feared Mr. Goth.
Mr. Goth adds, “As Somalis strived towards the idea of nationhood, it has been the Issaq clan that stood alone in resisting the unity of the Somali people. Like …who throws a tantrum when he does not get his own way, the Issaq clan has repeatedly displayed the selfish shortsightedness and violence of such …outbursts but with dire consequences.”
The preceding statement is based on personal opinion, not on scientific facts. And Mr. Goth is entitled to his opinion. In all fairness to Mr. Goth, however, SNM supporters equally called the people of Awdal offensive and derogatory terms such as, “Faqash”; however, Mr. Goth’s statement has little to do with offending Issaq tribes but has something to do with his frustration towards how haplessly events unfolded during the civil war. In the 80s and 90s, the term “Faqash” was abused and misused so much that even a random bird dropping was characterized as the work of “Faqash”. (Faqash has only one meaning: it used towards any one suspected working for or collaborating with Gen. Barre’s regime.)
Mr. Ahmed continues to take quotes from Mr. Goth’s book: “When the Northern part of Somalia won independence on 26 June, 1960, the United Somali Party (USP) which had the Gadabursi and the Dhulbahante clans behind it called for an immediate reunion with the South which was under the Italian rule. Again it was the Issaq of the SNL who with instructions from the British government severely fought the idea of unification. And against their will the two Somali parts united to form a single state on 1st of July 1960.” In 2010 Mr. Goth tells us the opposite: “… Somaliland, a country that gained its independence from Britain in 1960 and has become a full member of the United Nations before it joined the Italian colonized South in a union that brought them only destruction and misery.” Mr. Goth writes.
Again, the preceding Mr. Goth’s statement is based on personal views. Understandably, Gadabursi and the Dhulbahante clans had every good reason to rush into establishing a Somali unity, if that was the case. After all, if Somaliland remained an independent nation after 1960, both clans had concerns about Issaq tribes dominating the leadership. The notion of unbreakable, tribal bond was stronger than super glue in the 60s than it is today. On the other hand, Gadabursi and Dhulbahante clans could not have joined Somalia without Issaq tribes’ support.
Additionally, Mr. Ahmed accuses of Mr. Goth for supporting Somaliland because the President Mr. Dahir Rayale Kahin hails from the same clan as Mr. Goth’s. Contrary to popular belief, Mr. Goth indeed remains an outspoken critic of Mr. Kahin’s government. In an article entitled, “An open letter to Mr. Dahir Rayale Kahin, President of Somaliland”, Mr. Goth urges the president to step down gracefully. Unambiguously, Mr. Goth states, “My cousin, Mr. President, let go with dignity “.
Other articles lashing out Mr. Goth for his “unholy” conduct: advocating for peace, democracy, and sovereignty in Somaliland are decorated on many websites. Some “writers” label him as a man who deploys a poisonous pen. See the personal attack entitled, “Mr. Goth’s Article Represents an Old Disease“. And for reasons that baffle the average sane person, some Somalis mistake any writer who defends Somalia for someone who promotes Somali unity. In that case, Mr. Goth and I are the biggest unionists because we speak against raping the hapless creature—Somalia. But when things are tough, hysteria does some wonders, doesn’t it?
Similarly, just like Mr. Goth, countless other citizens who initially opposed Somaliland’s independence, for instance Somalia’s last Foreign Minister, Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe), eventually either joined Somaliland’s top leadership ranks or supported its quest for independence. Mr. Aden once warned the world against the recognition of Somaliland. But years later, he became the speaker of Somaliland’s parliament. Read the article entitled, “Somalia’s Last Foreign Minister Warns Somaliland on Secession”.
Also, the former SNM fighters, their proponents, and Gen. Siad Barre’s officials are not only found in Somaliland’s ruling party UDUB but they are also in the opposition groups, KULMIYE and UCID. Somaliland has come along way.
To sum up, Mr. Goth—a prominent Somaliland journalist—is perhaps the most outspoken writer against Somaliland’s isolation. He vigorously campaigns for Somaliland’s independence because just like many of its citizens it dawned on him that the hasty union between Somaliland and Somalia in 1960 was the biggest blunder. From 1960 to present, fifty years of setback, thousands of lives perished, and billions of dollars lost—never again will Somaliland recommit itself to another gunshot marriage with Somalia. We must press ahead.
