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Somalia: President Hassan Accredit’s Five New Envoy’s

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President Hassan Sheik Mahmoud has today received the credentials of five ambassadors’ all from the European Union countries at the Villa Somalia.

President Hassan told the new ambassador’s ,I am happy to see Somalia still has friends in the world and we are ready to work with all those from countries who have been supporting as during the past ,I hope you shall continue to work with us.

“I urge other countries to follow suit as this proves that Somalia is becoming a normal country,stated President Hassan.

The five new Ambassadors were introduced to the new Somali President by his foreign and international Relations minister and also the Deputy Prime Minister Madam Fozia Haji Aden and the Minister of State in charge of International Relations Dr. Mohamed Nur Gaal.

The Ambassadors names are as follows:

1. H.E Margit Hellwig-Bötte will be the Germany Ambassador to Somalia
2. H.E. Etienne De Poncins, Will be the new French Ambassador to Somalia
3. H.E Javier Herrera García-Canturri ,will be the new Spanish Ambassador to Somalia
4.H.E Bart Ouvry ,Will be the new Belgium Ambassador to Somalia
5. H.E Sofie Emmesberger will be the new finnish Ambassador to Somalia

Goth M Goth
Somalilandpress.com

Somaliland:The Paper Factory launched in Hargeisa is a sign of commencement of industrialisation

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Mukhtar Mohamed Abby
Given the business thriving in Somaliland each passing day saw the establishment of a light factory – of which in the recent pass a Paper Mill has been launched in the capital of Somaliland, Hargeisa, which is the first of its kind installed in the entire country. The inauguration ceremony saw the participation of a sea of humanity including the President of Somaliland, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud, Siilaanyo, and some high ranking officials of his dispensation – where he gave a speech on the occasion. The President stressed on how his administration is determined in helping and motivating the business community of Somaliland to invest in their country by offering a tax relaxation specifically for those willing to establish the much needed small scale industries.
The set up of the factory has been applauded staunchly by the people of Somaliland as there has never been a Paper Mill of its sort throughout Somaliland – and that this plant would be a sign of commencement of industrialisation. This plant would meet the mounting demand for white sheets and notebooks, and would also be made available across the country in a bid to dispense with the sheets and notebooks imported from outside world.
The owner of the newly established factory stated in his speech delivered on the occasion that he had carried out an extensive market research prior for launching the plant, and that it took for four years to complete; interestingly, the owner of the Paper Mill noted in his speech on the occasion in part: (Soomaalidu Indhaha ayey kafikiraan balse Ummaddaha kale waxay kafikiraan Maskaxda) meaning that Somalis think by eyes, whereas other nations think by mind. (Author’s translation). This amazing statement made by the factory owner plainly indicates how our traders are utterly uneducated about how to invest in the country, and the segment that desperately needs investment. And their ignorance led them to follow each others’ footsteps by copycatting others’ ideas and products – and this is the sole reason that our trading pattern is entirely in mess and lagged our country in terms of small scale industries.
The former Commerce Minister of Riyale administration, Mr Mohamed Hashi Elmi mooted the idea of streamlining the fashion in which the country’s business community trade; he also suggested to the business people to have their own outfit established, specifically the owners of the light factories; through which their grievances are trashed out as well as their common interests are furthered by the same token. This clearly shows that Mr Mohamed Hashi Elmi was committed to the reorganisation of the country’s trading system.
However, number of reasons can be cited as to why Somaliland business community failed to invest in the small scale industries: Firstly, eighty percent of the country’s traders trade the essential commodities and other goods thinking that it is the easiest way a great deal of profit could be generated within a short period, which is in fact a huge burden on the common man. Secondly, those monopolised the entire business of the country are largely ignorant about how to create the business as they trade almost identical commodities. Thirdly, the major traders of Somaliland are not ready to change their pattern of trade fearing they might incur a gigantic loss if they changed their pattern of trade, and are firm in maintaining the status quo. Fourthly, there is a paucity of measures on the part of the Siilaanyo administration to reform the country’s business system.
It is noteworthy that there are deluge of businessmen who have set up beneficial light industries which produce variety of products – and these light industries churn out: Mattresses, household Furnitures, Beverages, Carry Bags, Detergent, Tuna Fish, Packaged Drinking Water, Dairy Milk, and Coca cola to mention a few.
The Somaliland Beverage Industry which is the largest industry throughout Somaliland in which some 17 million US buck has been invested in by its proprietor – has been at the centre of world attention since its foundation. The International television channels have trained its eyes on the Coca Cola Industry, and this has led to discuss in their programmes dedicated for business. In fact, this prominent Industry showed the entire world that Somaliland is not part and parcel of the rogue State of Somalia, which had been ravaged by internecine warfare – and that it is relatively safer than any other country in the entire region; and investment could be made in it.
The Co cola Industry had met the growing demand for the Coca Cola consumption which had initially been imported from outside world. The other light industries too had played pivotal role in meeting the consumer’s demands; in reality, the light industries in the country are contributing well to the country’s economic development, and at the same time alleviated the rampant unemployment prevailing in Somaliland to some extent.
Somaliland at this stage cannot woo the International investors as it is not an internationally recognised country – and foreign direct investment known as FDI is, however, hypothetical for Somaliland, though it has the capacity as an independent State to enter into an agreement with the International Community given the stability and the democracy in which she enjoys presently since the democratisation process had begun for nearly a decade ago.
Though the successive governments that Somaliland saw had done commendable tasks, yet they all failed to come up with a plain strategy with which to launch small scale industries by exploring avenues and means in which this tiny country can be invested in by its own business community or by that of the Asian countries – notably China, India, Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea, which their economies are the fast growing economies in the world. And they do not bother about the political system that prevails in the Third World countries in which they feel like to invest in as they are unlike their counterparts in The West, who are hypocrites – and who at the same time coercively impose their values, ideologies and norms on the aforementioned countries, while they are about to invest in .
Recommendations:
To the Government
• The current dispensation of President Ahmed Siilaanyo streamline the country ‘trading pattern and at the same time motivate the people involved in the small scale industries.
• A plain strategy to industrialise the incipient country must be drawn up by the incumbent administration of President Ahmed Siilaanyo.
• Accord tax relaxation to those willing to invest in the much needed small scale industries.
• Levy heavy tax on the commodities being imported from outside world, which are identical to those produced in the country in order to encourage the products churned out by the local light industries in the country.
• Government of President Ahmed Siilaanyo should woo the Asian investors who are showing their eyeteeth for investing the politically stable countries on the continent.
• Government should help and facilitate the owners of the light industries of Somaliland in establishing their own association.

