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Ethiopia: ‘Special Police’ Execute 10

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May 28, 2012, Nairobi (Human Rights Watch) – An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force summarily executed 10 men during a March 2012 operation in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region. Detailed information on the killings and other abuses by the force known as the “Liyu police” only came to light after a Human Rights Watch fact-finding mission to neighboring Somaliland in April.
On March 16 a Liyu police member fatally shot a resident of Raqda village, in the Gashaamo district of Somali region, who was trying to protect a fellow villager. That day, men from Raqda retaliated by killing seven Liyu police members, prompting a reprisal operation by dozens of Liyu police in four villages on March 16 and 17. During this operation the Liyu police force summarily executed at least 10 men who were in their custody, killed at least 9 residents in ensuing gunfights, abducted at least 24 men, and looted dozens of shops and houses.
“The killing of several Liyu police members doesn’t justify the force’s brutal retaliation against the local population,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The Liyu police abuses in Somali region show the urgent need for the Ethiopian government to rein in this lawless force.”

Refugee women and children in Somaliland who fled their homes in Ethiopia as a result of a “Liyu police” operation, April 2012

The Ethiopian government should hold those responsible for the killings and other abuses to account and prevent future abuses by the force.
Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police in the Somali region in 2007 when an armed conflict between the insurgent Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the government escalated. By 2008 the Liyu police became a prominent counterinsurgency force recruited and led by the regional security chief at that time, Abdi Mohammed Omar (known as “Abdi Illey”), who is now the president of Somali Regional State.
The Liyu police have been implicated in numerous serious abuses against civilians throughout the Somali region in the context of counterinsurgency operations. The legal status of the force is unclear, but credible sources have informed Human Rights Watch that members have received training, uniforms, arms, and salaries from the Ethiopian government via the regional authorities.
Human Rights Watch spoke to 30 victims, relatives of victims, and witnesses to the March incidents from four villages who had fled across the border to Somaliland and who gave detailed accounts of the events.
Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that on the evening of March 16 the Liyu police returned to Raqda following the clashes with the community earlier in the day that left seven police force members dead. The next morning, March 17, the Liyu police rounded up 23 men in Raqda and put them into a truck heading towards Galka, a neighboringvillage. Along the way the Liyu police stopped the truck, ordered five randomly selected men to descend, and shot them by the roadside. “It was three police who shot them,” a detainee told Human Rights Watch. “They shot them in the forehead and shoulder: three bullets per person.”
Also on March 17, at about 6 a.m., Liyu police in two vehicles opened an assault on the nearby village of Adaada. Survivors of the attack and victims’ relatives described Liyu police members going house to house searching for firearms and dragging men from their homes. The Liyu police also started shooting in the air. Local residents with arms and the Liyu police began fighting and at least four villagers were killed. Many civilians fled the village.
After several hours the Liyu police left but later returned when villagers came back to the village to bury those killed earlier that day. Fighting resumed in the afternoon and at least another five villagers were killed. The Liyu police took another four men from their homes and summarily executed them. A woman whose brother was a veterinarian told Human Rights Watch: “They caught my brother and took him outside. They shot him in the head and then slit his throat.”
For five days Liyu police also deployed outside Langeita, another village in the district, and restricted people’s movement. The Liyu police carried out widespread looting of shops and houses in at least two of the villages, residents said.
Human Rights Watch received an unconfirmed report that following the incidents local authorities arrested three Liyu police members. However it is unclear whether the members have been charged or whether further investigations have taken place.
The Ethiopian government’s response to reports of abuses in the Somali region has been to severely restrict or control access for journalists, aid organizations, human rights groups, and other independent monitors. Ethiopia’s regional and federal government should urgently facilitate access for independent investigations of the events by independent media and human rights investigators, including the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial and summary executions.
“For years the Ethiopian government has jailed and deported journalists for reporting on the Somali region,” Lefkow said. “Donor countries should call on Ethiopia to allow access to the media and rights groups so abuses can’t be hidden away.”
Liyu Police Abuses, March 2012
Summary Executions and KillingsHuman Rights Watch interviewed witnesses and relatives of the victims who described witnessing at least 10 summary executions by the Liyu police on March 16 and 17. The actual number may be higher.
On March 16 in Raqda, a Liyu police member shot dead Abdiqani Abdillahi Abdi after he intervened to stop the paramilitary from harassing and beating another villager. Several villagers heard the Liyu police member saying to Abdiqani, “What can you do for him?” and then heard the shot.
The shooting ignited a confrontation between the Liyu police and the local community. The nine Liyu police who were deployed in Raqda then left via the road to the neighboring village of Adaada. A number of Raqda residents, including members of Abdiqani’s family, took their weapons, went after the Liyu police, and reportedly killed seven of them in a confrontation that followed.
The next morning, on March 17 at around 11 a.m., the Liyu police selected five men from a group of 23 men they had detained in Raqda and were taking towards Galka village in a truck. The Liyu police forced the five men to sit by the roadside and then shot them. Another detainee described what happened:

In between Galka and Raqda they stopped the truck. There were four other Liyu police vehicles accompanying the truck. This was around 11 a.m. They told five of us to get out of the lorry. They [randomly] ordered five out – none in particular. The man standing near the lorry ordered them to “Kill them, shoot them.” It was three police who shot them. They shot them in the forehead and shoulder: three bullets per person.

