“The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Somaliland, Dr Mohamed Omar, has met with the UK Minister of Africa, Mr Mark Simmonds MP, at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London on 3 January.
Dr Omar took the opportunity to brief the Minister about Somaliland’s recent local elections, which showed the Somaliland people’s commitment to peace and democracy. He thanked the Minister for the generous assistance which the UK is providing to Somaliland, including the contribution to the Somaliland Trust Fund, help with the security sector, and support for the elections.
Expressing gratitude for the UK’s help in facilitating the Somaliland/Somalia Dialogue, Dr Omar stated that Somaliland was ready to resume the talks now that President Hasan Sheikh had established his Government in Mogadishu. Dr Omar also emphasized Somaliland’s commitment to fighting piracy and terrorism in the Horn of Africa.
Minister Simmonds confirmed Britains’ commitment to support Somaliland development and democratic achievements and expressed that The UK will be happy to facilitate the dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia when the two sides are ready to resume talks.
The two ministers also discussed how to promote trade and investment ties between the UK and Somaliland.
Finally, Minister Omar invited Mr Simmonds to visit Hargeisa to see Somaliland for himself. “
Recently, Osman Hassan, a self-proclaimed “spokesman” (or a cyberspace militant) for the violent Khatumo militia, in the small village of Taleh, in Sool region, published an article, a bag of meaningless accusations, entitled, “Somaliland occupying militia gang-rape 13-year old girl in Sool “. But do these accusations don’t hold water and you will be surprised!
As usual, Mr. Hassan’s emotions precede his arguments. Moreover, almost the entire content of any of his articles is predictable. It is all about Somaliland this, Somaliland that; one-clan entity this, one-clan entity that…etc. (For reasons that even baffle my eighty-eight-year-old grandmother, Mr. Hassan has fetish for recycling the same stale, palpable propaganda.)
Evidently, Mr. Hassan, you have problems with Somaliland and its quest for statehood, but what you lack is clear solution to your problems. You also lack the ability to convince your readers, both anti-Somaliland and pro-Somaliland, to support your argument. So you must resort to the blaming game.
According to you, Mr. Hassan any incident that happens in Sool region, including earthquakes, must be blamed on Somaliland or as you like to put it, or in fact your articles clearly state, without reading between the lines: “The evil Iidoor clans”.
That is, any wrong doings by other clans in Somaliland is clearly swept under the carpet, and “The evil Iidoors” are to be blamed for everything. And this is exactly why your writing is self-defeating. It is too subjective and lacks pragmatic solution.
Take as an example, your latest article entitled, “Somaliland occupying militia gang-rape 13-year old girl in Sool “ You have accused the Somaliland army or as you would like to put it, the one-clan entity (“The evil Iidoors”), of gang raping and beheading a young girl, named Halimo Hussein Warsame; not to mention that, to stir emotions, you have equated this cruel act to the one that happened recently in India, where a young girl was brutally raped by ruthless gangs.
Comparing the two crimes is perfectly fine, however; what you have conveniently chose to ignore is that the fact the killers don’t belong to Somaliland army. Worse yet, the killers of Haliimo don’t hail from “The evil Iidoor clans” but hail from none other than the clan of the victim, Haliimo. Yes, the killers and rapists of Haliimo are indeed from the Dhulbahante clans. The evidence comes from none other than your militant, “Khatumo”. Just listen to this audio clip aired by your faction’s, “Khatumo” warlords in the area. (Or http://www.kalshaale.com/?page_id=6634 )
How shocking is it that the accuser and the debunker are members of the Khatumo faction. Clearly, the Khatumo faction talks out of both sides of its mouth. (Or is this just one occasion where you agree to disagree, respectfully?)