To the Merchants
• Once and for all change their pattern of trading by moving away from importing essential commodities and focus on the establishment of small scale industries instead.
• Avoid the habit of copycatting each others’ ideas or products, stead come up with innovative ideas and notions.
• Explore other beneficial avenues to boost one’s business that have also advantageous to the country’s economic development.
• Eschew the exploitation of the common man and the same time the products made in the country be made available at the affordable price.
• Establish eco –friendly small scale industries which are not detrimental to the environment.
• Adopt Corporate Social Responsibility known as ( CRS) – a process with the aim to embrace responsibility for th
e company’s actions and encourage a positive impact through its activities on the environment, customers, employees, communities, stakeholders and all other members of the public sphere who may also be considered as stakeholders.
Mukhtar Mohamed Abby
India, Karnataka State
mukhtarabby@gmail.com

Somaliland:Ten Councilors Quit their Posts in Protest

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Ten recently elected Councilors have resigned from their post in lughaya and Saylac council both in Salal region due a resolve that came after elders from Issa community.
The 10 Councilors revealed the reason which prompted them to resign as being the inaction by the government to intervene and address their grievances which aroused from last year’s 28th of November local elections announced this during a press conference they held in the town of Haridad yesterday.
The councilors have in the past declined to acknowledge the new mayor Suleiman Eidle of Saylac who is from a minority clan namely the Gadabursi clan.
Efforts by the several cabinet ministers to reconcile both sides proved impossible after they refused to reach a compromise.
Here Are the names of those who quit their posts:-
1)-Geesh Aden Bille,Saylac.
2)- Aden Abdilaahi Boodhle, Saylac.
3)-Abdinaasir Jama Hosh, Saylac.
4)-Mahmoud Egal Wacays, Saylac.
5)-Ahmed Yassin Mohamed Barkhadle, Saylac.
6)- Ahmed Migil Ciil-tire, Saylac.
7)-Said Muse Giirre, Saylac.
8)- Hassan Mohamed Dhimbiil, Lughaya.
9)-Muumin Muse Duale oo ka tirsanaa, Lughaya.
10)-Ibrahim Jama Maydhane Lughaya.
Goth Mohamed Goth
Somalilandpress.com

Somaliland government should promote justice and social balance in order to bring our people together

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These local election frauds and vote manipulation caused lack of trust among our people and its side effects are still there, and needs to be resolved in a peaceful means

Somaliland government should promote justice and social balance in order to bring our people together.

Let us build our nation and keep the unity, dignity, peace and as well as our existence and mainly the stability which Somaliland had been enjoying for the last 21 years.

We understand that there were a massive concerned citizen?s outcry about Somaliland local elections about a fraud and vote manipulation in most parties of the Country, and this caused quarrels and conflicting interests which even caused the death of two young Somalilanders who were protesting unarmed and peacefully.

These local election frauds and vote manipulation caused lack of trust among our people and its side effects are still there, and needs to be resolved in a peaceful means.

What do we need today? Well, we all need justice, because peace cannot exist without justice, and justice cannot exist without fairness.

There can be no peace, if there is a social injustice and social imbalance.

There can be no peace without justice, and respects for the basic rights of the citizens.

Justice is the absolute value that makes for human dignity, as well as the only road to sustained economic developments, and social justice.

Justice brings people together and urges them to be obedient to Allah, and unites them.

Justice and equality are the common ties of society.

Nobody is safe in a world of injustice, war will never bring security, but war can only create destructive.

Peace and justice are two important things for human life.

What does Islam say about justice? Well, Justice denotes placing things in their rightful place, it also means giving others equal rights, and equal treatment.

Be just, even if it is against your narrowly defined self- interest, or of those very close to you.

Ignorant people think they are protecting their self- interest by being unjust to others.

There decision to be just or unjust may be based on a cold calculated of self- interest.

These above mentioned are the values which the justice should have.

What are we supposed to do as a nation which is not internationally recognised?

Somaliland government should promote justice system and social balance in order to bring our people together.

Let us value and give more importance to the peace and stability which we have today, and always keep in mind how peace is important.

Brothers and Sisters in Somaliland, We are the future of our nation, so there is responsibility on us which is to keep the unity, dignity and stability of our nation.

Peace is the one goal which every nation wants to reach at the earliest.

Of Course peace is something that everybody would like to have, and like in peaceful societies, like in harmony and avoid violence.

Avoiding violence should always be our top priority.

Peace and stability can bring economic developments, social developments and peace is the basic right which every human being wants to have, while war can only bring destructive and loss of innocent life.

One key point, i would like to remind to Somaliland people and that is to stand united and keep the unity, peace and stability and also to realise that our country is bigger than the tribes and stay away from tribalism which kept our people back.

We must do these above mentioned for the sake of our nation.

Together we can achieve where we want to be, Long life Somaliland.

Omer Mohamed Jama

Bristol UK omj12@hotmail.co.uk

What are the impediments to Somaliland´s growth and are we emotionally bruised: A Retrospective?

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This sort of article is an oddity for this organization because normally we chose to focus on more pertinent issues that strengthen the bedrock Institutions Somaliland needs to augment in order to sustain itself; a strong and ?living? Constitution, independent and ethical Judiciary and Media. We also campaign for Somaliland?s recognition through media correspondence and back door lobbying.

But if one has been an observer of our nation?s slow but progressive political and emotional decline, one could not be blamed for seeking treatment for a sudden bout of depression.