Another detainee saw the five being shot in the head and said the Liyu police threatened the remaining detainees, saying, “We will kill you all like this.”
The same day the Liyu police summarily executed four men in Adaada, where they had carried out house-to-house searches that morning. In all four cases multiple witnesses described the victims as unarmed and in custody when they were shot, either in the neck or head, shortly after having been dragged from their homes.
Witnesses described the summary execution of a veterinarian. The Liyu police dragged him from his home and shot him in the head, but when they realized that he was not dead, they slit his throat. The veterinarian’s middle-aged sister told Human Rights Watch:

They entered the home and asked where the man responsible for the home was. There were seven of them. They caught my brother and took him outside. They shot him in the head and then slit his throat. After killing him, they asked my niece where her father’s rifle was, but she could not find the keys and they hit her on the back of the shoulder with the butt of a gun.

Witnesses also told Human Rights Watch that a teenage boy was dragged from his uncle’s home, taken nearby, momentarily interrogated, and then shot. One witness heard him reciting a prayer before being killed. His body was left on the ground near a trash dump. A third victim, an elderly man, was taken from outside his home, interrogated for a short time, and then shot while standing. Several witnesses heard him pleading with the police to spare his life. The fourth victim was also taken from his home and shot shortly after.
At least nine other men were killed by the Liyu police in Adaada, but the circumstances of their deaths are unclear. There was armed resistance to the Liyu police attack, and some of the nine may have been armed. However, according to witnesses, the Liyu police shot several men, in the upper body and head, who were trying to escape. Two men fleeing were reportedly run over by Liyu police vehicles.
Abductions, Torture, and Ill-TreatmentDuring the house searches in Adaada, the Liyu police abducted a number of village men and tortured and mistreated several people, including at least three women.
An Adaada resident, one of the first to be taken from his home on the morning of March 17, described to Human Rights Watch his treatment by the Liyu police:

They entered and told my wife to shut up. Four men entered the house with four waiting outside. They came over to me and took me. They also took the gun from my house. They hit me with the butt of a gun and took me to a small river near my home. They tied a belt around my neck. I lost consciousness. They threw me in a berket [small water hole] that was 15 meters deep and then they threw branches over me. There was mud in the berket. I managed to climb up when I woke up.

The Liyu police seriously beat at least three women during house searches in Adaada. A young woman said that Liyu police members who had entered her home beat her after she told them that her husband was absent: “They said I was lying, they kicked me and crushed my head with the back of the gun. I had some injuries in my kidney. I lost a tooth.”

By Olad Guled

Somaliland:Immigration Czar says Business is as usual

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Staff
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The Director of Immigration department Col Mohamed Yusuf Ali has revealed that there is no change in the country travel patterns following the UK travel advice which warned British citizens not to travel to the country.

Col Mohamed Told reporters during a press briefing that the announcement made by the Uk foreign office and commonwealth affairs has not affected the country’s travel trends in any way what so ever.

“People are coming into the country day every day be it foreigners and nationals alike ,even from the united kingdom , America and the whole world, added the Director of Immigration.

Col Mohamed went on to say “ I want to take this opportunity to sure all those traveling to the country their safety is guaranteed and there is no any reason to be alarmed about the security of the country’.

On the other hand, the head of the immigration department said that I want to confirm to that it is true we are holding some of our officers for misconduct and not corruption as purported in most media outlets.

Goth M Goth

Somalilandpress.com

 

Somaliland: Moving Forward After UK Cries Wolf

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Staff
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You would think that the UK would know better than to cry wolf.

On Sunday, the UK government issued a warning urging their citizens to flee Somaliland. According to a statement released by the UK foreign office, there’s danger of “kidnapping for financial or political gain, motivated by criminality or terrorism”.

This bizarre warning has left us Somalilanders stunned and in a state of confusion. The Republic of Somaliland has never been known for danger and terrorism but rather for its peace and democracy.

Many other questions have risen since the warning was issued. How can Somaliland’s stability be compared to Libya’s and Syria’s? What do we have in common with these unstable countries?

Libya just went through a deadly civil war and is getting acquainted with terrorist attacks. Syria is still in a bitter power struggle and the fatalities are rising daily.

Clearly we do not share the same problems as these countries.

Our national security is incomparable considering the fact that we share a border with Somalia. Also, unlike Kenya – a country that has political and economic advantage over Somaliland – we have been virtually untouched by terrorist attacks.

But then again, Britain, like every other nation, has a right to assure the safety of their citizens abroad. Despite that, there should have been proper steps taken to address this matter. Britain should have teamed up with the Somaliland government on this matter and issued an investigation rather than put us in limbo. Our government should not be undermined nor downplayed. Our strength and peace should be aided and commended not ignored.

This attempt at crippling our image should not demoralize us nor put an end to our battle of self-determination.

It is vital that we remain united and continue to prosper and showcase our achievements over the past 22 years.

The truth is – we are not perfect. We might be Africa’s best kept secret, but there is still room for improvement.

We must put an end to the conflicts that were ignited by November’s election. We must put an end to our trivial tribal differences that still linger today. But most importantly, during times like this, we must put aside our political differences and put our nation first.

All these issues are minor compared to what’s going on around Africa, but since we are an unrecognized country, our flaws are magnified more than our achievements.

We are not a nation that hosts terrorism nor are we a country that is headed into political turmoil. We are the nation that shines bright like the moon that covers ours dark skies.  And most importantly, we are – and always will be – the most peaceful and stable country in Africa, no matter what anyone says.

By: Robleh M. Lafcanbe

Somaliland Foreign Minister Official Response To UK Travel Advise

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Staff
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Statement by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Somaliland in response to the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s revised travel advice for Somaliland

The Government of the Republic of Somaliland takes its responsibility to protect foreign nationals living and working in the country very seriously. International organizations, multinational businesses and other foreign entities have been operating securely in Somaliland for many years, thanks to the resources we have invested in our security institutions, and the willingness of the general public to cooperate with the Government in defeating security threats from terrorists. We do everything in our power to ensure that the Somaliland security forces are employed to the fullest extent in protecting the public, including foreign nationals living here.