The Khatumo warlord, Mohamed Duale, in the audio clip clearly states, “The killers of Haliimo belong to the Dhulbahante clans and they are members of Ciidan Beeleed (a clan militia) that are aligned with Somaliland”. There are three indisputable facts: first. Ciidan Beeleed is not necessarily associated with Somaliland army. Nor do they take orders from the Somaliland army. It is the clan leaders that control the militia. Hence, that is why they are called: Ciidan Beeleed, and not Somaliland army. Second, the killers don’t belong to “The Iidoor clans”, despite the disinformation that Mr. Hassan would like to shove down your throats.Third, these clan militia are often on all sides of the fence, depending who is offering them the bigger paycheck. In fact, they could be on the Somaliland’s, on the Khatumo militant’s, and on the Puntland’s payrolls, at the same time, milking all three sides.So, in reality, the perpetrators that brutally raped and beheaded Haliimo could have been members of the Khatumo faction that recently defected to Somaliland but still negotiating with Somaliland.Ironically,ignoring the reality on the ground and convoluting the real issue is often what makes the “Khatumo” faction the laughing stock of the century. (No wonder why your deceptive writings are only published on the clan-oriented sites, namely wardheernews.com—a site that readers will doubt if its proofreaders are alive!)
Surely, the killers are members of “Ciidan Beeleed” who are either aligned with Somaliland’s quest for independence, ideologically, or simply they are supporting Somaliland because they could not resist being on Somaliland army’s payroll.
Ciidan Beeleed as you know is a group of rag-tag militants that are not fully part of an army but could be integrate into the army in the near future, after of course they are trained and taught the army’s code of ethics, where they are sworn to protect the public.
A similar scenario happened few years ago in LasAnnod, the provincial capital of Sool region. A young mother, who just gave birth few days before she was attacked, was raped in the outskirt of LasAnnod. The clan Media from Sool jumped on the wagon, blaming the usual suspects: the Somaliland army and “The evil Iidoors”. Luckily, it was the Somaliland army that apprehended the rapists and diffused the tension between the victim’s clan and perpetrators’.
As it turned out, however, the poor mother was raped by none other than her close clan members. (The evil Iidoors were off the hook! How disappointing!) She was Dhulbahante and so were her rapists. And they were not part of the Somaliland army either.
The brutal truth is: if you want to play your Ace Card, the clan card, the killers and rapists of Haliimo are closer to you in terms of clan identity than they are affiliated to other people reading this article. Yet, everyone else is to be blamed except you. Does the Somali expression, “Hasha geela cunta ee hadana cabaada…or the female camel that bites other camels, yet it screams” ring a bell? Of course not!
In a nutshell, not only are you politicizing an isolated incident or trying to ignite clan animosities between the brotherly people of Somaliland, but you are also spreading: FITNAH (an evil action). The murderers and rapists of Haliimo shocked the Somaliland people. We are all saddened by the senseless tragedy that struck her. But using this tragedy as a fuel to ignite an inferno in the region, while you reside in a comfortable home, in the heart of Europe, is not only selfish but is also cowardice.
Doubtless, the Khatumo’s campaign of terror in the region, attacking security forces and assassinating officials, is compelling many young men in Sool region to cling to their guns. Sadly, sometimes these gunmen spare no one. Disarming the last pocket of the Khatumo militant, peacefully, is the only hope for these gun-toting youth that took Halima’s life and for the countless young girls that could fall prey to these gun men. As for your latest accusation: it is a real double-edged sword, isn’t it?
On Thursday, 6th December 2012, a brutal massacre took place on the south bank of Hargeisa in which two people lost their lives instantly and two others succumbed to their wounds later at Edna Aden Hospital after the so-called Somaliland Special Police, an anti-terror unit, have been ordered to use whatever force is necessary to disperse an unarmed peaceful demonstrators protesting against an apparent “manipulated local election results” held in the country 0n 28 November 2012. At least nine others were injured some of them seriously including a ten year old girl who was shot in the stomach.
