Aid groups are leaving because of violent attacks. But the biggest problem is that the West is undermining any progress. By Michael Shank

Despite the news that Doctors Without Borders is quitting Somalia after 20-plus years in the country, due to an increase in violent attacks, the biggest war waged in Somalia right now is not between the rebel group al-Shabaab, the fledging government of Somalia, and the African Union’s military mission. It is the war between the Western world and the Somali people.

This may be hard to imagine but it is true. Last week, during meetings in Mogadishu, it became painfully apparent that the real victims in the “war on terrorism”—and specifically how the West is choosing to combat it on the Horn of Africa—are the Somali people.

After meeting with the prime minister, the ministers of Defense, Foreign Affairs, Interior and National Security, and Natural Resources, members of Parliament, the speaker of the Parliament, and civil society leaders, the path toward rebuilding Somalia became clear.

As the recently installed Somali executive and parliamentary branches of government are scrambling to prove their mettle to a very skeptical populace, what the West is doing is actively undermining potential for this poor country’s political, economic, and social progress. If Western actors—whether in the U.S., the EU, or elsewhere—care about the future stability of Somalia, they had better change their approach, and fast.

This country hangs in a very delicate balance.  While Mogadishu is bustling with business like any normal city, and nothing like the bomb-riddled war zone the world prefers to present in the press, if the international community does not change its approach, we will soon see a resurgence of instability.

First and foremost, America’s counter-terrorism approach to Somalia must be rethought completely. Government officials here know that al-Shabaab recruits heavily from the poor and unemployed sectors of Somali society and from clans who are marginalized from the political process. They know that the way to undermine al-Shabaab’s power and presence is through economic development and job creation, political participation, and inclusion, and by building the security infrastructure necessary for Somali self-governance. They know that the way to ensure that former fighters do not return to al-Shabaab is through an aggressive rehabilitation and reintegration strategy on par with what Saudi Arabia is doing with its former fighters. And yet, what most of America’s Defense and State departments are doing here is antithetical to this goal.

The U.S. and international community’s preferred approach is to pump billions into security assistance and next to nothing on economic development and job creation in Somalia. This is not an exaggeration. There is no money for transportation, power and energy grids, hospitals, and schools—all the stuff this necessary for a stable society. Witness this in Baghdad, Kabul, Pakistan’s Northwest Frontier Province, and now in Mogadishu. Additionally, there is little to no effort to support and train a national Somali security sector. Instead, paramilitaries and private security companies like U.S.-based Bancroft are pervasive and the African Union Mission in Somalia continues to get fully funded (with no exit strategy) and with clear economic self-interest in the continuation of violence, paying its soldiers 15 times what Somali soldiers get paid.

What is needed, as one Somali businessman put it, is a “godfather”

Second, the difficulty of doing business in Somalia must be addressed.  In meeting with the Chamber of Commerce in Mogadishu last week it became clear that one of the main obstacles to economic development is the lack of a financial system, internationally accredited banks and legal mechanisms for ensuring accountability.

The U.N. Somalia Monitoring Group, a Western-led oversight group that is categorically dismissed by Somali government and nongovernment leaders for doing much to undermine progress and potential in Somalia, is now singlehandedly dismantling Somalia’s sole financial effort: their Central Bank. One wonders if the current chair of the Monitoring Group, a former World Bank official based in Nairobi, is following in the footsteps of his Bank predecessors and working to undermine financial self-sufficiency that would make Somalia less dependent on international financial institutions. This has happened before by the Bank—throughout the developing world—so the suspicion has merit.

Third, the West’s penchant for resource exploitation on the African continent has no place on the Horn. Take, for example, the oil and gas exploration deal signed last week between Britain’s newly formed Soma Oil and Gas Exploration, chaired by U.K. conservative leader Lord Michael Howard, and the Somali’s Minister of Natural Resources, with whom I also met to discuss the country’s national environmental policy (the draft of which seems very forward-looking and progressive).

Skeptics in Mogadishu wondered what Britain’s recent interest was all about and now it’s clear. Estimates of Somali offshore oil stand at 110 billion barrels.  In a seemingly asymmetrical negotiated process, the spoils—Somalia gets 12 percent of royalties, minimum of 50 percent of profits, rents for leasing, and a $200,000 community development fund—may have some financial face value for Somalia but the real test is in the capacity and infrastructure built in the country.