The quotes from his book reflect on how the events unfolded in the 80s and 90s. Just like him, we all shared uncertainty about other fellow citizens because that was how Gen. Barre’s regime programmed our society: putting our people against each other so he could govern our land and its people with an iron-fist rule.
Somaliland people were victimized twice: first, nothing was developed in any of the six Somaliland provinces. Only 3% of Aid reached Somaliland; 97%, Southern Somalia. Second, Somaliland people were divided between Hutus and Tutsis where they remained at each other’s throat during Gen. Barre’s regime. Divided and conquered they were. As hopeless as a flock of sheep waiting to be slaughtered, Somalilanders watched as their country was razed to the ground where the survivors fled in droves. It is this dark history and what ensued that reshaped our thinking.
As for Mr. Goth, perhaps he is one of the few brave writers who express his thoughts without fear of retribution. As a writer, he supposed to be daring and provocative. What about other citizens who hold a malignant, tribal dogma towards other fellow Somalilanders because of their tribal lineages? Sadly, some of them could be at the helm of our nation. Also, should we encourage our citizens to share their views on current events just to lynch them few decades later for speaking their minds?
Also, some people are baffled why Mr. Goth abandoned his unity conviction. They accuse him of flip flopping. Well, just as many people adore, respect, and admire their spouses but scorn, abhor, and vilify them after bitter divorces, so too Somalilanders, like Mr. Goth, changed their hearts and minds and no longer view Somalia: as their soul mate. (So long babygirl; you been dropped like a bad habit.)
It would be foolish for the upcoming Somaliland government, if it doesn’t nominate Mr. Goth for the Minister of Information’s post. His powerful and persuasive literature—indeed—put Somaliland on the map. Bravo, my countryman.
Written By:
Dalmar Kaahin
dalmar_k@yahoo.com
____________________________________________________________________________________ Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial
MOSCOW (Somalilandpress) — Two female suicide bombers known as “black widows” blew themselves up in Moscow’s busy metro during morning rush hour killing at least 35 people, according to the Russian authorities.
A further 40 people were reported badly wounded.
Though no group has so far claimed responsibility for the atrocity, security sources said early indications suggested that the suicide bombers were from the volatile North Caucasus region that includes Chechnya.
If that is right, it would be the first time since 2004 that Islamist extremists have struck the Moscow metro, raising the terrifying spectre of a new bombing campaign aimed at Russia’s biggest cities.
Prosecutors opened a criminal case immediately, saying they would be working on the basis that the explosions were the work of terrorists.
The bombers struck two separate metro stations in central Moscow – Lubyanka and Park Kultyry – in a carefully coordinated attack.
At least 22 people were reported dead at the Lubyanka metro station, which is situated close to the headquarters of the FSB security service, the successor agency to the KGB.
Witnesses said an explosion tore through one of the carriages as the train was coming into the station killing commuters onboard as well as people standing on the platform. Dozens were reported wounded.
One witness, a policeman, said the bomb went off as the train’s doors opened and people poured out. Officials said the suicide bombers were wearing belts around their bodies packed with explosives. There were unconfirmed reports that they had set off the bombs using their mobile phones.
A second explosion at the busy Park Kultyry metro station located close to Moscow’s famous Gorky Park followed about forty minutes later.
It is not clear how many people that blast killed and wounded though some reports said up to fifteen people had lost their lives. Officials said the attacks had been conducted in identical fashion and that the overall death toll was likely to rise.
There were unconfirmed reports of a third blast at a third metro station, Prospekt Mira, but officials said they could not confirm whether that was true or not.
Traffic on the metro system, one of the world’s busiest, was disrupted as emergency service vehicles surrounded the stations affected. Police said sniffer dogs were checking for explosives before removing victims’ bodies. Mobile phone networks crashed as people scrambled to find out about their loved ones, long traffic jams formed, and emergency hotlines were set up.
Islamist rebels seeking to establish an Islamic caliphate on Russia’s southern tip have largely confined their attacks to the North Caucasus area they want to control in recent years. But a bombing of a passenger train between Moscow and St. Petersburg last November that left dozens dead suggested they may be preparing to widen their campaign to Russia’s big cities.
Russian security forces claim to have killed a number of high profile militants in recent months including one of the movement’s principal ideologues and strategists. Russian politicians said at the time that the rebels were likely to strike back to show they are still a force with which to be reckoned.