These demonstrators died from fatal gunshot wounds to the neck or upper abdomen which indicates that the police have been granted an unrestrained power to use live ammunitions to quell the protest. Even worse, when this “state terrorism” was perpetrated against the people of Ahmed Dhagah no single government official or institution expressed sympathy or condolences in public to the relatives of the fallen victims. Similarly, the largely clan-based civil society groups in Somaliland came under fierce criticism for their criminal wall of silence on this abhorrent crime.
When President Ahmed Silanyo was in opposition three years ago, Rayale could not stand his blistering condemnations whenever the security forces resort to firing guns into air to disperse his angry KULMIYE supporters demonstrating against the government’s injustices. Silanyo was then a fire breathing demagogue whose words could easily incite his supporters to insurrection or vigilantism although he is now an old shadow of himself.
It is an irony of fate that the people whose blood was shed in the streets of Ahmed Dhagah by Silanyo’s security forces are the same people that remained shoulder to shoulder with him in the hour of his need. Also, they were the same people who propelled him into power by overwhelmingly voting for his ruling party- KULMIYE.
During Rayale’s days, whenever a protester is hurt in a peaceful demonstration, often organized by KULMIYE party activists, Silanyo would visit them at the General Hospital and wish them a speedy recovery.
Today, it was only after much public outcry and avalanche of condemnations, mostly from the Diaspora, that Silanyo reluctantly expressed his deridingly belated expression of sympathy to the relatives of the murdered peaceful demonstrators while in the same breath threatening the bereaved relatives that he will “deal forcefully with anyone who disrupts the law and order”. But the president missed the point by a wide mark. It was none other than his security forces that acted unlawfully in this instance.
It remains a mystery until now why everybody in Somaliland is so silent on this hideous crime which has seriously damaged the reputation of this country. This silence implies nothing but consent to the barbaric manner in which these people were killed in cold blood.
No matter what, this ugly massacre of children will remain an indelible stain on the moral conscience of Silanyo and his inner circle. It is also sad and lamentable that the British taxpayers whose funds supports this special police unit, which was meant to fight terrorists, is now being used to silence dissent in order to advance Silanyo’s family political agenda.
Needless to say, the slain demonstrators were exclusively supporters of HAKSOOR political association who unwaveringly believe that the results of the local election announced by the National Electoral Commission (NEC) were deliberately manipulated.
In fairness, there are strong indications that lend credence to the argument of the HAKSOOR supporters that the election results have been deliberately manipulated to ensure that the only political associations that the government favours would, in the end, qualify for national parties. WADDANI party whose leader is also the Speaker of the House is simply a subsidiary of KULMIYE party and remains at the beck and call of Silanyo. There is no way that WADDANI will be a credible opposition and hold the government in power to account to the best interests of the people.
There are also rock solid evidences of massive vote riggings in the form of video clips that are currently making the rounds on the internet not to mention the documentations and other material evidence available. Only a fool can deny such self-evident truths. There is no doubt that HAKSOOR was targeted by NEC officials with the full knowledge and collaboration of selected cabinet ministers and KULMIYE party officials headed by Hersi Haji Ali, the minister of the presidency.
First, the HAKSOOR final vote tally was consciously deleted from the NEC computer in an apparent attempt to create confusion and chaos. Until now, no one has come up with any sort of explanation for this criminal offence. When HAKSOOR officials asked for a recount, the ballot boxes from the electoral district of Ahmed Dhagah, the stronghold of HAKSOOR, could not be found at all even though the NEC headquarters in Hargeisa was heavily guarded and its surroundings was teaming up with people.
Even the conspiracy theorists and blind supporters of the government could not find a plausible explanation about the mysterious disappearances of these ballot boxes. It emerged later that the reason why the electoral commissioners were unwilling to show the missing ballot boxes of the electoral district of Ahmed Dhagah was because HAKSOOR ballot papers were “dumped and burned” in the dry river bed of Hargeisa where the ballot papers were found flying over all over the place. The HAKSOOR candidates ‘names were clearly printed on the ballot papers with a cross put in the box next to the potential candidates’ names.