The Somaliland government is investigating thoroughly the specific concerns underlying the change in the travel advice which the UK’s Foreign & Commonwealth Office issued on 27 January. So far our efforts have failed to uncover any evidence to substantiate the information contained in the revised advice.We will continue to investigate until we are fully satisfied that the issue has been addressed.  We also have an ongoing dialogue and collaboration with our international partners in this regard, and reiterate our appreciation of the support that Somaliland receives on security matters.

Somaliland has been cooperating with the UK and other foreign governments on many security-related issues for some time now.   We have received support for the training of the security forces, as well as on the investigation of specific threats. Somaliland has not only been successful in maintaining its record as a bastion of peace and stability in a volatile region, but has also been a reliable partner to the international community in the prevention of spillover from the instability in the Horn of Africa. We will continue to work with domestic and international partners to ensure a satisfactory resolution to this matter.

Mohamed A Omar

Minister of Foreign Affairs

Republic of Somaliland

Suicide bomber kills 2 near Somali presidential palace

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Staff
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MOGADISHU (Reuters) – A suicide bomber blew himself up near the Somali presidential palace on Tuesday, killing at least two soldiers in a strike apparently aimed at the country’s leaders, a palace guard at the scene said.

Officials working in the palace and guards said Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was abroad at the time of the blast and Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saaid, whose house was near the site of the explosion, was safe.

The blast was the first this year in Mogadishu, where security has improved greatly since Al Shabaab – Islamist rebels allied to al Qaeda – were driven from the capital by African peacekeepers in late 2011.

The group – which wants to impose its strict version of Sharia or Islamic law – is fighting to topple Mohamud, whose election last year was the first such vote since warlords ousted military dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991.

“The man blew up himself near a wall between the Ethiopian embassy and the Somali PM’s residence,” Ahmed Ali, a Somali soldier at the presidential palace told Reuters.

The two buildings are inside a sprawling compound that also houses the presidential palace.

“One guard died there and then. Another died of his wounds. They were all the guards of the PM,” said Ali. “The man was an al Shabaab defector. He had a gate pass, an identity card of the national security.”

Guards at the palace who declined to be named said the blast partially damaged a small room made of iron sheets where the prime minister’s guards are stationed, but little else was damaged. Buildings and cars within the compound were untouched.

OUSTED FROM URBAN CENTRES

The guards said the bomber was known to them, and frequently visited the palace. When he came by on Tuesday morning, the guards took the suicide bomber through a routine inspection and found he was clad in an explosive jacket.

The guards tried to prevent him from detonating his device, but it went off – killing one instantly and wounding two others.

Al Shabaab was not immediately available for comment on the attack.

The group fled to southern Somalia after quitting Mogadishu but in late September Kenyan troops forced it to withdraw from the port of Kismayu, its last major urban stronghold in the Horn of Africa nation.

That appears to have ended it as a quasi-conventional military force, though Al Shabaab remains a threat and has vowed to step up suicide bombings and hit-and-run attacks.

On January 17 the group said it had executed a captive French agent after a French commando mission to rescue him failed.

Source: Reuters

 

Somalia Leaders Provocative Statements Can't Terrify Somaliland

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Staff
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The time is now for Somaliland to build a stronger and smarter military.

In Somaliland, there are many naïve people who think that Somalia can be a friend, when in reality, and in the words of the Somalia Prime Minister, “Somaliland is part of Somalia”.

Today, Somaliland is living in a period that could be considered one of the biggest historical turning points in the Somaliland-Somalia relations: The London talks is about to start and Somalia officials are misleading the world over the talks while Somaliland is silent witness.

The international community agreed to finalize the Somaliland-Somalia relations in the upcoming talks, which will set Somaliland free. The world has no option but to accept the demand of 3.5 million for self-determination else Somaliland can continue as democratic and progressive nation without the rest. Somaliland can survive without the aid of the western world, if the London conference brings the sovereignty of Somaliland into question.

Somaliland has stronger case than Somalia because of the following facts: Somaliland has democratic functioning government; it controls its territory; it is financially independent; it has elected president, parliament and municipal council, in addition to multi-party political system;  Somaliland democracy is considered one of the best in Africa.

Somaliland enjoys highest human rights record between East African states; Somaliland law protects women and children rights, and childbirth death cases has been dramatically reduced where government of Somaliland provides health services to the majority of its female citizens including in remote areas.

EDNA Maternity Hospital is a point of pride, where the hospital produces many well-trained nurses and midwives, which contributed in reducing the childbirth death rate. Today, EDNA and other similar health training centers cover Somaliland’s need for skilled medical staff.  Thousands of Somali women travel from war-torn Somalia and Somali Region of Ethiopia to EDNA to receive medical attention.

Somaliland recreated public services from scratches without outside help, and after Somalia (Siyad Barre regime 1969 – 1991) destroyed the entire infrastructure and killed 60,000 civilians in less than three months – one of the most devastating genocide in the history of east Africa.

Somalia Air Force and Military were used to destroy the cities of Somaliland. Against all odds, Somaliland is helping Somalia in the hardship, where Somaliland government and people donated $700,000 to the hunger-torn people of Somalia during 2011 famine.  Somaliland’s donation was highest from an African nation, followed by South Africa with $500,000.

Somaliland citizens enjoy free education equally, which reduced illiteracy rate in last 10 years.

In a contrary, Somalia is depending on foreign aid, where even the salary of the government officials comes from the donors. The Mogadishu regime cannot run the country independently, as it had no administration in last 21 years. Although, the current government declared end of transition period, but it is not different than earlier governments and has no power. The end of the transition is on paper but not in reality.