Persistent nuisances detrimental to Somaliland can no longer be ignored. The ?silent majority? of Somalilanders can no longer afford to be oblivious to these problems as this

young and struggling Republic becomes unhinged. A ?vocal minority? who isn?t accountable to anyone dominates the discourse. They are mainly in political parties (politicians), media and are tribal warriors who are more concerned about their placement in our society than that of the nation.

They show no urgency for the immediate needs of the people and lack decorum by showing no restraint. As a consequence peoples divisions harden, the enemy list grows and tribalism is brought to the forefront without shame or contrition. And Somaliland media enables and perpetuates this tit for tat thus the spread of frivolous stories about individuals and groups that have no relevance to Somaliland?s development.

These three entities aren’t some unseen or ghostly like presence that come out of their shells in the dark of night to destroy our nation. We know the enemy, we have seen the enemy and the enemy is us!

Political Parties (politicians);

Generally politicians do what they need to do for their political survival. No more. No less. If those who support them aren?t demanding that they appeal to what?s best about people, why would they change? Why elevate the discourse? This constant trivial political pursuit and the daily battle for the never-ending election cycle have taken a psychological toll and almost everything else has taken a back seat. This is evidenced by the helplessness if not the malaise people feel. Politicians are simply a reflection of their society and until and unless that society demands better of itself, nothing will change.

Tribalism:

It would be naive to suggest that with the snap of two fingers tribalism should end in our homeland. But it isn’t naive to suggest that we must begin somewhere! Every one of us believes?qabiil? is someone else’s problem; it?s not them or their family or friends who are contributing to this dilemma. If this is the case then who are the others? we always blame? Self-reflection and criticism have never been a strong human trait but we have taken this to another level and in the meantime Somaliland loses.

Media:

An independent media is one of the core principals of a developing nation. That independence exists to a certain extent. Unfortunately we have misused that right. To be fair, the media has generally done great work in bringing attention to the plight of our people and their immediate needs. Our intent is not to slight them in any way nor is it to challenge an individual’s right to free expression or the medias right to publish what they deem appropriate. But what happened to showing restraint and looking at the bigger picture? Or does the need to steer more web traffic or attract more readership to one’s publication outweigh the greater good? It has become, willfully or not, a conveyance for sensationalism in which tribalism, division and hatred are spread conveniently. Slandering and destroying peoples? reputations through accusations and innuendos must cease.

In this regard, the media could show restraint and leadership. Our intent, therefore preference, is to encourage them to filter through the noise and set a high standard.

We were once asked by Independent Diplomat (ID is a non-profit organization that gives advice and assistance in diplomatic strategy and technique to governments and political groups) why for such a small (population) group of people we always seem at odds since our nation is in dire straits? When we asked how they came to that opinion; the simple answer was researching and observing the people of Somaliland, their politics and media. That kind of response should be considered catastrophic to our cause.

Our purpose here is to awaken our senses and encourage all of us to not only self-reflect but to stop digging ourselves deeper into oblivion. It makes us feel better and righteous to blame a President or someone else, for that matter, for our problems. It won’t make a difference who we elect until we (individuals) change.

The first thing alcoholics must do once they realize they have a problem is to utter – out loud – to themselves and others that they are alcoholics. Our assumption? and more so to the point -is that this is done in order to get through the impenetrable human skull.

We find ourselves at a crossroads. Any more time we spend on trivial matters is time stolen from getting clean water to a mother and her children. Any more time spent on which Minister was fired from what job, time is stolen from building a hospital. Any more time spent on which political party is up or down, is time stolen from building schools and fixing our justice system so people aren’t treated unjustly by their own politicians.

We pray Allah help and show us the true path.

Mohammed A. Ali Baranbaro

Chair

Somaliland American Guild

Somaliland: The expansion of Hargeisa Water Supply

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It was mentioned in the daily newspapers that a third transmission pipe would be added to the existing two parallel pipes that bring water to Hargeisa. “From Hargeisa water agency and the ministry.”

The implementing agency is said to be UN-HABITAT, which according to the writer is not an agency that he can trust with such a sensitive project after 1998 Sheikh water project.

The boreholes in the well-field may not cope with long periods of pumping using the three transmission pipes without interfering with the existing water table which if lowered would have a very serious consequence.

Therefore the following points should be considered before implementation of the project:

1. UN-HABITAT should employ qualified water engineers

2. A committee of engineers should be formed to study the visibility of this project and subsequent follow up

This is a national issue which should not be taken lightly.

Eng. Ali Haibe Mohamed

Ex USAID/UNICEF water engineer and head of the Chinese during the implementation of this project 1971-74.

By: Eng. Ali Haibe Mohamed

Africa:Kenyatta's bid overshadowed by crimes against humanity

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If Kenya’s presidential hopeful Uhuru Kenyatta wins March 4 elections, his first foreign trip along with the vice-president could be to The Hague to face trial for crimes against humanity.

For east Africa’s economic powerhouse, the issue of a looming International Criminal Court (ICC) trial for Kenyatta has sparked fear of economic and diplomatic consequences should he win and fail to comply, analysts warn.

It raises the prospect that Kenya — a regional diplomatic hub, popular tourist destination and with a growing economy buoyed by foreign investment — could follow the path of pariah state Sudan, the only other country to elect a president indicted by the ICC.

The United States’ top diplomat for Africa Johnnie Carson earlier this month warned Kenyans that “choices have consequences”, in an apparent caution over the possible victory of Kenyatta.

“We live in an interconnected world and people should be thoughtful about the impact their choices have,” he said, without naming any names.

The ICC issue “raises enormously the stakes of the presidential contest”, the International Crisis Group think tank warned in a recent report.

Kenyatta and running mate William Ruto — a fellow ICC indictee — “in particular have challenged the ICC proceedings as politically motivated, and used them to rally their respective ethnic communities’ support,” the ICG added.

Their trials for their alleged role in orchestrating post-election violence five years ago in which over 1,100 people died are due to open on April 10 and 11, potentially clashing with a widely expected second round run off vote.

In terms of clear policy, little of real substance divides the top candidates. Kenya’s election races have a long past of ethnic campaigning, as well as violence.

That has made many concerned that voters will use the election as a referendum on the ICC.