This incontrovertible evidence was shown on Horn Cable TV by Hassan Essa Jama- HAKSOOR leader. The local press was also invited to check the authenticity of the ballot papers which clearly bears the seal of NEC on the back of each ballot papers.
A more damning evidence surfaced when the president’s special advisor on Eastern Region, Fuad Adan Adde, said unambiguously in a press statement that the chairman of the NEC Essa Yusuf Mohamed, was “directly responsible” for the deliberate disenfranchisement of the Sool people particularly Huddun district. He added that the NEC chairman, a clan fundamentalist in his own right, “clearly favoured his own clan over the Dhulbahante clan”.
The extreme wickedness of this government could be summed up in one example. KULMIYE councillors who lost their seats had been brazenly replaced with others who were earlier officially declared as winners, leading to violent demonstrations between government forces and supporters of the councilors who were deliberately robbed of their victory with the assistance of Silanyo’s Kangaroo court in Hargeisa.
The local election held in the country on 28 November 2012 was not only a complete and utter sham marred by large scale vote rigging, “under-age voting, and multiple voting” but also ended up with the brutal murder of four innocent people.
The consequence is that today Hargeisa remains a divided city where Silanyo’s forces have no control at all over Ahmed Dhagah district. It is off limits to government functionaries. Taxes are not collected. Government vehicles are impounded although civilian and NGO cars freely operate and move around.
When HAKSOOR was robbed of its votes in Sool, Zeil and Sanaag and the blood of its supporters were shed, its leadership was told to place their complaints with the relevant district and provincial courts where the election fraud and vote rigging occurred. The Haksoor leadership has now issued an official press statement in which they made it unequivocally clear that all the chief provincial judges of Sool, Awdal, Marodi Jeh and Sanaag informed them in no uncertain terms that they could not handle any HAKSOOR complaint regarding the election.
It has now emerged that the executive department directly intervened in the relevant courts because the government could not stand the overwhelming evidence at HAKSOOR’s disposal.
The responsibility for the blood spilled in the streets of Hargeisa lies fairly and squarely at the presidential palace and the clan fundamentalist chairman of the NEC, Essa Yusuf Mohamed, who refused to postpone the announcement of the hotly disputed election results despite the many unanswered questions.
The trigger-happy elements within the ranks of the Police who have committed this heinous crime are yet to be identified let alone to be charged. Furthermore, there is no apology from the government and no heads will roll.
Today, Silanyo cannot claim to be the president of all Somalilanders. Certainly, he is not the president of the people of Ahmed Dhagah. Whether we like it or not he reduced himself as the Leader of a Clan Fiefdom rather than the leader of a state.
As a fervent and loyal supporter of this nonagenarian president for more than a decade, I would never have imagined even in my wildest dreams that Silanyo’s government would so easily and quickly turn into an organized crime syndicate right in front of our eyes to the extent that it would brazenly steal the local election in a broad day light and resort to bathing in the blood of innocents.
It’s a new chapter that will be written in the annals of Somaliland history.
Khartoum — Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has agreed to meet with Salva Kiir, president of South Sudan, next Friday, 4 January in Addis Ababa, according to an announcement made by Khartoum.
The meeting follows an invitation extended to both parties by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.
Al-Bashir’s press secretary, Emad Sayed Ahmed, said the summit will be used for both parties to discuss how to speed-up the implementation of the agreement both presidents signed in Ethiopia’s capital last September.
While visiting Damazin, Blue Nile’s capital on Tuesday, the Sudanese president affirmed his “keenness to establish good neighborliness relations with the State of South Sudan”. He also reiterated his commitment to “implement the Cooperation Agreement” signed in Addis Ababa.
In another occasion, al-Bashir stated his readiness to meet with Kiir “anywhere and anytime”, in regard to the peace agreement.