Somalia is a country on the political map that doesn’t exist in the real ground. Somalia has no government and its people live on international aid agencies. It is a country ruled by Somalians with dual nationalities and have no interest in keeping the country peaceful, because, in case of a war,  they will catch the first flight to their luxurious homes in Northern America and Europe. Somalia need to be in the hands of its people, instead of diaspora members who have their families in America and Europe.

Internationally, Somalia is graded lower than Afghanistan in security and services.  The shaky government in Mogadishu is functioning under control of the African Union Forces, and even failed to appoint administration to the port city of Kismayo because there are countries who have interest and forces in Kismayo under African Union Forces umbrella, and such countries have the final word in the city.

The arrogant statements over the destiny of Somaliland people by the weak government in Mogadishu, downgrades the importance of upcoming talks during May 2013 in London. The President and Prime Minister of Somalia expressed their reluctance towards fair disintegration of Somaliland from Somalia. This unveils the ugly agenda of the current regime against Somaliland sovereignty, which needs stronger preparation from Somaliland side.

Somaliland has many reasons to build its army including recent undiplomatic statements made by Somalia Prime Minister and President against Somaliland independence. Prime Minister is encouraging Somaliland fugitives by appointing them in his government. In addition to that, first hand reports indicate that Prime Minister of Somalia is preparing conference for some Somaliland tribes against Somaliland and he promised to arm them against Somaliland like Khaatumo militia.

 

Conclusion:

Somaliland puts peace before violence, however, when the national integrity is under threat and no option is left except to fight , Somaliland has long experience in fighting and will defend its people and sovereignty with all means.

Somaliland must know that danger from Somalia is on its peak and must build and prepare the national army, in order to confront such threat that is coming from Mogadishu.

Military build-up is necessary for Somaliland in both shorter and longer run, because of the volatile region. Somalia had history of invading neighboring countries illegally and  Somaliland could face similar unlawful attempts.

The government of Somaliland led by President Siilaanyo must induce National Military Services, where every secondary graduate in Somaliland will go under six months military training. This is part of the military build-up and to stop any illegal attempt to invade Somaliland borders.

 

By\ Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi

Email: az.almutairi@yahoo.com

Somalia gravediggers grieve improved security

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Staff
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Mogadishu, Somalia – Ali Hassan spends his day sitting in a former mosque, now a ramshackle shelter for drug users, idly staring at his cell phone as he waits for it to ring. A gravedigger with more than 20 years of experience, Hassan is finding life in Mogadishu’s newfound stability hard. He became a gravedigger at the height of the civil war, when he used to dig at least 30 graves a day. “I became a gravedigger in 1991, when burying dead bodies was the best business in Somalia.” People who want to bury their deceased family members ring his cell phone to ask him to dig graves for them. He listens religiously to the cacophony coming from downtown Mogadishu for the sound of loud bangs or continuous rounds of fire. “When there is a loud bang, we know it is an explosion. When there is a sustained gunfire, we know something is wrong and people may die. Deaths mean there will be business for us.” However, with gun battles falling in Mogadishu these days, the number of people brought to the cemetery for burial has almost fallen markedly. “Two years ago I used to bury 30 bodies a day, now I bury one if I’m lucky and often I bury none.” The father of four is struggling to put food on the table for his young family. His children have been forced to drop out of school because he can’t afford to pay their school fees. He is struggling to provide one meal a day. After more than 20 years of continuous fighting, Somalis finally seem to be emerging from the dark days of their civil war. “Somalis are tired of fighting. They know now, first hand, that fighting each other brings only two things: death and destruction. Somalis are the biggest driving force behind the return of peace in Mogadishu,” says Abdullahi Mohamed Shirwa, chairman of the Mogadishu-based peace advocacy group Somali Peace Line. Al-Shabab retreat More than 17,000 African Union soldiers are now in the Horn of Africa country to support the weak government in their fight against the hardline rebel group al-Shabab. Under increased military pressure, al-Shabab has retreated from major cities in south-central Somalia. This has moved the frontlines of the war away from populous cities and town, reducing deaths. “Mogadishu is no longer a frontline, and Bakara Market [the biggest market in Somalia] is no longer been shelled and fought over by al-Shabab, Somali government soldiers and African Union (AU) troops, so the number [of] deaths has decline greatly,” said Shirwa. At the height of the civil war, 14 gravediggers used to work seven days a week at Abdirashid Ali Sharmake cemetery, but currently only two remain, one of whom is Ali Hassan. Fifty-one-year-old Mohamed Jama, a father of seven, is the other remaining gravedigger. Jama dug his first grave in 1994 for $30, and never looked back. He remembers the days, just over a year ago, when AU soldiers and al-Shabab were fighting in Bakara Market. “I sometimes use to make about $300 a day when they were fighting in the busy market. Many people were killed and were brought to this cemetery to be buried.” He recounts that business was even better before, when warlords constantly fought for turf, leaving countless people dead. Even though Jama made the most amount of money during those years, he remembers that time as the worst in his career. “Their militias would many times bring live people to the cemetery, then order us to dig graves before executing the people in the graves we just dug right in front of our eyes, telling us to bury them.” Those years continue to haunt Jama: “I don’t like to dig a grave for a person standing next to me begging for mercy.” Some of his colleagues were killed when they refused to dig graves for militias. “Five of my friends were killed when they refused to dig grave for militias when they brought a live person.” Despite those challenges, his seven kids went to private schools and he had a maid helping his wife with housework. The family lived in a four-bedroom rented house, but have now moved from their rented house into a camp for internally displaced persons. The pinch of peace It’s not only the gravediggers feeling the pinch of peace in Mogadishu. The dead bodies brought to Jama for burial are usually wrapped in a white piece of cloth. According to Muslim customs, when someone dies they should be wrapped in a white piece of cloth called kaffan before being buried. With the number of deaths in Mogadishu falling greatly, kaffan sellers in Hamar Weyne have also been left wondering how to make ends meet. “Two years ago we use to sell at least 49 metres of kaffan a day. Now, we barely sell two metres,” sayskaffan seller Mohamed Abdi Khadir. He’s been forced to diversify his target market from selling kaffan for burials to selling it as a tablecloth to new top-end restaurants opening in Mogadishu. “In Mogadishu, if you don’t adapt with the changing currents, you will die.” Jama feels he is too old to change his career. He speaks clearly about what will put food on the table for his family: “For us, we are happy when there are bombs going off and fighting taking place. I have seven children and a wife to feed. “If others don’t die, they will die.” Source: Al Jezeera