Oil and cash will come and go but what is Soma leaving behind other than unlimited exploration? Very little in capacity and infrastructure it turns out. To Soma’s credit, they’ll at least be hiring Somalis for basic, low-level service jobs, a practice that is not followed by the myriad international defense and development contractors operating in the mini-“green zone” adjacent to Mogadishu’s airport, nor followed by the African Union Mission in Somalia. What a lost opportunity to employ and train Somalis and build out a skilled labor sector.

What is needed, as one Somali businessman put it, is a “godfather”—a country that looks out for the best interests of the Somali people. Currently, Somalis feel there is none, but rather a set of self-interested countries near and far that have a financial stake in a perpetually dis-unified Somalia: from regional meddlers like Kenya and Ethiopia to international “lions,” to quote a member of Parliament, like America and the U.K. Every one of them—said one government minister—has their interest. For America and the U.K., it’s either counter-terrorism or oil (American oil companies also bought up blocks decades ago). But in both cases, it is clear that the Somali people are not the beneficiaries.

This self-interest by companies and countries is fickle and dangerous and unless economic development is prioritized, instability and insecurity will return. There are plenty of opportunities to pursue, whether it’s growing Somali’s livestock industry, which currently exports 5 million goats and sheep to the Gulf, reviving Somalia’s nascent banana and mango industries, creating a lucrative solar-power energy market, or developing a sustainable fishing industry, there are jobs to be created and Somalis to be trained and hired.

If the world cares at all about the stability and security of a country that has seen more war than most nations, this is the only path to pursue and the most humanitarian one as well. Anything else is mere war profiteering.

Source: The Daily Beast

15/8/2013

On August 11, 2013, Former Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi was invited to attend a meeting held in Nairobi to welcome the vice president of the Jubaland, Abdullah sheikh Ismail (fartaag), who came to Nairobi for consultation meeting with Jubalanders living in the area. A lot of the people in the meeting were surprised to see the PM Gedi who was not involved in Somali politics since he left his post. When asked why he was not involved in politics until now, he responded that he has been seeing slow progress being made toward the end of transitional government.

However, last year, when the transitional government was ended and new government led by Hassan sheikh Mohamud was elected, he expected, like everyone else, that things will get much better. Almost year later, he stated that it seems that the country is heading backward.

In that meeting, the PM Gedi made it clear that he is not speaking out against government because he is involved in any opposition group which has a motive to be against government, but he is speaking out because of his responsibility as the citizen who could no longer take or sit back when the current government refuse to implement the constitution, improve safety of the capital city Mogadishu and blame Amison for its mishap.

In term of constitution, In his first trip to Hiiraan region, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud gave a memorable speech to the people of that region when he basically told them that the era of a government sending someone from Mogadishu to run their affairs is over and it’s their responsibility to elect someone from the region whom everyone know and whom everyone can hold him or her accountable if fail to fulfill their task.  At that point, almost everyone who hears that speech concluded that now it is the time when Somali people would move forward.

However, as soon as Jubaland officials, who started organizing and preparing for meeting to be held inside the Kismayo city after it is liberated from the militia, called on the government officials to attend the meeting in order government to take its leadership role as indicated in the constitution, the president Hassan changed overnight and publicly spoke against the formation of the Jubaland state, accusing that the government did not participate the process which was not based on constitution nor inclusive.

When Jubaland carried on its process and elected the president and vice president, it was reported that the president Hassan sponsored individual from the region to self-declare as president elect in order to confuse the whole process. As result, later on, he blamed the process was not inclusive as he forwarded even though it was widely reported those claimed to be president elected were financed by the government and within weeks, they disappeared.

Instead of sitting down with the current administration of the Jubaland and finding ways out of the impasse, President Hassan decided to bring this issue in front of IGAD meeting in Addis Ababa, where they ( government and Jubaland Administration) were urged to solve this issue in a meeting to be held in Mogadishu where the government participate and take its leadership role. Immediately, government spokesman took credit that government won that case. Up to now, there is no meeting held in Mogadishu to discuss the Jubaland issue.

It became a clear to the former prime minister Mr. Gedi that the government, Somali people expected to facilitate forming administration(States) consisting of at least two regions as it indicated in the constitution, is now planning to centralize all the power into Mogadishu where the government expects to nominate temporary governors to each region until what they called inclusive administration approved by the government is created.

Former PM Gedi warned in that meeting, if the government officials do not follow the constitution as it is written, the people who elected this government should stand up and replace this government. He added that this government is not elected by group or party as the president claimed instead it was elected by the parliament which represents Somali people.

In term of safety, PM Gedi criticized that the safety of the capital city is getting worst not to mention the rest of the country where instead of the government uniting people, they are, as matter of fact, creating conflict among the people.