The South Sudanese government has also expressed its commitment to a peaceful dialogue with Sudan and it asserted it is open to meet with al-Bashir either in Juba or in Addis Ababa.
Earlier this week, the Ethiopian prime minister visited both Sudan and South Sudan and encouraged a meeting between the presidents, and the fast-track of the implementation of the peace agreement.
A Labour MP has accused the government of complacency and putting the public “at greater risk” by changing the way some terror suspects are monitored.
Pat McFadden’s comments come as police continue to search for Ibrahim Magag, believed to have absconded from his TPim control measure on Boxing Day.
TPims replaced control orders in January 2012.
But the Home Office said Mr Magag’s disappearance had “nothing to do” with the switch.Detectives appealed for help on Monday in finding Mr Magag, who failed to meet his overnight residence condition on Boxing Day.
The 28-year-old, of Somali origin, was last seen in the Camden area at 17:20 GMT on that day.
TPims – or Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures – restrict the movements of people thought to pose a risk to the public, but who cannot be tried for reasons of national security or deported.
Those subject to them can be restricted in areas such as where they stay, who they contact, and where they travel.
Mr McFadden described TPims as “watered-down control orders” which grant “more freedoms” to terror suspects.
He told the BBC Radio Four’s World at One: “I think what they have done is complacent and dangerous and I warned the home secretary and the prime minster about this when the legislation was going through.
“What they have done is put the public at greater risk… and put needless extra pressure on the security services who are charged with monitoring these suspects and trying to keep them under surveillance.”
Mr McFadden said Mr Magag had moved back to London under his TPim when previously he was banned from the city under his control order. TPim notices do not forcibly relocate people, when control orders could.
He added: “The government chose to disarm itself from the powers to relocate suspects… he [Magag] has used his new-found government-given freedom to come back to London and has now absconded.”
A spokesperson for the Home Office said Magag’s disappearance was “the first time somebody subject to a TPim has absconded”.
They added: “In the six years of control orders, there were seven absconds, and in six of those cases the individual was never found in the UK.
“The TPim regime provides effective powers for dealing with those who are engaged in terrorism-related activity but who we cannot yet prosecute or deport.
“By providing extra funding to the security services and Metropolitan Police we are maximising the opportunities to put these individuals on trial in open court.”
David Anderson QC, the independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, told the BBC he agreed the replacement measures were “watered down”, but nevertheless were “still pretty oppressive”.
He added that the end of relocation powers had been balanced by increased resources for surveillance, and TPims were limited to two years as opposed to the indefinite length of control orders.
The identity of people under TPims are usually kept secret, but an anonymity order imposed on Mr Magag was lifted following a request by the police.
Ministers say they do not believe his disappearance is linked to any terrorism planning in the UK, and his TPim was intended to prevent fundraising and overseas travel.
A 3G network has been launched by Somalia’s leading telecommunication operator Hormuud Telecom to allow mobile and computer based users to enjoy the fast internet service.
At a press conference during the launch, Hormuud Telecom chairman Mr. Ahmed Mohamud Yusuf said the 3G network would play a pivotal role in the development of Somalia’s recovering economy. He said after overcoming many obstacles they were pleased to have succeeded with the company’s yet most ambitious project.
The official added that Hormuud Telecom was bridging the digital divide between Somalia and the world. He used higher education as an example saying that with the new technology it was now possible for local universities to connect with international institutions. He explained the services and features to media and attendees in Saturday’s launch in Mogadishu’s Shamo Hotel.
Mr. Yusuf reiterated that Hormuud Telecom Somalia remains as one of the leading innovative operator in the country, which already provides services such as E-Voucher, EVC, EVC Plus, GPRS and international roaming. Apart from this, the company offers landline and mobile banking system locally known as ZAAD Services.
Based in the capital Mogadishu, Hormuud Telecom is estimated to have $40 million working capital with over 600 shareholders and is the largest telecom operator in the country.