Somaliland:Hargeisa; A Divided Capital City

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Staff
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In Somaliland, we appear to have a government. It looks like a government, often talks like a government, and sometimes behaves like a government. But you can’t really understand the modus operandi of Silanyo’s government until you scratch beneath the surface and reveal that it is not actually a government but a small clique of utterly unscrupulous individuals pulling the strings everywhere in Somaliland.

This clique would go extra ordinary lengths not only to flout the laws of the land but also to wallow in the blood of innocents, if it threatened their best interests as in the case of the massacre that took place at Ahmed Dhagah and further afield.

Hardly anyone would disagree that the recent local council elections held in the country on 28 November 2012 split the country right down the middle. The nation is now more divided than ever before. And these divisions are more broader and have far deeper roots than one might think especially in the capital city, Hargeisa, where there is brinkmanship between supporters of Haksoor political association and the beleaguered government of Ahmed Silanyo.

In Zeila, there is bad blood between the Vice President’s clan and the indigenous ESSA people over the “manipulated results of the Somaliland local council election” which led to ESSA not being able to win enough councilors in order to propel one of their clan members into the mayor’s office in the ancient town of Zeila. The Vice President was accused to have directly interfered in the electoral process to tip the scales in favour of his clan. The Vice President did not deny this. As a result, the ESSA categorically rejected the outcome of the local elections. At least one person was killed and dozen others were injured over the results of the local election dispute. Attempts by the government to reconcile the two sides ended with dismal failure, prompting the minister of interior Mohamed Nur Arale to threaten the ESSA by saying, “We will not be at the mercy of any party as far as the peace and security is concerned”. The minister has been roundly criticized for stooping to a level of such immaturity and contempt.

For their part, the Gadabursi accuse the government of pandering to the demands of ESSA and trying to reverse the outcome of an election it claims to be fair and free.

The same “cooked” election results led to the complete rupture of relations between the government and Arab supporters of HAKSOOR in Ahmed Dhagah district. The Dhulbahante and Warsangeli are equally up in arms that the majority of their electorate has been deliberately disenfranchised, making it virtually impossible for so many to exercise their fundamental rights to discharge their civic duties. The blame for this loss of fundamental rights has been placed squarely at the feet of the chairman of National Electoral Commission, Essa Mohamed Jama by non other than the president’s special advisor on the eastern front, Fuad Aden Adde.

Needless to say, the government lost parts of its capital city after it alienated Arab as a result of the fraudulent election. Hargeisa is no longer a contiguous city as it used to be before 28 November 2012. The South West bank territory of Hargeisa remains a no-go area for all government functionaries including security forces. It remains outside the jurisdiction of the central government following the massacre committed by Silanyo’s security forces at Ahmed Dhagah district on 6th December 2012 in which three people lost their lives and scores of others were injured- some of them seriously. The ages of slain children ranged from 13-16.
It is precisely this state terrorism perpetrated by Silanyo’s government against its own citizens that led Ahmed Dhagah to become a renegade territory within the capital city of Hargeisa- a stone’s throw away from Silanyo’s seat of power.

Today, Ahmed Dhagah virtually remains a separate enclave within Hargeisa. Tax collection is a thing of the past, people buy plot of lands in droves and build their homes without planning permissions and without the hassle of much of the red tape and/or bribery that are usually associated with such an endeavour. Police stations and government offices are either empty or are manned by familiar faces friendly with the roaming local boys.

It still remains off-limits for government officials. Authorities either sneak in under the cover of darkness or stay out of the area completely depending on how pressing their needs are. Yet, surprisingly as it may sound, there are no reported crimes or anarchy whatsoever which is why so many people erroneously think that it is business as usual for Hargeisa- almost two months after the local election on 26 November 2012 when, in fact, that is not the case.

So angry are Arab young men in Ahmed Dhagah that every vehicle with identifiable government plate number that passes through Ahmed Dhagah or its environs is either impounded or are pelted with hail of stones if it fails to stop.

A group of henna-dyed elders who went out of their way to mend fences with the government was uncharacteristically castigated by fiery young clerics who believe that the elders had gone beyond the limits of the clan-family’s tolerance.

Spewing out their hatred and anger in every direction, Ahmed Dhagah women came out in force to have their daggers drawn with the government on Tuesday, 1st January 2013. Wearing red bands symbolizing the blood of the murdered protesters in Ahmed Dhagah, the women expressed their disgust at Silanyo’s government and its handling of what everyone now agrees to be a “plainly fraudulent election” as put it by the leaders of the two of the three parties that qualified for national party status. The ruling party, KULMIYE, was the exception, of course.