President Hassan Sheikh declared that as soon as he was elected that his first priority is safety, safety and safety and everyone agreed that after the safety of the city of Mogadishu is secured, then everything else will follow. As of today, like former prime Minster Mr. Gedi stated in that meeting, after he witnessed in the city over 30 days he resided, that at night in Mogadishu, the city’s affair is ran by Al shabab while in the morning, the government forces ran the street of Maka Almukarama connecting the airport and Villa Somalia.

Finally, Former PM Gedi could not understand why the current government is blaming all its mishap to Amison troop especially Kenyan troop and as result, he apologized to Kenyan for all the inconvenience created by the current government. He mentioned just because Kenyan want to follow the mandate of Amison and the constitution in which Somali people agree does not mean that they want to occupy the Jubaland.

It was an embarrassment for the Somali government to ask Kenyan to hand over the airport and seaport to the Somali government when they know the administration of both ports are administered by Jubaland Administration or to ask Kenyans to be replaced to Ugandan troop like Ugandan is related to the President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud or they are a member of his group ( Dam Jadiid).

In the end of that meeting, the Former PM minister Ali Mohamed Gedi asked everyone to stand up and express their concern and he made it clear that despite government’s failing to follow the constitution, improve safety and blaming Amison for everything,  his intend is not to create confusion, but to correct the government to take the right path in which it was elected to lead to.

Signed By:

Mohamed A. Hussein

MohAbdHus@aol.com

14^th August 2013

Press Statement: AMISOM Troops Commit Brutal Gang Rape in Mogadishu, Somalia

On the 8^th August 2013, a 20 year old Somali woman was kidnapped close to her village in Yaqshid district, Mogadishu and brutally raped by AMISOM forces. The woman in question was initially approached by a group of five armed personnel, four men and one woman, in Somali government uniforms who claimed that she was being arrested for suspected involvement in terrorist activities. She was informed she was being taken to the police station for investigation; instead she was taken directly to Maslah Military Camp which houses AMISOM troops in Hurwaa District. She was drugged and then raped by a number of men, understood to be members of the AMISOM forces.  It is believed that the Somali’s who initially arrested her did not participate in the rape itself, but served as intermediaries to bring her to the AMISOM troops. She was finally released on the 10^th August after having been kept inside the barracks for nearly 2 days.

The Somali Women’s Development Centre, based in Mogadishu, provided emergency response services to the woman with medical and psychosocial support and has instigated legal action. A medical report has also confirmed the injuries sustained by the woman in question is consistent with being raped multiple times. The woman however is now with a secondary organisation for further support.

It is understood that the Somali Military Court arrested two of the five persons connected with the initial kidnap of the woman, a Somali man and woman. The actual perpetrators of the gang rape are still to be arrested. It is understood that the case is to be transferred to the Somali Police Force and that investigations are ongoing.

As yet, it is unknown what action is being taken against the perpetrators of the gang rape.

Additional information currently coming to light indicates that there may be further Somali women held inside the Maslah military camp who are being used for sexual purposes.

A spokesperson from the Somali Women’s Development Centre stated that, “The recent gang rape of this young woman is one of the many brutal incidents of sexual violence women and girls in Somalia are facing on a daily basis. Irrespective of the wealth, status or nationality of the perpetrator, justice must be served and the Somali government should see to it that no perpetrator walks free.”

Hala Alkarib, Regional Director of the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa stated that:

“The United Nations and the African Union must address the repeated incidents of vulnerable Somali women being raped by AMISOM troops. Sexual Violence and Impunity have been known within international military deployments for many years  – this abuse should be stopped immediately and be addressed at the highest levels, both within the AU and the UN. There is no justification for military forces committing rape under any circumstances. Rape and enslavement are brutal crimes against which the international community must take concrete steps to address.”

For more information, please contact Joanne Crouch at SIHA Network on +256 779 386 476 or joanne@sihanet.org

Barclays bank says it doesn’t want to enable money laundering, but critics say it is cutting vital flows of money into the country.

By Tom Murphy/ August 13, 2013

Somalis are bracing for the impact of the British bank Barclay’s decision to sever ties with most money transfer companies in Somalia. About 250 remittance agencies lost their partnership with Barclays on Monday.

The banking giant says it is concerned that it does not know where money transfers are going and who is sending the money. With little ability to track cash flows, the company says it is much easier for money launderers and the financing of terrorist activities.

“It is recognized that some money service businesses don’t have the proper checks in place to spot criminal activity and could unwittingly be facilitating money laundering and terrorist financing,” said Barclays spokesperson Daniel Hunger to the UN humanitarian news agency IRIN.