Vladimir Putin, the prime minister, was travelling outside Moscow at the time and was being kept abreast of the situation, his spokesman said. Alexander Bortnikov, head of the FSB security service, briefed President Dmitry Medvedev about the situation as security across the Russian capital was tightened.
NAIROBI (Somalilandpress) — The Lord’s Resistance Army killed about 300 people and kidnapped 250 more in a rampage in the Democratic Republic of Congo in December 2009, according to an international rights group and the UN.
The previously undocumented massacre, undertaken over four-days in the remote Makombo area of DRC’s northeastern Haute Uele district, was highlighted in reports by Human Rights Watch and the UN on Sunday.
The killings of 321 civilians occurred between December 14 and 17, HRW said in a report after documenting the deaths in a visit to the region in February.
The Ugandan anti-government group were said to have abducted 80 children among the 250 people kidnapped.
“The Makombo massacre is one of the worst ever committed by the LRA in its bloody 23-year history, yet it has gone unreported for months,” Anneke Van Woudenberg, HRW’s senior Africa researcher, said.
“The four-day rampage demonstrates that the LRA remains a serious threat to civilians and is not a spent force, as the Ugandan and Congolese governments claim.”
However, Obonyo Olweny, a former LRA spokesman, has told Al Jazeera that while the group is still active, it is not fighting civilians.
“I want to say categorically to the world that the LRA is not responsible for the killings going on in the [Democratic Republic of] Congo or the CAR [Central Africa Republic],” he said from Nairobi, Kenya, on Sunday.
“It is the UPD [the Ugandan armed forces] carrying out the killings – it is part of the government’s propaganda.”
‘Really brutal’
The UN said that its investigation had shown that the LRA had killed at least 290 people, perhaps more than 300, during the rampage and following LRA threats of such massacres the year before.
“The men were tied by the chest by the same rope and killed with wood sticks on the back of the head and neck – it was really brutal and fast,” Liliane Egounlety, who led the UN investigation, said.
“They also used machetes. Many witnesses found it too hard to talk about.”
The UN said that at least 150 people had been abducted.
HRW’s investigation found that the LRA had made some of the 80 abducted children murder other children.
The LRA has a reputation of forcing children into becoming soldiers.
HRW said that the attacks in at least 10 villages were well planned, targeting men first, but also killing women and children.
The group said that the youngest person to die was a three-year-old girl who was burned to death, while at least 13 gangs and 23 children were killed.
Their document said that some people were killed by having their heads smashed with axes and heavy wooden sticks.
The LRA was formed in northern Uganda in the late-1980s as an opposition group.
In 2005, they were forced out of the East African country to the DRC, Central African Republic and south Sudan, from where they continued to launch cross-border attacks.
LRA fighters killed 1,200 people and kidnapped 1,400 others – including 630 children and more than 400 women – in the DRC during a 10-month period in 2008 and 2009, the UN has said.
Van Woudenberg told Al Jazeera that the LRA had become a regional problem that needed action by the United Nations and African governments.
“What it does show is that it is high time for the Lord’s Resistance Army leaders to be arrested, for them to be brought to justice and these kind of atrocities to end,” she said.
“I think what is needed is some bold leadership, some really courageous steps taken by the governments of the region, by the United Nations peacekeeping forces to put together an regional strategy to end the terror of this group.”
A much-criticised UN mission remains in the east of DRC but is under pressure to leave the country by next year, when presidential polls are due to be held.
Monuc, the peacekeeping force, has about 22,000 soldiers in the region to keep peace in the face of Rwandan Hutu fighters.
“The difficulty and the challenge for United Nations peacekeepers that are stationed in that region, the Ugandan army and the Congolese army is that these men move through the bush at night; in many instances they dressed in military fatigues,” Al Jazeera’s Yvonne Ndege said from Nigeria.
“Many of the villagers are unsuspecting to begin with … initially these villagers were assisting the LRA fighters because they thought they were regular soldiers.”
Major challenges
Alan Doss, the UN special representative to DRC and head of Monuc, says the sheer size of the territory the peacekeepers are supposed to cover is one of the major challenges facing the mission.
“We have no soldiers in that area. At that time [of the massacre], we had focused on the major population centres, which are quite a distance away,” he told Al Jazeera on Sunday.
“They [the LRA fighters] are made up of small groups that move around.
“To deal with them effectively, we need to improve intelligence gathering, have additional air mobility [as there are no roads in many places], and be able to put special forces into these areas quickly to anticipate their moves and deal with them.”