“The people of Kenya — and they alone — have the power and the mandate to determine the leadership of this great country,” Kenyatta said after high court judges effectively cleared the way for him to run for office earlier this month.

Civil society groups have sought a ruling as to whether Kenyatta and Ruto should be allowed to stand for office due to the looming ICC trial. The high court finally ruled it lacked jurisdiction to make a decision.

The case illustrated how the ICC has divided domestic opinion: some believing that Kenyans alone should judge Kenyatta through the ballot, others keenly aware of the possible impact on the country should he win.

Richard Dowden, director of Britain’s Royal African Society, has called the ICC issue an “exceedingly dangerous factor supercharging this election”.

“Those indicted may feel they have nothing to lose and their best bet is to get elected by any stratagem available” in the hope of defying the court once in office, Dowden wrote in a recent article.

“A vote in which one candidate has nothing to lose could turn into civil war,” he added, a grim warning many Kenyans might think an exaggeration.

At local levels, the issue of the ICC may be less important, with multiple elections for powerful regional governor positions, members of parliament and local councils potentially having more impact that top level politics.

But Human Rights Watch warns the risk of political violence is “perilously high”.

At least 484 people were killed and over 116,000 fled their homes due to ethnic violence last year, according to the United Nations.

Should Kenyatta win as the latest opinon polls suggest, the country could face the absence of its president and vice-president for several months — if not years — in The Hague.

Kenyatta’s and Ruto’s cases “could be as much of an issue in Kenya’s 2018 general elections as they are proving to be in 2013,” warned Gabrielle Lynch in a recent paper for Britain’s Chatham House.

Even if a victorious Kenyatta cooperates with the ICC — as he has promised — it could be “difficult for many countries to have normal diplomatic relations” while donors might reduce bilateral assistance, the ICG added.

However, diplomats say that legal restrictions only come into play should Kenyatta and Ruto end their cooperation with the court.

The same issues remain even if key rival Raila Odinga wins, should he then decide for political expediency — for example, not wanting to rile the supporters of a defeated Kenyatta — to allow the ICC indictees to avoid trial.

Some speculate Kenyatta may hope that potential sanctions are just rhetoric, since Kenya — currently fighting Al-Qaeda linked Islamists in Somalia — is of strategic economic, security and political interest to the West, Dowden added.

Kenya potentially could rely on other partners, especially China.

“Again and again over the last 50 years Kenyan politicians have been able to defy Western diplomatic pressure knowing Washington and London needs Kenya more than Kenya needs them,” Dowden said.

Source:AP

Somaliland: How to improve Hargeisa City

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The Capital city of the self declared independent State of Somaliland has much to be proud of. It is home, by conservative estimates, to more than a million people and it is the national centre of commerce. By simply observing the growing corporate skyline, it is evident that this reputation will only grow. More than any other city in Somaliland, Hargeisa, is a place of great tribal diversity and the unrecognised nation?s political heart.

Since breaking off the unity forged after independence with the South in 1991, Somalilanders, as the nations citizens like to been called, were governed from Hargeisa. The capital of any nation is the focal point for politics, business, trade and individual ambition. Hargeisa is no different. Today like Bombay and London, Hargeisa is a city facing enormous problems that can only be resolved by visionary leadership, political will and national economic redistribution.

The major headaches

Globalisation has led to a larger concentration of people internationally living in cities than ever before. In 2007 the global urban population overtook the rural one and the speed of urbanisation, especially in developing nations, is phenomenal and unsustainable. Much of the reason why so many want to come and live in Hargeisa is because they feel it offers the best hopes for employment in the whole country. All NGOs, businesses and government departments are clustered in specific areas of the capital and as such it is easy to see why people, often with stable lives elsewhere will be attracted to the city. Like most other capital cities too, Hargeisa is seen as a cosmopolitan city of culture and fun. It is less conservative than other major Somaliland cities because of the diversity in its population which is made up of professionals, Diaspora returnees and locals from differing corners of Somalia and Somaliland. There is always something going on every night and a hotel room or restaurant for every budget. However, this warm invitation from a distant is just that.

Hargeisa has high levels of unemployment, crime and the cost of living is going up daily due to lack of government interventions and controls. It has extremely poor infrastructure, limited public services and most services that are provided are done so by Aid agencies and NGOs working in the city. In line with other growing third world cities, Hargeisa has a rapidly expanding population and is home to many refugees fleeing the violence in the South of Somalia, work seekers and settlers from neighbouring nations such as Ethiopia. There is no risk that Hargeisa might ever reach the size of some mega cities such as Karachi, but for its size and current challenges, it may as well be for most inhabitants who compete for meagre available resources such as land.

In many past songs and poems Hargeisa, like many of the beautiful cities of Somalia, was praised for its greenery and cleanliness. It was fertile land for absolutely anything from settlement to planting fruits. However, today with the increasing number of cars on the roads, pollution infects the air. Poor public health and limited sanitation facilities both private and public hamper the city?s residents. Even the basic supply of water in such a scorching country is not possible in most areas without the use of donkeys. Of course, the donkeys, like every other service in the city that is not owned and managed by NGOs is privately provided at a cost which is rising faster than income for those lucky enough to be economically active in any form. Ironically for the majority of its residents, Hargeisa, the city of bright lights and greater opportunities, offers a bleak future.

What?s your price?

Meaningful local leadership can be brought about by better governance and provision of public services facilitated by economic growth which then can be taxed fairly to redistribute and fund essential public services such as sewers and schools. This is how most of the developed world municipalities operate with some assistance from central government. However, in the absence of real funds from government, the only way for Hargeisa city to have the necessary public services is to attract investors. This creates employment, partnerships and a tax nest. All necessary for public service funding. However, what if most of the businesses, except a few, are either not registered or simply operate openly in the black market? This is what happens in most third world countries. Hargeisa has a bustling street market culture and the traders that sell in all corners of the city are the heart of the real economy. As much local taxes can possibly be raised from this group as the larger national corporations such as remittance and telecommunication companies. But how does the city prove their income? Or who do they pay taxes to and for what? Who gets a bite of the cherry first: The national or local government? This is a continuing policy mess that needs to be cleared up before convincing traders of the tax collectors integrity and good intentions to help them through the provision of public services if they are ever to come out of the economic darkness. This enormous economic black hole is not one created by greedy local traders but by confused governance, corruption and poor co-ordination and provision of essential and desperately needed public services.