Somalis living in and out of Somalia say that the plan will cut vital flows of money.

More money is sent to people in Somalia through remittances ($1.2 billion) than is provided in international aid (~$800 million). The sum of remittances accounts for roughly half of Somalia’s gross national income (GNI). Money set by family members living abroad helps to support the education of siblings or a parent’s business. Various vendors have proliferated across Somalia as a result of the amount of money flowing both in and out of the country through person to person transfers.

It is not only people who benefit. NGOs and civil society organizations use cash transfer services to process cash disbursements and budgetary funds. For instance, British-Somali Olympic gold medal winner Mo Farah issued a call for Barclays to reverse its decision, citing the impact it will have on Somalis and charities like his charity.

“The Mo Farah Foundation, along with some of the world’s biggest charities and organizations, including the UN, relies on these businesses to channel funds and pay local staff,” he said in late July. “This decision could mean life or death to millions of Somalis.”

Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud pleaded with Barclays in June not to go though with the decision. He expressed concerns that the progress made by Somalia over the past few years may be set back.

“Somalia is on the brink of a breakthrough after two decades of chaos. We have the support ofBritain and the world and we need the support of all our friends across all sectors. Barclays are a friend and we cannot understand their sudden decision to foreclose on legitimate accounts that support money transfer,” said Mr. Mohamud.

British politicians also urged Barclays to consider delaying the implementation of its new policy. Forty-Seven Labour ministers of parliament sent a letter to Barclays and the government to consider waiting six months.

They recognize that the decision by the United States to fine the bank HSBC $1.9 billion for its weak money laundering checks has an impact on Barclays. They say that the reaction is too harsh and will also damage the British businesses that participate in the sending and receiving of money with Somalia.

Electronic money transfers are the most efficient way to send money home, writes Somali Nadifa Mohamed in the Guardian. She says her father used to have to deliver the money he made by hand to his family in Somaliland. Now Ms. Mohamed can send money almost instantly to her family who are still do not have easy access to paved roads.

Her family is not alone – an estimated 40 percent of people in the region are reliant on remittances. She says it may be a conservative guess, nevertheless it means major cuts will have an immediate impact on regional families. And there are the 80 percent of Somali businesses that use remittances for starting up funds, said Mohamed Ali, who runs the Somali NGO Iftiin Foundation, to Al Jazeera.

Electronic cash transfers are a major technological jump in Africa. Kenya’s MPESA, a service run by phone company Safaricom, allows people to send money from one cell phone to another. It can be used to make a purchase at a street-side business

Many recognize that Barclays is concerned about funding terrorist networks in Somalia. They say that should not scare the bank away, as it has for other major transfer providers. Rather, leaders should look for regulatory solutions, Mr. Ali writes.

The regulatory burden for monitoring Hawalas (the traditional money transfer system) should be placed on the government and not banks, with clear guidelines that limit bank obligations and government officials in charge of due diligence and risk evaluation of remittance agencies. Banks, regulators and Hawala operators also need to work together to develop due diligence and monitoring strategies that work within the Hawala framework, which has its own system of checks.

185 Somali civil society groups add to the list of advocates for a change to Barclays’ pending policy change. The UK government has responded to the growing chorus by saying that it is a private decision by the bank. The changes are still on course to be enacted.

Somalia’s economy has been seriously weakened by the devastating civil war. In this part, agriculture is considered as the most important sector for livelihood as the livestocks account to 40% of the GDP and 65% of export earnings. In this area, a large portion of the population is occupied by the nomads and semi nomads. They directly depend on the livestocks growing in this land. Well, the small industrial sectors, based on the processing of agricultural products have been shut down due to the civil strife. However, there is a constant intervention in Somalia economy by the Italian Fascists, Somalia Marxists and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economists for restoring the economy.

The IMF has set three agendas on the list in order to rebuild the Somali economy. At last after 22 years, IMF extends its support to check the Somali economy. As a matter of fact, the focus is on restoring security and to meet humanitarian needs, establish institutions and offer services to the citizens. So, IMF is trying to establish central bank as well as fiscal institutions in Somalia.

Recently, the Federal Government of the Somalia received international recognition. So, it’s easier for the IMF to provide technical support as well as offer policy advice to war devastated east African Nation.

After two decades, the IMF is trying to bridge the gap with Somalia and it is attempting to understand country’s current economic and institutional facts. In fact, Somalia has been severely affected with constant internal conflict over 20 years. During this phase, the Somalia didn’t have a central government that got international recognition. Previously, IMF didn’t have a counter government with which it managed to coordinate.