As if the rest of the Somaliland people are not aware of the brutal murders that took place in Ahmed Dhagah, the women took no prisoners as they spoke uncontrollably in front of rolling cameras, condemning the two houses of parliament for their collusion and connivance with the government.
As if that was not enough, the women and young men vowed to commit themselves not to allow the ministry of sports to hold the yearly Regional Football Tournament in Hargeisa’s only Stadium which is situated in Ahmed Dhagah district. Now, the tournament has been postponed to June because the government could not guarantee the security of the teams and spectators.

Sadly, what was once a warm relationship between Silanyo and the people of Ahmed Dhagah has unnecessarily turned into a deadly confrontation- a confrontation that seems to be steadily escalating to the point where lasting harm might be done to the country.

Certainly, the government is the guilty party here which is why the government prefers to remain low profile while its already tarnished reputation takes a merciless beating in Ahmed Dhagah.

The government and National Election Commission (NEC) collectively failed to answer until now why out of the so many electoral districts in Marodi Jeh province the ballot boxes from electoral district of Ahmed Dhagah [the stronghold of HAKSOOR] went missing? No one would explain or answer this question.

HAKSOOR’s formal ballot papers that have been correctly marked by voters to show their preferred candidates have been dumped and burned in the dry river bed of Hargeisa. It was an obvious criminal offence and an investigation should have been immediately launched but the government reportedly advised the NEC officials to ignore HAKSOOR’s complaint.

When supporters of HAKSOOR in Ahmed Dhagah began to protest against these injustices the minister of interior has deployed an-anti terrorist police unit to quell the protest by using live ammunition against the peaceful demonstrators. At least three people have been killed including two teenagers aged 13 and 14. Scores of others have been injured-some of them seriously. No one has taken responsibility for these cold blooded murders and no investigation have been launched whatsoever until now.

HAKSOOR officials took formally their complaints to the relevant chief justices of the district and provincial courts of the country but the justices were clearly instructed by the presidential palace not to entertain any complaints from HAKSOOR.

Hersi Haji Ali, the minister of the presidency, who is widely rumoured to govern the country, went to visit Edna Aden’s Hospital on 16th December 2012. Soon he found himself surrounded by nearly 300 menacing young men wielding machetes, sticks and stones. For several hours, he found himself barricaded in the Hospital only to be bundled out of the back door stealthily by the founder of the hospital and former foreign minister, Edna Adan. The president’s motorcade was greeted with the sole of shoes which are considered the ultimate insult in Somali culture.

Until now, the clique that runs the government remains in a dangerous state of denial. They acts as if nothing has happened, refusing to acknowledge that these events even took place while Haksoor supporters lodged a complaint against president Silanyo in London for unlawful killing of peaceful demonstrators- mostly school children.

This ostrich like behaviour is not a legitimate option though and represents a gross dereliction of duty. We can’t keep pretending everything is fine when it’s not. The Somaliland nation is bitterly divided at the worst possible time and a house divided against itself cannot stand. The fact that the British government urged its nationals, including the higher number of Britons with a Somali background who visit relatives in Somaliland, to leave the country immediately because of a “specific threat” to foreigners is a clear testament to the fact that everything is not fine in Somaliland.

Jamal Madar
London, United Kingdom
adammadar@yahoo.com

Somalia should free jailed reporter, solve press murders

By
Staff
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PRESS FREEDOM LETTER

 January 28, 2013

H.E Hassan Sheikh Mohamud

President of the Federal Republic of Somalia

Office of the President of Somalia

Villa Somalia, Mogadishu

Via email

Dear President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud,

We are writing to express our concern about a Somali journalist who has been imprisoned since January 10 for interviewing a woman who claimed she was raped by government soldiers. We are also concerned by recent statements you made in Washington indicating your administration will not tolerate negative coverage by the local press. We urge you to ensure the journalist is released immediately and follow up on your commitment to create a task force to investigate Somalia’s unsolved journalist murders.

Freelance journalist Abdiaziz Abdinuur was detainedwithout charge on January 10 at a police station in Mogadishu, where he has remained with limited access to a lawyer. No warrant was issued for his arrest. Abdiaziz has contributed to several news outlets including Dalsan Radio, Badri Media Productions, Radio Ergo, and the U.K.-based Daily Telegraph.

Police had summoned Abdiaziz for questioning in connection with his January 8 interview with an internally displaced woman who claimed she was raped by Somali soldiers while living in a camp last year. Al-Jazeera English had published a story on January 6 about government soldiers raping internally displaced women in Mogadishu camps. It was unclear if the woman mentioned in the story was the same one Abdiaziz had interviewed.

In a news conference on January 16, Police Commissioner Sharif Shekuna Maye accused Abdiaziz of assisting Al-Jazeera with the story and of bribing the alleged rape victim. He said Abdiaziz had tried to “tarnish the dignity of the police force and the dignity of the Somali nation.” But CPJ research shows that Abdiaziz had no connection to the Al-Jazeera report and had, in fact, interviewed the woman two days after the story was published. In addition, Abdiaziz never published his own interview with the alleged rape victim.

In a January 17 speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, you declared your government was committed to good governance, accountability, and transparency. Yet, when asked a question about the ongoing detention of Abdiaziz, you said: “We want [journalists] to be free and have the opportunity to tell the people what they are supposed to tell … but that does not mean that tainting negatively the image of the public, the image of the government is not something acceptable to any standard in the world…And this is propaganda. We do not detain unnecessarily, the police is handling, and it is a civil case.”

In your speech, Mr. President, you also stated that credible judicial reform was the second priority of your government’s agenda. But this cannot take place in a country where journalists are summarily thrown in jail for critical reporting. Moreover, there is no legal basis for holding a journalist simply for conducting an interview. This arrest sends a chilling message to the Somali media to self-censor any critical coverage of security forces or of sensitive but important issues such as the rights of internally displaced Somali citizens.