Who?s Roof?

Housing is in short supply globally. It also costs far too much. Land rights are disputed all over the world today and Somaliland is no different. Nowhere else in Somaliland is gentrifying more quickly than the capital Hargeisa. Simply put, Gentrification is a process whereby one set of people, usually wealthier, move into, renovate and restore housing in inner city areas where poorer people used to live. The American architect and journalist Duany, described gentrification as ?the rising tide that lifts all boats? because of its ability to rebalance ?a concentration of poverty by providing a tax base, rub off work ethic and political effectiveness of a middle class and in the process improve the quality of life for all a community?s residence.? How very hopeful and patronising. In Hargeisa before the current tsunami of gentrification which is largely led by the wealthy and the Diaspora who do not live in their overpriced summer houses, community spirit was strong and income inequalities limited. Now the sense of community has been destroyed by the erections of large villa gates and watchmen as well as larger shopping centres suddenly surfacing to cater for the new remittance rich class. The sense of them and us is now arguably strong where it did not exist before. As for spread of political clout, even if it were possible in a tribal nation, the wealthy have shown a tendency to just represent themselves and exclude others issues. Even more worryingly, undeveloped land banks are everywhere in Hargeisa (jaago) and developers are holding on to these until prices go up at which time they will sell it to the highest bidder. For a country which relies on foreign aid and the UN Habitat to build the few social homes to ever be built, it is difficult to see how a national social housing building programme can be initiated, funded and effectively implemented. However, in the absence of land law, proper planning regulations and the historic ownership of land through tribal heritage, it is impossible to see how the losers of gentrification can be contained when they return to their tribes to ask to get their land back simply because the price the developers paid for it has not allowed them to buy another elsewhere. Whereas in developed nations with the necessary laws and regulations, simple property matters can be resolved in independents courts, in madly gentrifying Hargeisa it may lead to bloodshed in the near future if things are not done about it.

Illegal settlements in Hargeisa have been a major headache for every political administration. They trap inhabitants in poverty, create criminality and contribute to the poor health of the city. There are some slums of hope like in India where there are public services and a thriving regulated economy. But Somaliland?s slums are ones of despair and containing a significant number of the population. They poorly house families, orphans and refugees and are hard to tackle politically as the local authority has nowhere else to accommodate these people. This enormous problem can be attributed to poor planning, land management and the process of gentrification. To tackle this Hargeisa needs revolutionary city leadership.

Follow the leader

The key challenges facing Hargeisa are similar in every major city in the World. In a recent lecture at the University of Bristol?s Centre for Urban Studies, Professor Robin Hambleton, an expert in City leadership, argued that the way to tackle the challenges facing major cities today is to find the leadership that can avoid the disaster scenario which is a divided, unequal city with residents living isolated lives in separate fortified enclaves. City leaders instead need, he went on, to focus on discovering ways in which to nurture, build and sustain a vibrant, multicultural city which generates economic prosperity and a good quality of life for all citizens.

Hargeisa is prosperous but not for the vast majority of people. Yet it still attracts them with the false lure of most capital cities across the world. The new mayor of Hargeisa, Yusuf Warsame Saeed, in a recent interview was confident about the future of his city despite understanding its challenges. This is a good start but what he needs to change on top of the negative public image of his Councillors and office, is the way the city is run. It needs to be transparent, functioning daily and not coming to a halt after lunch and working in the public interest. On a policy level the new Hargeisa city local government needs to lead the way in which things are done locally. They need to be the example for other local authorities. They can only achieve this if they take the initiative and start investigating rent controls, initiating community cohesion strategies and advocating for planning laws which force developers to build a certain percentage of social housing if they are to build in the city. Greater involvement of the public in policy making needs to be made a priority and the fact that other cities such as Borama and Berbera are in competition with the capital cannot be forgotten by carving out niche specialities for their cities. Borama is education and Berbera tourism. Both of these Hargeisa has but because of poor infrastructure, high prices and crippling rising pollution can easily be beaten by both as well as other cities in both Somaliland and Somalia.

Hargeisa Councillors have a thankless task and can be forgiven for feeling frustrated with their roles. It sometimes feels as though, because Hargeisa is home to the national government and the seat of all official political power in Somaliland, locals with connections are able to side step them and directly approach the government Ministers to deal with their issues personally. The obvious visibility of the national government has in the past put Councillors and the Mayor in the political shadow. However, this is dangerous for democracy, economic growth, security and stability. The national government should know its remit and focus on the national issues such as defence and the budget whilst leaving local issues, which often are tribal, to the local elected officials to resolve. Clarity of their powers, roles and support from the centre by refusing to deal with local issues will enhance the governance of the capital.

Somalis in general misunderstand leadership to mean One Man rule. Leadership is the ability to articulate and formulate a vision and use all the legal and necessary resources at ones disposal to achieve it. Yusuf Warsame Saeed needs to work with all stakeholders to co-ordinate and manage the city?s finances as well as extending out to public private partnerships to create employment and raise the capital to develop the needed public services like roads and bin collections. This coupled with transparent and more inclusive governance will win resources and respect for Hargeisa from both the public and private sector.

The population growth, even with good governance and strong partnerships remains an issue. The average size of a Somali family is large by most standards and land is in short supply in the capital. The best way to address this major concern is for central government, to invest in and promote Regional Economic Development. This means giving tax breaks to companies that invest outside of the capital and create employment in other major cities so as to alleviate the population pressure from the capital. The NGOs that have also congregated in Hargeisa ought to be dispersed and government functions and offices shipped out too. Why should a nation be concentrated in one city? This is bad economics, politics and even worse urban planning. However, the dream of Regional Economic Development is currently hampered by poor infrastructure and transport which are two of the key reasons why businesses, NGOs and people huddle together uncomfortably in the capital.