The Somali Parliament has rejected the country’s budget after a series of debates. The budget has already sparked intense debates among members of parliament and was postponed on several occasions.
Parliament speaker Mohamed Osman Jawari announced that seventy members of parliament voted against while 54 voted in favor of the new budget and 39 MPs abstained from the vote.
Lawmakers argue that the proposed budget, prepared by the ministry of finance and national planning and estimated to be slightly over US$100 million for 20-13, lacked proportionate distribution of expenditure.
The majority of the legislators demanded a salary increase for Somali government forces, who are engaged in fighting against Al-Shabaab fighters in south and central Somalia. They argued that the best way to guarantee the winning of the war against Al-Shabaab is to improve the livelihoods of the troops and their families.
Lawmakers also accused the finance ministry of allocating more funds to other ministries. The MP’s now demand that the country’s financial experts revise the draft budget before sending it to parliament within thirty days for approval.
Currently, the two largest government revenue sources are customs duties from the main Mogadishu port and the Aden Adde International Airport.
Lawmakers have also been calling on President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to fulfill his promises to improve the country’s security and economy.
The 275-seat body parliament was sworn into office on the 20th August outside the Mogadishu airport ending the country’s eight-year political transition and ushering in a new, stable administration for the first time four decades.
FIFA helps Somalia revive its oldest and largest sporting facility in the capital after years of unrest (Photo/Midnimo).
The Somali Football Federation (SFF) this week unveiled the first phase of the renovation of Somalia’s oldest and largest football facility.
The renovation work is part of a large initiatives by FIFA under its Win In Africa With Africa program and hopes to revive sport in the war ravaged nation. The first phase, which took a month to complete, included the installation of artificial surface for the first time.
The federation and its sub-contractor the East African Modern Engineering Company (EMECO) brought in an expert from the Dutch-based construction company Greenfield to supervise the works.
The new surface will get reviews very soon when the country hosts the next edition of regional football tournament for peace and development early 2013. Banadir Stadium in 2011
With a capacity of 15,000, the stadium was inaugurated in 1956 by the Italians and was later expanded by the Chinese in the 1980s. At one stage, it was the largest and the most modern facility in Africa and the Arab world. It hosted many international competitions including All Arab games, All African games, the CECAFA tournament and many others. It has multi-uses and plans to add additional facilities are underway. These upgrades include VIP facilities and accommodations.
After going through so many different era, stages and events including colonial rule, socialism, civil war, Islamists and Ethiopian control, the stadium is slowly returning into the right hands in the Somali Football Federation organization.
The British, who already control Somaliland, oust the Italians and occupy Italian Somalia. British and Italian parts of Somalia become independent, merge and form the United Republic of Somalia in 1960.
Somalia becomes a socialist state and nationalises most of the economy. In 1974 a severe drought causes widespread starvation. Fighting breaks out between Somalia and Ethiopia. Fighting continues until 1988.
Break up of Somalia 1991-2007
Somaliland declares unilateral independence and a power struggle begins between clan warlords.
In 1992 US Marines land near Mogadishu ahead of UN peacekeeping forces sent to restore order and safeguard relief supplies.
US Army Rangers are killed when Somali militias shoot down two US helicopters in Mogadishu in the battle depicted in the film Black Hawk Down. By 1995 both the US and UN have left.
Fighting breaks out between Islamic and other Somalian groupings. Ethiopian troops enter the country.
Al Shabaab come into existence as a fighting force in 2006 after defeating the clan warlords in a battle for Mogadishu. Extremism and war 2007-12
In 2007 UN-mandated African Union peacekeepers arrive and pitched battles break out between them and Islamist militia Al Shabaab.
A transitional government is formed and steps are taken to set up a regular Somalian army.
In 2011 Al Shabaab is pushed out of Mogadishu after heavy fighting with African Union and Somali government forces.
The first Somali parliament is sworn in at Mogadishu in August 2012.