The day after your speech in Washington, the minister of interior accused Abdiaziz of fabricating the rape story, according to the state-run press. We believe that such a statement by a high-level official in your government violates the journalist’s presumption of innocence and puts political pressure on the judicial process.

Mr. President, in your January 17 speech, you also identified the need to overcome the “culture of impunity” in Somalia. CPJ research shows that not a single journalist murder has been prosecuted in Somalia over the past decade. CPJ ranked Somalia second worst on its 2012 Impunity Index, which spotlights countries where journalists are murdered regularly and the killers go free.

CPJ documented 12 journalist murders in Somalia in 2012, making the country the most dangerous in Africa for journalists. The day after your speech, on January 18, unidentified assailants in Mogadishu gunned down veteran journalist Abdihared Osman, the fifth journalist from the Shabelle Media Network killed in 13 months.

You can advance your goal of good governance, transparency, and accountability by creating the task force to investigate and resolve murders of journalists, as you pledged to do last year. If you want to “rebuild Somalia with strong institutions that can deliver services to people,” as you said, we urge you to begin here.

In the past two weeks, you have had several meetings with leaders and diplomats from across the globe, including U.S. President Barack Obama and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. During a press conference in Washington on January 17, Secretary Clinton said that the United States sees new opportunity and optimism in Somalia with the establishment of your government. But we at CPJ are concerned that recent actions taken by your government and the ever-growing number of unsolved murders in Somalia tarnish this sense of optimism.

We urge you to ensure Abdiaziz Abdinuur is released from custody immediately and that all journalists in Somalia are allowed to report freely and critically. We also call you on to follow up on your commitment to create a task force that would bring to justice the perpetrators of the journalist murders in the country.

Sincerely,

Joel Simon

Executive Director

CC List:

Abdikarim Hussein Guled, Minister of Interior, Federal Republic of Somalia

Abdullahi Elmoge Hersi, Minister of Information, Federal Republic of Somalia

Johnnie Carson, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs

Georges-Marc Andre, European Union Representative of Somalia

Matt Baugh, UK Ambassador to the republic of Somalia

Jöran Bjällerstedt, Ambassador of Sweden to the republic of Somalia

Susan Rice, Ambassador of the U.S. to the United Nations

Augustine Mahiga, UN Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General for Somalia

Michael Croft, Head of Office, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

###

CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization

that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide.

Contact:

Mohamed Keita

Africa Advocacy Coordinator

Tel. +1.212.465.1004 ext. 117

Email: mkeita@cpj.org

 

Tom Rhodes

East Africa Consultant

Email: trhodes@cpj.org

Somalia/Somaliland :The Misapprehension about US Recognition

By
Staff
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Yousuf Haji Noor Hirsee, Jeddah 2013