Hargeisa is a city with great potential. It is the capital of a nation seeking recognition from the international community and its economic and political heart. However, with so much hope invested in it by everyone, it could end up letting the nation down. It is too populated, increasingly divided, poorly and confusingly governed as well as expensive. This is not the recipe for city survival and success. Indeed it is the route to fragmentation and eventual self-destruction. Urgent steps need to be taken to prevent this both from the Centre and by Local leadership.

Muse Qarandi

Ethiopia: The Prototype African Police State

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The sights and sounds of an African police state

When Erin Burnett of CNN visited Ethiopia in July 2012, she came face-to-face with the ugly face of an African police state:
We saw what an African police state looked like when I was in Ethiopia last month… At the airport, it took an hour to clear customs – not because of lines, but because of checks and questioning. Officials tried multiple times to take us to government cars so they’d know where we went. They only relented after forcing us to leave hundreds of thousands of dollars of TV gear in the airport…
Last week, reporter Solomon Kifle of the Voice of America (VOA-Amharic) heard the terrifying voice of an African police state from thousands of miles away. The veteran reporter was investigating widespread allegations of targeted night time warrantless searches of homes belonging to Ethiopian Muslims in the capital Addis Ababa. Solomon interviewed victims who effectively alleged home invasion robberies by “federal police” who illegally searched their homes and took away cash, gold jewelry, cell phones, laptops, religious books and other items of personal property.
One of the police officials Solomon interviewed to get reaction and clarification was police chief Zemedkun of Bole (an area close to the international airport in the capital).
VOA: Are you in the area of Bole. The reason I called…
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. You are correct.
VOA: There are allegation that homes belonging to Muslim Ethiopians have been targeted for illegal search and seizure. I am calling to get clarification.
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes (continue).
VOA: Is it true that you are conducting such a search?
Police Chief Zemedkun: No, sir. I don’t know about this. Who told you that?
VOA: Individuals who say they are victims of such searches; Muslims who live in the area.
Police Chief Zemedkun: If they said that, you should ask them.
VOA: I can tell you what they said.
Police Chief Zemedkun: What did they say?
VOA: They said “the search is conducted by police officers; they [the police] threaten us without a court order; they take our property, particularly they focus on taking our Holy Qurans and mobile phones. Such are the allegations and I am calling to get clarification.
Police Chief Zemedkun: Wouldn’t it be better to talk to the people who told you that? I don’t know anything about that.
VOA: I just told you about the allegations the people are making.
Police Chief Zemedkun: Enough! There is nothing I know about this.
VOA: I will mention (to our listeners) what you said Chief Zemedkun. Are you the police chief of the sub-district ( of Bole)?
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. I am something like that.
VOA: Chief Zemedkun, may I have your last name?
Police Chief Zemedkun: Excuse me!! I don’t want to talk to anyone on this type of [issue] phone call. I am going to hang up. If you call again, I will come and get you from your address. I want you to know that!! From now on, you should not call this number again. If you do, I will come to wherever you are and arrest you. I mean right now!!
VOA: But I am in Washington (D.C)?
Police Chief Zemedkun: I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!
VOA: Are you going to come and arrest me?
End of interview.
Meles’ legacy: mini Me-leses, Meles wannabes and a police state
Flying off the handle, exploding in anger and igniting into spontaneous self-combustion is the hallmark of the leaders of the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia. The late Meles Zenawi was the icon of spontaneous self- combustion. Anytime Meles was challenged on facts or policy, he would explode in anger and have a complete meltdown.
Just before Meles jailed virtually the entire opposition leadership, civil society leaders and human rights advocates following the 2005 elections for nearly two years, he did exactly what police chief Zemedkun threatened to do to VOA reporter Solomon. Congressman Christopher Smith, Chairman of the House Africa Subcommitte in 2005 could not believe his ears as Meles’ arrogantly threatened to arrest and jail opposition leaders and let them rot in jail. Smith reported:
Finally, when I asked the Prime Minister to work with the opposition and show respect and tolerance for those with differing views on the challenges facing Ethiopia he said, ‘I have a file on all of them; they are all guilty of treason.’ I was struck by his all-knowing tone. Guilty! They’re all guilty simply because Meles says so? No trial? Not even a Kangaroo court? I urged Prime Minister Meles not to take that route.
In 2010, Meles erupted at a press conference by comparing the Voice of America (Amharic) radio broadcasts to Ethiopia with broadcasts of Radio Mille Collines which directed some of the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Pointing an accusatory finger at the VOA, Meles charged: “We have been convinced for many years that in many respects, the VOA Amharic Service has copied the worst practices of radio stations such as Radio Mille Collines of Rwanda in its wanton disregard of minimum ethics of journalism and engaging in destabilizing propaganda.” (It seems one of Meles’ surviving police chiefs is ready to make good on Meles’ threat by travelling to Washington, D.C. and arresting a VOA reporter.)
Meles routinely called his opponents “dirty”, “mud dwellers”, “pompous egotists” and good-for-nothing “chaff” and “husk.” He took sadistic pleasure in humiliating and demeaning parliamentarians who challenged him with probing questions or merely disagreed with him. His put-downs were so humiliating, few parliamentarians dared to stand up to his bullying.
When the European Union Election Observer Group confronted Meles with the truth about his theft of the May 2010 election by 99.6 percent, Meles had another public meltdown. He condemned the EU Group for preparing a “trash report that deserves to be thrown in the garbage.”
When Ken Ohashi, the former country director for the World Bank debunked Meles’ voodoo economics in July 2011, Meles went ballistic: “The individual [Ohashi) is used to giving directions along his neo-liberal views. The individual was on his way to retirement. He has no accountability in distorting the institutions positions and in settling his accounts. The Ethiopian government has its own view that is different from the individual.” (Meles talking about accountability is like the devil quoting Scripture.)
In a meeting with high level U.S. officials in advance of the May 2010 election, Meles went apoplectic telling the diplomats that “If opposition groups resort to violence in an attempt to discredit the election, we will crush them with our full force; they will all vegetate like Birtukan (Midekssa) in jail forever.”