HARGEISA (SomalilandPress) — President Dahir Riyale made a surprise visit to the town of Borama, the provincial capital of Awdal region, on Sunday afternoon.
The president who was accompanied by the first lady, Huda Adan, and few cabinet members were welcomed to the city by the governor of Awdal and the head of the police forces in the region.
Somalilandpress’s reporter Liban Ibrahim, who is also based in Borama, has confirmed that the president is currently staying at his vacational home in the city and is been monitored by heavy security.
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Residents in Borama could not figure out why the president’s trip was kept so secret and the motives behind his visit. Even though Borama is his hometown, the president does not always visit. It is not clear if the president will meet with residents of Borama including the elders and local leaders before his departure back to the capital, Hargeisa.
Interview with Somaliland’s Foreign Minister: Lack of resources is eroding our influence on regional stability.
WASHINGTON (Somalilandpress) — Somalia is suffering on many fronts. The transitional government is engaged in an ongoing conflict with radical Islamists who risk turning the country into a haven for Al-Qa’ida inspired groups. The Horn of Africa nation is afflicted by a dire food shortage, inflation and a spate of piracy.
But as Somalia continues to wallow in violence, some eye a solution in Somaliland, a relatively quiet and stable autonomous region in the north of the country which, while it has not been recognized internationally as a country, is considered a de facto state.
The Media Line spoke with Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Abdullahi Duale during his trip to Washington, where he was meeting with U.S. administration officials.
“We are basically a very stable and peaceful country,” Duale told The Media Line. “We have secured our sea coasts and we’re free of piracy. Somaliland has fought terrorism over the years and we have institutions that work. We’re at peace with ourselves and we have great relations with our neighbors, such as Djibouti, Ethiopia and Yemen.”
Somaliland has been clamping down on a spate of piracy that is plaguing the region by seizing pirates and putting them on trial.
“In piracy, we’re helping extremely well,” Duale said. “We have an 850-kilometer coastline and up until now we’ve been very lucky. We have a very vigilant and small group of coastguards. Although their capacity is very limited – we don’t have the infrastructure for combating it – we’ve been lucky and our people are supporting us.”
But beyond that, Duale implied that in the current political and economic climate, Somaliland’s powers are limited in curbing the violence in the region.
“There have been successive attempts by the international community – by the U.S., the Arab League and the African Union – but thus far it hasn’t been a viable success, simply because they’re not serious,” he said. “This is a serious thorn in the side for the entire region and throughout the world. A stable Somalia will contribute a great deal to us and to the region.”
Al-Shabab is the dominant radical Islamist group, which controls large tracts of southern Somalia and parts of the capital Mogadishu.
Duale argued that the lack of strong relations between Somalia and Somaliland also reduces the administration’s power of influence.
“We do not have relations or a dialogue with them,” he said. “We have no security arrangements with them. We’re trying to make sure our borders are intact and that our security is not compromised. There are no viable institutions that one can deal with [in Somalia] and we have never participated in their conferences, so it’s a serious problem. There’s fragmentation and problems and we don’t want to get drawn into this.”
“We have been advised by friendly countries to stay out of that, but we wish them luck and hope that what comes out of this process is a serious government that takes control of the nation and provides security and governance to the people of Somalia who have suffered for so long.”
Mohamed Amiin Adow, the chief correspondent of the Shabelle news agency, had a different take on the matter.
“If Somaliland relinquishes its stance of breaking away from the rest of Somalia, then the seat of the Somali government can be relocated from Mogadishu to Hargeisa and law and order can spread from the more stable parts of the north to the chaotic parts of the south,” he told The Media Line. “Somaliland has been enjoying peace and stability since it declared independence from the rest of Somalia.”
“No one is safe in Somalia when it comes to security, whereas Somaliland is a little bit different due to the functioning self-administration,” Adow said. “It’s more stable as opposed to Somalia, but doesn’t have the established security which can fully guarantee the safety and security of its people.”
“Many people believe the security situation in Somaliland is very fragile and can vanish at anytime unexpectedly, because Somaliland has no border security system and illegal weapons are brought in regularly,” he added. “Also, there are more and more Al-Shabab sympathizers in Somaliland, so violent activities can happen, like the one in 2009, when a suicide bombing killed a lot of people in Hargeisa.”
The foreign minister said he is engaged in efforts to secure recognition from countries around the world to make Somaliland an official independent state.