African Union Mission in Somalia Force Commander Lieutenant General Andrew Gutti (centre) walks with Djiboutian commanders during a tour of Beledweyne in the Hiran region. Somali and allied forces plan to take more towns in the region from al-Shabaab in the coming weeks. [Stuart Price/AU-UN IST/AFP]
Al-Shabaab’s leaders and foot soldiers are on the run after losing significant ground to the Somali National Army and allied forces in a series of recent battles, security officials say.
“We know that there is no place left in Somalia for the so-called radical al-Shabaab movement, whose leaders, members and followers must be expelled or even killed so security and stability prevails once again throughout the country,” Hiran Governor Abdifatah Hassan Afrah told Sabahi. “We have to extinguish the flame of violence that they spread in East African countries.”
Afrah called for operations targeting al-Shabaab’s leaders, whom he called “a cancerous growth in the body of the Somali people”. He said such operations would spread panic and frustration among al-Shabaab operatives who have been trying to find a foothold in the Golis mountains and in southern Yemen, where they are trying to join forces with al-Qaeda-affiliated Ansar al-Sharia.
Commander of the First Battalion General Abdullahi Ali Anood said the Somali National Army, with backing from the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), would take over the town of Bulo Burde in the Hiran region soon in an attempt to cut off access to the road that links Bulo Burde with the towns of El Bur in Galgudud, and Tayeglow in Bakol. This will hinder the flow of the group’s military supplies and trap al-Shabaab fighters in the central regions, disrupting their logistical support, he said.
Hundreds of Somali soldiers stationed in Hiran and Lower Shabelle will take part in this joint operation, Anood said. “We are preparing for a bloody battle against al-Shabaab to prevent it from rebuilding its infrastructure and regrouping, and [its fighters] will be unable to find a safe haven in which to hide,” he told Sabahi.
Al-Shabaab losing ground
Al-Shabaab still controls some areas in the Hiran region, but it has been losing strategic towns such as Beledweyne, the regional capital, which Somali and Ethiopian forces took over in December 2011 after forcing the militants out of Matabaan and surrounding villages.
Al-Shabaab’s leader Ahmed Abdi Godane, also known as Mukhtar Abu al-Zubair, has admitted publicly that his group’s fighters have been defeated in a series of recent battles in Somalia.
“This year comes as the crusade against Islamic rule in Somalia has been mounting and the crusader enemy has intensified its military, security, political and media capabilities to dim the light of sharia and defeat Islamic rule,” he said in an audio message released December 11th.
Godane said al-Shabaab would resort to guerrilla tactics after allied forces intensified their operations against the militants.
Nur Ahmed Dahir, an al-Shabaab defector, said some of his former colleagues told him that Godane has been concealing his identity by covering his face with a black scarf to blend in among his soldiers.
Godane reportedly carries a Kalashnikov rifle and dozens of hand grenades in a small bag, Dahir told Sabahi, and has been moving between mountains close to Dinsoor to other areas in the Hiran and Bakol regions.
“The group bans any questions relating to a jihadi’s nationality, name, family background or tribal affiliation to guard against spying, a charge that may lead to execution by firing squad or decapitation,” Dahir said. “That is why few soldiers in the group can identify their emir.”
Hiran Deputy Governor Mohamed Maalim Yusuf called for assassination operations against al-Shabaab’s leaders to thwart their terrorist plans. This would allow government forces to take control of several areas in the central and southern regions such as Hiran, Galgudud, Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle, Middle Jubba, Lower Jubba and Gedo, he said.
“It is not unlikely for terrorist leaders who have been moving between the towns of El Bur, Bulo Burde, Tayeglow and Dinsoor to be targeted,” he told Sabahi. “We will soon cut off the land road connecting these towns with the support of the Djiboutian forces and the Ugandan troops that are marching from Jowhar, capital of the Middle Shabelle region, and heading towards Bulo Burde.”