Meles’ hatred for Birtukan Midekssa (a former judge and the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history), a woman of extraordinary intelligence and unrivalled courage, was as incomprehensible as it was bottomless. After throwing Birtukan in prison in 2008 without trial or any form of judicial proceeding, Meles added insult to injury by publicly calling her a “chicken”. When asked how Birtukan was doing in prison, Meles, with sarcastic derision replied, “Birtukan Midiksa is fine but she may have gained weight due to lack of exercise.” (When Meles made the statement, Birtukan was actually in solitary confinement in Kality prison on the ridiculous charge that she “had denied receiving a pardon” when she was released in July 2007.) When asked if he might consider releasing her, Meles said emphatically and sadistically, “there will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That’s a dead issue.”
Internationally acclaimed journalists Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye are all victims of arbitrary arrests and detentions. So are opposition party leaders and dissidents Andualem Arage, Nathnael Mekonnen, Mitiku Damte, Yeshiwas Yehunalem, Kinfemichael Debebe, Andualem Ayalew, Nathnael Mekonnen, Yohannes Terefe, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher and many others.
Police chief Zemedkun is a mini-Me-les, a Meles wannabe. He is a mini tin pot tyrant. Like Meles, Zemedkun not only lost his cool but also all commonsense, rationality and proportionality. Like Meles, Zemedkun is filled with hubris (extreme arrogance which causes the person to lose contact with reality and feel invincible, unaccountable and above and beyond the law). Zemedkun, like Meles, is so full of himself that no one dare ask him a question: “I am the omnipotent police chief Zemedkun, the Absolute Master of Bole; the demigod with the power of arrest and detention. I am Police Chief Zemedkun created in the divine likeness of Meles Zenawi!”
What a crock of …!
When Meles massacred 193 unarmed protesters and wounded 763 others following the elections in 2005, he set the standard for official accountability, which happens to be lower than a snake’s knee. For over two decades, Meles created and nurtured a pervasive and ubiquitous culture of official impunity, criminality, untouchability, unaccountablity, brutality, incivility, illegality and immorality in Ethiopia.
The frightening fact of the matter is that today there are tens of thousands of mini-Me-leses and Meles wannabes in Ethiopia. What police chief Zemedkun did during the VOA interview is a simple case of monkey see, monkey do. Zemedkun could confidently threaten VOA reporter Solomon because he has seen Meles and his disciples do the same thing for over two decades with impunity. Zemedkun is not alone in trashing the human rights of Ethiopian citizens. He is not some rogue or witless policeman doing his thing on the fringe. Zemedkun is merely one clone of his Master. There are more wicked and depraved versions of Zemedkun masquerading as ministers of state. There are thousands of faceless and nameless “Zemedkunesque” bureaucrats, generals, judges and prosecutors abusing their powers with impunity. There are even soulless and heartless Zemedkuns pretending to be “holy men” of faith. But they are all petty tyrants who believe that they are not only above the law, but also that they are the personification of the law.
Article 12 and constitutional accountability
Article 12 of the Ethiopian Constitution requires accountability of all public officials: “The activities of government shall be undertaken in a manner which is open and transparent to the public… Any public official or elected representative shall be made accountable for breach of his official duties.”
Meles when he was alive, and his surviving disciples, police chiefs, generals and bureaucrats today are in a state of willful denial of the fact of constitutional accountability. (Meles believed accountability applied only to Ken Ohashi, the former World Bank country director.) The doltish police chief Zemedkun is clueless not only about constitutional standards of accountability for police search and seizure in private homes but also his affirmative constitutional obligation to perform his duties with transparency. This ignoramus-cum-police chief believes he is the Constitution, the law of the land, at least of Bole’s. He has the gall to verbally terrorize the VOA reporter, “I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!”
Freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention, unbeknown to police chief Zemedkun, is guaranteed by Article 17 (Liberty) of the Ethiopian Constitution: “No one shall be deprived of his liberty except in accordance with such procedures as are laid down by law. No one shall be arrested or detained without being charged or convicted of a crime except in accordance with such procedures as are laid down by law.” Article 19 (Rights of Persons under Arrest) provides, “Anyone arrested on criminal charges shall have the right to be informed promptly and in detail… the nature and cause of the charge against him… Everyone shall have the right to be… specifically informed that there is sufficient cause for his arrest as soon as he appears in court. Zemedkun is ready to arrest the VOA reporter simply because the reporter asked him for his last name. What arrogance! What chutzpah!
It is a mystery to police chief Zemedkun that arbitrary deprivation of liberty is also a crime against humanity. Article 9 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights decrees that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights similarly provides: “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” The deprivation of physical liberty (arbitrary arrest) constitutes a crime against humanity under Art. 7 (e) and (g) of the Rome Statute if there is evidence to show that the deprivation occurred as a result of systematic attack on a civilian population and in violation of international fair trial guarantees. The statements of the victims interviewed by VOA reporter Solomon appear to provide prima facie evidence sufficient to trigger an Article 7 investigation since there appears to be an official policy of systematic targeting of Muslims for arbitrary arrest and detention as part of a widespread campaign of religious persecution. The new prosecutor for the International Criminal Court, Fatou B. Bensouda, should launch such an investigation in proprio motu (on her own motion).
Meles has left an Orwellian legacy in Ethiopia. Police chief Zemedkun is only one policeman in a vast police state. He reaffirms the daily fact of life for the vast majority of Ethiopians that anyone who opposes, criticizes or disagrees with members of the post-Meles officialdom, however low or petty, will be picked up and jailed, and even tortured and killed. In “Mel-welliana” (the Orwellian police state legacy of Meles) Ethiopia, asking the name of a public official is a crime subject to immediate arrest and detention! In “Mel-welliana”, thinking is a crime. Dissent is a crime. Speaking the truth is a crime. Having a conscience is a crime. Peaceful protest is a crime. Refusing to sell out one’s soul is a crime. Standing up for democracy and human rights is a crime. Defending the rule of law is a crime. Peaceful resistance of state terrorism is a crime.
A police chief, a police thug and a police thug state