“We established a nation state using a bottom-up approach,” he said. “It’s been characterized as one of the most successful, if not the successful nation-making processes that has taken place in Africa and elsewhere. It’s a pity that thus far we haven’t had the attention of the international community.”
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“We are a poor nation with close to four million people, a budget of less than $40 million, 50,000 security forces including the military and coast guard and close to 7,000 civil servants,” Duale continued. “We’re operating a whole nation the size of England and Wales with 40 million dollars.”
“We’re appealing to America and the international community and to countries that promote democracy to assist Somaliland in building its infrastructure and capacity,” he said. “We have been threatened by terror for quite some time and been victims of terrorism numerous times, and we overcame this.”
“We’re in a neighborhood that’s extremely volatile and extremely difficult and we have contributed greatly not only in the regional geopolitical case of security but also in good governance and in the democratization process.”
Andrews Atta-Asamoah, a Kenya-based researcher at the Institute for Security Studies said Somaliland could play two primary roles in bringing more stability to the region.
“One, it can present an example and sharp demonstration of what peace and stability can achieve, so that warlords, saboteurs and spoilers of peace in the central and southern parts of Somalia will begin to consider the effects of their actions,” he told The Media Line.
“Secondly, it can make use of soft power, particularly diplomatic lobbying and engagement with other states to draw a sharper attention to the Somali crisis. Unfortunately, however, soft power has been denied to Somaliland since it is yet to gain recognition by any state in Africa and beyond.”
For this reason, Atta-Asamoah explained, the best way for Somaliland to be an effective player is to grant it official international recognition.
“Without recognition, it will be very difficult for Somaliland to play any leading role in the resolution of the crisis,” he said, “since they can’t effectively influence other independent states or directly mingle in the complex situation of clannism on the ground since they risk being dragged into the mess around the issue of clan politics. Particularly, any uncalculated intervention could be misconstrued as an Issaq clan agenda to dominate the other clans.”
Britain withdrew from British Somaliland in 1960 to allow its protectorate to join with Italian Somaliland and form the new nation of Somalia. A 1969 coup ushered in an authoritarian socialist rule for two decades. The regime collapsed in 1991 and Somalia descended into turmoil, factional fighting, and anarchy.
In May 1991, northern clans declared an independent Republic of Somaliland. It is considered a de facto independent state but no sovereign states have recognized its independence, even though many governments maintain informal ties with Somaliland and there are delegations and embassies in its capital, Hargeisa.
As for Somalia, the country has not had a stable government since 1991.
A Western-backed Transitional Federal Government was set up in 2004 but Mogadishu remained under the control of a coalition of sharia courts known as the Islamic Courts Union.
Originally the militant wing of the Islamic Courts Union, Al-Shabab began an insurgency in late 2006 with assassinations and suicide bombings targeting aid workers and transitional government officials. The group has since made significant gains and now controls much of southern Somalia.
The Western-backed Ethiopian military invaded Somalia in 2007, but many analysts believe this augmented Al-Shabab’s military campaign against the transitional government.
The Ethiopians withdrew in January of last year after over 16 months of Al-Shabab attacks on its forces.
The Islamists soon regrouped, began seizing strategic areas and launching daily attacks on security forces, civilians, aid workers and peacekeepers. The dominant Islamist group today, known as Al-Shabab, wishes to topple the current Western-backed government and impose Islamic law.
The transitional government is preparing a major military offensive to retake the capital Mogadishu from Al-Shabab and various other militant groups in the coming weeks.
Written by Rachelle Kliger
Source: The Media Line, Published Sunday, March 28, 2010
Photo:Cars clog a main road in Hargeisa, capital of Somaliland. As Somalia continues to wallow in violence, some eye a solution in Somaliland, a relatively quiet and stable autonomous region in the north of the country which, while it has not been recognised internationally as a country, is considered a de-facto state.
Djibouti, 28 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Many Djiboutians would agree that Mr. Aden Robleh Awaleh was and still is one of the greatest warriors in Djiboutian history; in spite of what anybody would think about him. Ever since the Republic of Djibouti became independent, Mr. Awaleh has been definitely the most genuine resistant opposition leader – alive and well (still inside the Country). Thanks to his inspirational leader and national hero for all time, Mr. Mohamoud Harbi (May Allah Almighty bestow him into the Heaven of Fardousa)
Mr. Awaleh made a mark into the history at the early years of his life: as one of the undisputed young anti-colonialist against, Ali Arref, the henchman of the French colonialist or ‘the evil empire’; during the struggle for liberty, and he later quickly joined the FLCS as the member of the rank-and-file of the underground movement inside the country (Front de liberation de cote de Somali): the only Arms wing around, back in the days, based in Somalia during the 1960’s and 1970’s.