The Impact of the Somali President’s Visit to America   The visit of the President of Somalia on January 17th, 2013 to the USA and his subsequent meeting with the top leadership in Washington, D.C, has resulted in a premature jubilation in Somalia, and a rather complex reaction by the opinion formers of the Republic of Somaliland.   USA Recognition of Somalia!!   Before, we dwell on the alleged significance of US recognition, mistakenly believed by some as a political game changer, let us look at the political reality of Somalia. The Obama administration is recognizing the status quo ante, just like Great Britain, France, and Italy etc. They recognize a Somalia that existed  as a normal state in the past, in other words. The US  stand is this: the consequences involving the death of US soldiers in the 1992-193 South Somalia conflict is now over. However, in reality they are recognizing Somalia in their present form: a disjointed ramshackle state dependent on AMISOM. A rump state, divided into warring regions with Al-Shabab, warlords, tribal chieftains and pirate supporting regions. To this strange concoction, add three highly important regions controlled indirectly by Ethiopia or, directly by Kenya (Jubaland). The world polity, for its worth is recognizing a disarmed, politically enfeebled, economically and financially chained regime. The coastline of Somalia remains in dispute, even land-locked Uganda feels it deserves a share in it. Sensing, but not directing the political maneuverings at a local or sub-strategic level, the recognition confirms that Southern Somalia is up for partition. See the recent article on the Ethiopia-Kenya partnership on the “Management” of Somalia. Finally, the Duel Policy approach to Somalia and Somaliland adopted by the US, UK, Scandinavia, and even Italy remains in force.  A number of neighboring countries, and the countries mentioned above maintain separate representative offices in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland. To all intent and purposes, the country of Somalia is in fact, consist of portions of the former Italian Somalia.   Somaliland’s International Status   Somaliland’s perception in the diplomatic arena is unambiguous. It is perceived as a cohesive, stable state that is in charge of its territory. It’s beyond De Facto recognition and bordering on De Jure. Major states like US, UK, and Scandinavia states, and to a lesser extent regional organizations treat Somaliland as a separate entity from Somalia, reserving a seat in IGAD, AU and some UN institutions, for example. That is a fact. The President of Somaliland, Ahmed M. Silaanyo’s government is relentlessly pursuing a policy of projecting and maintaining Somaliland’s statehood, and its separateness from Somalia. The recent separate visits of both President’s to Djibouti on the anniversary of the adoption of a Somali script is a case in point. Both were welcomed at the airport by President of Djibouti. Furthermore, Somaliland, enjoys good relations with its neighbors, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Puntland, the pirate-infested sometimes part of Somalia.   Recognition in Perspective   Well, I hope that people understand that, while recognition is important diplomatic vehicle, it is not, the be all and end all; there is nothing permanent in international affairs. Self-interest reigns supreme. Consider this: European Yugoslavia, supported by Russia, China and some democratic Western countries had full recognition and sovereignty over its territory. A civil war (1991-1999)ensued, which led to the  departure of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Kosovo until, finally Yugoslavia was reduced to just Serbia. Somalia in its weak condition may lose more than Somaliland. Read the article, ‘ The new scramble for Somalia”. Somaliland’s Response The official reaction to the “recognition of Somalia” can be discerned from the pronouncement of  president Ahmed M. Silaanyo, and his tireless foreign minister, Mohammed Abdilahi. Simply put: continued commitment to logical, mature and steadfast pursuit of regaining Somaliland’s statehood. Likewise, the stand of the ruling party Kulmiye, and opposition parties Ucid ,  and Wadani plus the chairpersons of both houses of Parliament re-affirmed their un-wavering support for remaining steadfast in single-mindedly pursuing the just cause of “re-gaining Somaliland’s position as a recognized state that pre-dates Somalia. Somaliland gained its independence from Britain on June 26th, 1960; Somalia July 1st, 1960. To shed some light on the above, I will strive to analyse the situation from the different perspectives taken by Somalilanders. Firstly, the worrisome propositions taken by a minority of former officials of past governments and a few opposition figures who maintain a stranglehold on the Somaliland media, subsequently, their statements give rise to embarrassing themselves and the country’s cause in the electronic media and over the airways. The former speaks variously of the impending danger from a miraculously resuscitated and rearmed  Somalia invading Somaliland!! Somalia is incapable of feeding, clothing, training and paying a small army, let alone invading a cohesive country with a disciplined professional army, trained by elite former Northern officers of the old Somali army. It is a stupid joke. Is it conceivable, that a ramshackle state, kept afloat by UNISOM African armies, can entertain the notion of taking on Somaliland? The other faulty position expressed by the defeatist is that, the Somaliland-Somalia meetings started under the auspices of the Somalia conference in London (July 2011) could lead, God forbid to the reunification of Somaliland with the failed state of Somalia. Amazingly, they claim that, the AMISOM-protected government, whose rule is disputed in many regions, save for Mogadishu on good days, and possess the were-with-all to win over the hearts and minds of the politically stable Somaliland. Those defeatists’ elements are but a tiny minority with hardly any influence. Unfortunately, they fail to recognize that, “Somaliland’s War of Reclaiming Independence (1981-1991)” has been successfully concluded, and there is no turning back. The Impact of Somalia’s “Recognition” on Talks with Somaliland The Historic London Conference and subsequent conferences were held between two equal states, Somaliland and Somalia. Under the strong diplomatic pressure of Somaliland, the “Presidents” of the disparate States of Somalia and ministers of Somaliland origin in the Mogadishu team were excluded from these meetings. This established process will continue. Moreover, it is absolutely important to understand that, this is an on-going process, with UK foreign office observers present. The process may take months to a year, but the next stage might be arbitration based on the minutes taken by the observers. Logically, the International Court of Justice, the African Union, and the UNO might be brought in at some stage, but not necessarily in that order. Somalia’s position on union/independence is based on immature emotions, greed and fear of what they perceive as further dismemberment, but that is their project, not Somaliland’s. Finally to the few pessimists at home and the dreamers in the Somalia, I would like you to ponder on these illuminating verses from a poem by, Ali Seenyo, who understood the nature of the talks and the process as explained above: Kala guurkii maa ahoo                 we have not reached the intended separation  Waa kala gurashadii ye garo      It (the talks) concerns disengagement, so understand this   For the vast majority of Somalilanders, having gone through a ten year struggle, and a referendum which supported separation from Somalia, regularly holding democratic multi-party elections, the option of union is dead and buried. The country had elected four different administrations with a smooth, mature and safe transfer of power with the presence of credible international observers. These former administrations are those of Abdul-Rahman  Ahmed  Ali (Tuur) 1991-3), Mohame
d Ibrahim Mohammed Egal (1993-2002), Dahir Riyaale Kaahin (2002-2010), who handed over office to the present leader Ahmed Mohammed Mohamud (Silaanyo). Why, then you may ask, do countries, major ones at that continue to recognize Somalia, a perennially weak state. Professor Michael Weinstein of Perdue University, Indiana provides a deep insight to this issue. He still describes the present government as “provisional”. He is inclined to accept, that a kind of Trusteeship Administration for the next 20 years could established,  given its lack of resources. To conclude, Somaliland has rightly offered its good offices and support to Somalia once it regains its sovereignty. Otherwise, holding to a the dream of a united Somalia, will in the long run cause Somalia endless grief, loss of territory to neighboring countries; on the other hand Somaliland could survive and bid its time, unquestionably recognition will ultimately be achieved. Somaliland can afford to wait, Somalia cannot. Further Reading: 01- IGAD Joint Committee of Ethiopia and Kenya under the auspices of former Kenyan Minister, Mr. Kipruto Arap Kirwa, IGAD Facilitator for Somalia Peace and Reconciliation (IFSPR), 6, 2012. 02-Memorandum of Understanding on Somalia, signed by AMISOM, UNPOS, and IGAD Facilitator. April 28th, 201028 (Somalia Excluded from Meeting). 03- Professor Michael Weinstein of Perdue University, Indiana, USA Somalia trapped in servile or abusive international relations December 29, 2012. 04- Declaration of the Initial Members of the Joint Financial Management Board at the London Conference, Feb. 23rd, 2012 05- Mohammed Kenyan: Understanding Stakeholder Groups, Facing Relations and Still Retaining Faith. June 26th, 2012 06- The Guardian Newspaper: African Democracy: A Glass Half Full. March 31st,2012 07- Daily Nation: The New Scramble for Somalia; Charles Onyango-Obbo; February  

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