It seems police chief Zemedkun is more of a police thug than a police chief. But listening to Zemedkun go into full meltdown mode, one cannot help but imagine him to be a cartoonish thug. As comical as it may sound, police chief Zemedkun reminded me of Yosemite Sam, that Looney Tunes cartoon character known for his grouchiness, hair-trigger temper and readiness to “blast anyone to smithereens”. The not-so-comical part of this farce is that police chief Zemedkun manifests no professionalism, civility or ethical awareness. He is obviously clueless about media decorum. Listening to him, it is apparent that Zemedkun has the personality of a porcupine, the temper of a Tasmanian Devil, the charm of an African badger, the intelligence of an Afghan Hound and the social graces of a dung beetle. But the rest of the high and mighty flouting the Constitution and abusing their powers like Zemedkun are no different.
The singular hallmark — the trademark — of a police thug state is the pervasiveness and ubiquity of arbitrary arrests, searches and detentions of citizens. If any person can be arrested on the whim of a state official, however high or petty, that is a police state. If the rights of citizens can be taken or disregarded without due process of law, that is a dreadful police state. Where the rule of law is substituted by the rule of a police chief, that is a police thug state.
For well over a decade, international human rights organizations and others have been reporting on large scale arbitrary arrests and detentions in Ethiopia. The 2011 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (issued on May 24, 2012) reported:
Although the constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the government often ignored these provisions in practice… The government rarely publicly disclosed the results of investigations into abuses by local security forces, such as arbitrary detention and beatings of civilians… Authorities regularly detained persons without warrants and denied access to counsel and in some cases to family members, particularly in outlying regions… Other human rights problems included torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches…
In its 2013 World Report, Human Rights Watch reported: “Ethiopian authorities continued to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly in 2012… The security forces responded to protests by the Muslim community in Oromia and Addis Ababa, the capital, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and beatings.”
Rarely does one hear human rights abusers publicly showing their true faces and confirming their victims’ allegations in such breathtakingly dramatic form. Police chief Zemedkun gave all Ethiopians a glimpse of the arrogant and lawless officialdom of Post-Meles Ethiopia. It is a glimpse of a police state in which an ignorant local police chief could feel so comfortable in his abuse of power that he believes he can travel to the United States of America and arrest and detain a journalist working for an independent agency of the United States Government. If this ill-mannered, ill-bred, cantankerous and boorish policeman could speak and act with such impunity, is it that difficult to imagine how the ministers, generals, prosecutors, judges and bureaucrats higher up the food chain feel about their abuses of power?
But one has to listen to and read the words of those whose heads are being crushed by the police in a police state. When it comes to crushing heads, themodus operandi is always the same. Use “robocops”. In 2005, Meles brought in hundreds of police and security men from different parts of the country who have limited proficiency in the country’s official language and used them to massacre 193 unarmed protesters and wound another 763. These “robocops” are pre-programmed killing machines, arresting machines and torture machines. They do what they are told. They ask no questions. They shoot and ask questions later. Hadid Shafi Ousman, a victim of illegal search and seizure, who spoke to VOA reporter Solomon, recounted in chilling detail what it meant to have one’s home searched by “robocop” thugs and goons who do not speak or have extremely limited understanding the official language of the country:
These are federal police. There are also civilian cadres. Sometimes they come in groups of 5-10. They are dressed in federal police uniform…. They are armed and carry clubs. They don’t have court orders. There are instances where they jump over fences and bust down doors… When they come, people are terrified. They come at night. You can’t say anything. They take mobile phones, laptops, the Koran and other things… They cover their faces so they can’t be identified. We try to explain to them. Isn’t this our country? If you are here to take anything, go ahead and take it…. They beat you up with clubs. If you ask questions, they beat you up and call you terrorists… First of all, these policemen do not speak Amharic well. So it is hard to understand them. When you ask them what we did wrong, they threaten to beat us. I told them I am a university student, so what is the problem? As a citizen, as a human being…Even they struggled and paid high sacrifices [fighting in the bush] to bring about good governance [to the people]. They did not do it so that some petty official could harass the people. When you say this to them, they beat you up…
Let there be no mistake. Zemedkun is not some isolated freakish rogue police chief in the Ethiopian police state. He is the gold standard for post-Meles governance. There are thousands of Zemedkuns that have infested the state apparatus and metastasized through the body politics of that country. For these Meles wannabes, constitutional accountability means personal impunity; illegal official activity means prosecutorial immunity; moral depravity means moral probity and crimes against humanity means legal impunity.
Cry, the beloved country
In 1948, the same year Apartheid became law in South Africa, Alan Paton wrote in “Cry, the Beloved Country”, his feeling of despair over the fate of South Africa:
Cry for the broken tribe, for the law and the custom that is gone. Aye, and cry aloud for the man who is dead, for the woman and children bereaved. Cry, the beloved country, these things are not yet at an end. The sun pours down on the earth, on the lovely land that man cannot enjoy. He knows only the fear of his heart.”
Cry for our beloved Ethiopia!!
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:
http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic
http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

Somaliland:Al Jaaberi livestock holding ground is here to stay -says Livestock minister

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Minister of Liivestock Hon. Dr. Abdi Aw Dahir has refuted reports carried in local newspapers that the management of privately owned Al Jaaberi livestock holding pens is planning to relocate to neighboring Somalia.

Dr. Abdi Aw Dahir speaking during a press conference held in his office yesterday said “Business is as usual at the privately owned Al Jaaberi livestock holding grounds which is situated in the port city of Berbera”.

“Both two livestock quarantines are operating normally and I can assure that neither of them plans to relocate simply because they have everything to gain and nothing to lose, a fact proven by the recent Hajj Pilgrim in which more than 1,200,000 herd of livestock was shipped to Saudi Arabia”< stated Dr. Abdi Aw Dahir.

The Livestock minister also revealed plans to export meat slaughtered in the country to Asian regions in the near future.

“Demand for meat is on the rise and new markets are opening up in successful Asia economies and we (Government) are determined to explore this markets so as find alternatives to the traditional Saudi Arabia market which has in the past been the main destination”.

Goth M Goth
Somalilandpress.com