Opposing the French colonial rule in Djibouti, he decided to join the rebel in Somalia in 1967 and quickly move up to the leadership position of the ‘Front for the Liberation of the Somali Coast’ (FLCS). As a result, he was convicted of “endangering state security” in absentia by the French authorities in 1970 and sentenced him to 27 years in prison. Mr. Awaleh was later arrested in Somalia in 1975 by the order of the former dictator, General and President Mohamed Siad Barre (May Allah bless his soul) for “anti-revolutionary” activities and spent a year in solitary confinement there.
Three days before Djibouti became independent from France, Jun 24, 1977, he was shot and severely wounded by one of his ‘frere de combat’, wherever his motive might be. His injuries caused him to be hospitalized for a month. The revolutionary was named by the former/first President Hassan G. Aptidon on July 15, 1977, as Minister of the Port, and he was subsequently moved to the position of Minister of Commerce, Transport, and Tourism in 1978. He was also elected to the National Assembly in 1982. In 1983 and due to consolidation of the power into the hands of the Head of the State: Mr. Awaleh denounced the authoritarianism of the RPP’s single-party regime and resigned from his ministerial position and party positions. As was said later on, Mr. Awaleh claimed to escape an assassination attempt in 1985 and fled the Country.
After eight years of exile, though, the ex-Leader of FLCS and former Minister, returned into the Country in 1992, and turned out to be one of the most admired opposition leader for the second time – during the Multi-party democracy system – imposed by the Western governments into the African countries, particularly, the Administration of then, the Head of the State, Mr. Hassan G. Aptidon (May Allah rewards him into Heaven).
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Mr. Aden R. Awaleh inaugurated his new political party, PND (Partie National Democratique) or National Democratic Party (NDP) for the first time in thirteen years. Immediately afterwards the PND engaged the national debate on the democratization process, and soon clashed with the governing Party, RPP (Rensemblement Populaire pour le Progres. The PND refused to ratify the new Constitution. According to the party: the new constitution, 1) endowed the commander-in-Chief an absolute power, 2) the majority rule in parliament for single Party is undemocratic and unacceptable, 3) the new Constitution does not give a true independence of the Courts over the Executive Power. And we are back in square one: one Party rule and for one man’s show –or ego.
Yet again, Mr. Aden R. Awaleh was put under house arrest while the government cut the electricity and running water into his house; since there’s no prove that he failed to pay his utility bills; but this has always been one of the weapon, the Djiboutian governments use to punish his political opponents. And the PND leader was eventually thrown into jail – when he simply rebuked the vague system that says: keep your mouth shot and squander wherever you could grasp or you might as well face isolation or ex-communication. But, Aden did not back down, and resisted as usual with dignity. He made a promise that he will not run away any more; he rather die what he believes.
It seems, though, now days, Mr. Awaleh has yet to finish the next phase of the struggle: the nation building process, which ought to be embodied on the democratic principles – the rule of Law – that he and others like himself belief and help initiated the foundation over thirty years ago, once, the Republic of Djibouti gained its freedom as a free Nation in Jun, 27, 1977. Having said that, three decades later, it appears to Mr. Awaleh that the dream has been turning into nightmare under the leadership of President Ismael O. Guelleh. With series of interviews, particularly the BBCsomali: “We will not accept a change from the constitution just to satisfy one man’s ego”, he said. The saddest part of this predicament, Mr. Aden and other Djiboutians wondered: would Djibouti be around for the next decade or will collapse like Somalia? The nation they sacrificed so much through out of their whole lives seems to be fading away in front of their eyes.
And once again, the old revolutionary challenges and rejected the advances of the commander-in-Chief, Mr. Ismael O. Guelleh and the ruling Party for the Constitution. This time, the Head of the State and his henchmen want to extend the term limit of the Presidency into ‘THIRD TERMES’, instead of TWO TERMS. Most of Mr. Awaleh’s peers and colleagues, however, think that he must be a fool to give up once again his position and privileges: the fruits of being part of the elites – lavish live-style enjoyed the Cabinet Ministers or Members of Parliament like himself. Yet fancy cars and big houses, was never been important to the Leader. And he never advocated violence in order to overthrow the government of the President Ismael O. Guelleh. The world will watch closely how this time the Djiboutians will deal this Constitutional crisis and the end of the term of Mr. Ismael O. Guelleh in 2011
Mr. Awaleh always wanted to empower and fight for his people; he was never in for himself. As a true patriot, he always worries for the good of the people. Why would he suffer that much for so long; when he could get it easily what others would die for it: Higher position? And all he has to be -a Mister yes. But he chose to put his people’s interest ahead of his. The man is a hero and must be recognized the sacrifices that he made for his country.
Written By:
Mohamed Awaleh
_________________________________________________________________________________________________ Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial
WASHINGTON, 28 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – The following remarks were issued by Chairman Donald M. Payne at a hearing of the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health titled ‘An Overvìew of U.S. Polícy ín Africa:
As the title suggests, the purpose of this hearing is to discuss the Administration’s policy on the continent of Africa – to gain an understanding of both the overall policy towards the region and the United States’ position on key and pressing issues of the day. To that end we have two distinguished panels which I will introduce following Members’ opening statements. Let me thank the witnesses for coming, particularly Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson and USAID Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator Earl Gast as well as our private panel consisting of Ambassador Princeton Lyman, Almami [all-MOM-mie] Cyllah [SILL-uh], Witney Schneidman, and Gregory Simpkins. As someone who has followed and worked on Africa for nearly 40 years, I have seen sweeping changes in recent years in U.S. policy in Africa. The continent has gone from being a region of little strategic significance in the view of policymakers to one that holds critical strategic, economic, and national security interests in just the last twenty years.
Indeed, the U.S. has moved away from a policy in Africa hinged on containing the,Soviet sphere of influence during the Cold War, a policy which too often led to U.S. support for dictatorial regimes on the continent with disastrous results which are still felt today.
During the tenures of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, U.S. interest in the continent greatly increased and the focus began to shift away from solely humanitarian interests. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) — a preferential program designed to spur increased African imports to the U.S. and build African trade capacity — and the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) – the landmark $15 billion, now $48 billion treatment program — were created by Presidents Clinton and Bush, respectively. Both dramatically reshaped the discourse and the depth of U.S.-Africa policy.
The Obama Administration showed keen interest in African early on with a brief visit by President Obama himself to Ghana, and an eleven-day trip to seven countries in Africa by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. I accompanied Secretary Clinton on part of her trip and must say that the response was overwhelmingly positive and hopeful in terms of closer bilateral relations and partnership.
In 2009 the President unveiled two new programs that will change the landscape and deepen U.S. support for long-term sustainable on the continent’
The Global Health Initiative (GHD is a six-year $63 billion program to help partner countries improve health outcomes through strengthened health systems – with a particular focus on improving the health of women, newborns and children.
The U.S. Global Food Security Initiative is a welcome paradigm shift back to strong investments in agricultural development both as a means to increase food security and as a critical element of long-term, sustainable development in poor regions of the world, particularly in Africa. Both programs will have significant impact on the continent.
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While these initiatives and ongoing support for PEPFAR are very strong signs of U.S. focus on Africa, many challenges remain, particularly in the areas of democracy and govemance and conflict which warrant an ongoing discussion of U.S. policy.
My concerns over Somalia, Sudan, Nigeria, and elsewhere are well known. So I will instead highlight troubling issues in three other countries – Ethiopia, Somaliland, and Djibouti.
I am deeply concerned and troubled about the deteriorating conditions in Ethiopia. The EPRDF regime is becoming increasingly totalitarian.
A few weeks ago the government began to jam the Voice of America (VOA) Amharic program and the Prime Minister compared the VOA to the hate Radio Mille Collines; the radio station used by those who committed the Rwandan genocide.
My concern continues for the deteriorating condition of Ms. Birtukan [bun-TOO-can] who testified before this Committee and continues to languish in prison in Ethiopia along with hundreds of others, without access to medical care. I hope to learn more today what our policy is toward Ethiopia.
The Government of Somaliland in February handed over a woman named Mrs. Bishaaro [bih- SHAH-ro], a registered refugee in Somaliland, to Ethiopian security forces. A few years ago she was arrested and tortured by Ethiopian security and her husband was executed. I understand there is a delegation visiting from Somaliland currently and hope to learn what the U.S. position is on this case and on Somaliland more broadly.
I am also concerned about the lack of Development Assistance funding for Djibouti; a strong ally of the United States which plays an important role in the promotion of peace in the Hom of Africa. I will speak more detail on all three countries during the question and answer portion of this hearing.
The Committee looks forward to this very important hearing and all the witness testimonies. Let me once again thank the witnesses and all of you for being here today. I will now turn to Ranking Member Smith for his opening statement.
BOSSASO (Somalilandpress) — The president of Somalia’s semi-autonomous region of Puntland and a senior delegation from his administration have flown out of the commercial port town of Bosasso on Sunday for hurried Addis Ababa talks.
Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed ‘Farole’ and a senior delegation including his Interior minister, Mr. Abdullahi Ahmed were invited to Addis Ababa for an emergency meeting as crisis between the government of Farole and Puntland’s main intelligence agency intensified.
The issue arose when President Abdirahman Mohamed ‘Farole’ issued a presidential decree, dated March 12th, ordering the dismissal of Puntland Intelligence Service (PIS) director, Mr. Osman Diana, and appointing Col. Ali Mohamed Yusuf “Binge” (see SOMALIA: Tensions high in Bossaso as president shakes up intelligence agency).
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Mr. Osman has defied the dismissal, saying the order is unacceptable and accused the president of trying to take full control of the agency.
According to sources close to Mr. Osman, he also accuses the president of having links with pirates in the region.
Mr. Osman has also since seized full control of PIS’s second office in Lanta Hawada neighborhood in the port city of Bossaso.
The PIS, which functions independently was established almost a decade ago and is considered the most powerful institution in Puntland. The PIS is said to receive at least 50 per cent of Puntland’s annual income as well as funds from Western intelligence services.
The political maneuvering of president Farole has also raised concerns with the Americans and Ethiopians – who are said to be the main financiers of PIS.
Mr. Farole is expected to meet with U.S. and Ethiopian officials regarding PIS and he is mostly like to reverse his decree under the pressure of the two countries.
SIRTE (Somalilandpress) — That’s what journalists felt while covering the 22nd Arab League summit in the Libyan city of Sirte, while listening to those songs – songs by Abdel-Halim Hafez, the famous Egyptian singer who used to sing for late Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser in the fifties and sixties and who sang long for pan-Arab nationalism.
These songs were played many times in the conference corridors and inside the press centre with video of the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.
This apparently suggests he’s the new unifier of the Arab World that’s been sharply divided on almost every issue in today’s world.
This isn’t strange for those who travel to Libya a lot. The North African Arab country has been ruled by Gaddafi for more than four decades since he came to power on the first of September 1969 overthrowing King Idris Senoussi.
Gaddafi has always seen himself as Nasser’s natural successor as a unifying factor and the leader of the ummah.
The longest serving Arab leader has tried to forge several unity projects with a number of Arab nations such as Egypt, Syria and Sudan.
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These attempts were no doubt a failure due to the lack of political will, and perhaps because leaders of these nations refused to allow such a maverick politician to lead them even if that was on rotational basis.
But Gaddafi succeeded in forging one Arab Union, namely the Maghreb Union. But that gathering has finally stopped functioning. Now it’s just ink on paper.
Turning to the poor African Continent, Gaddafi managed to achieve his ambition – the creation of the African Union to replace the Organization of African Unity.
That took place on 9/9/99 in Sirte, the city that’s hosting the Arab summit in 2010.
This is the first time ever, Libya hosts the most prestigious Arab gathering, and unity was on Gaddafi’s mind as well as on banners and slogans of the small, quite city.
He’s called it the summit of unity and solidarity, asking all Arab leaders to put aside their differences, get together and agree on a unified stand on all issues.
Gaddafi’s opening speech at the summit lasted almost twenty minutes, one of his shortest.
Half of the speech was dedicated to explain the history of Sirte, his home town.
He made the odd joke here and there, with the Emir of Qatar and the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.
But he did not make scenes like those in Doha in the 2009 summit, when he had an exchange with the Saudi King. Maybe because he’s the host.
But the summit is lasting for two days and there’s still time for such scenes – scenes that are said to have created tension among organisers and Arab league officials.
“Oh unifier of the Arabs”, still comes Abdel Halim Hafez’s voice through the speakers of the conference hall in Sirte, bringing to memories those feelings of the sixties: nostalgic for some, notorious for others.