In 2012, the situation started improving with the election of the new Federal Parliament along with broad representation from all across Somalia. In this situation, President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud elected as the head of the new Federal Government of Somalia. He and his team governed the nation successfully and managed to build friendly relation with the international community. The Federal government allowed the IMF to provide Somalia technical help as well as advices on implementation of different policies.

As a matter of fact, Somalia is considered as one of the poorest and least developed country in the world. Its horrific past in relation to the civil wars and internal conflicts took a toll on the country’s infrastructure as well as human capital. In this part, most of the Somalis escaped to other countries for better education and life. Well, the economy of this country is largely based on agriculture and fishing. This part of the economy is sluggish due to fractured nature of the country and has suffered setback in terms of infrastructure development.

However, the Somalia’s federal government is focusing to restore peace and security of the country that addresses immediate need of the population that has been trampled by the long civil war. Therefore, the Federal government requires cooperation from the International partners restore peace and stability in the country with the help humanitarian aid.

In collaboration of Federal Government, the IMF is planning to build capacity in the key economic agencies like the ministry of finance, the central bank, and the statistics office. The Ministry of Finance managed to raise capacity as well as control public finances. The central bank staffs will be assisted by the IMF for developing the ability to license and monitor commercial banks. In addition to this, the IMF will also assist to establish functioning domestic and international payment system. They may prioritize in restoring systems to collect and process vital economic data in the areas of national accounts and price statistics, money and banking along with the public finance.
But the IMF has avoided providing new loans to Somalia and extending its support to clear the pending liabilities of the country to IMF. In this situation, the IMF is only concentrating on providing technical assistance and advice the authorities on appropriate macroeconomic policies. A sound economic policy is being established for the betterment of the country.

By Savion Sage

SomalilandPress.Com

Date: 31^st May 2013

To: H.E Ambassador Sayid Sherif Hassan

Somali Ambassador in Pretoria

South Africa

Dear Ambassador Sayid Sherif;

I write for a two-fold purpose; first to express my sentiments on the establishment of the Somali embassy in Pretoria, and then to suggest on impact projects that the embassy may become involved.  I have been resident in South Africa for well over 13 years – a period in which I gained insight into the socio-economic and academic structure of our host society.

Congratulations on your appointment as the ambassador of Somalia to the Republic of South Africa. I am delighted at the opportunity to serve Somalia accorded to you. You have no reason to be alienated as Somalis have established themselves as a participative community. Welcome to South Africa.

I am writing this very important communiqué as it coincides with the 50th anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the forerunner of the African Union (AU).

Over the years, the search for a better life saw us (as the Somali community) migrating to South Africa. A better life some have found, nonetheless the thought of a lack of such back home leaves a fowl taste in the mouth. The Somali community is therefore motivated to contribute to the development of Somalia and at the same time plough back to South African society.

Further, the presence of an embassy now gives impetus to this cause, knowing our individual and collective rights are now protected, even in a foreign land. Receive therefore our pledge to support efforts toward the progress of Somalia in the re-making.

A number of issues are contentious. What resonates with many are memories of the violence against Somalis and xenophobic attacks against migrant Africans at large. Most regrettable, are the remedies to this phenomenon which have not been pragmatic and failed to eliminate xenophobia in totality.

In a country whose Truth and Reconciliation Commission is renowned as a classic case study, it is unfortunate the principles of the TRC have not been implemented in dealing with hate crimes such as the very current horrific scenes and hate related crimes taking place some of the informal settlements within Gauteng, Free-State and in P.E in the Eastern Cape. Fairly so, the host government is not solely responsible for amicable community relations and integration. This is the opportunity for the embassy to move beyond administrative routines by engaging the South African citizens.

Through various higher institutions in S.A including; GIBS in the University of Pretoria’s Social Entrepreneurship Programme, Wits Business School, UJ and other civic organisations and social enterprises, a Social Entrepreneurship program is proposed. In this entrepreneur skills hands-on and practical course to empower youth and communities we trade with, I’m working hard with Somalis businesses like Salama Cash and Carry to enhance the outlook of township retailers by transferring soft skills, while the hard skills will be exchangeable as well.

The objective is to diminish negative sentiments and utterances against our community and make integration with host society easy and successful; the programme can then be scalable to others. This is also serving as a public relations vehicle for the Somali government, showcasing their contribution towards the disadvantaged youth who are unemployed and mostly unskilled/unemployable and general communities’ development in South Africa. Meanwhile tensions amongst Somali and South African township retailers will subside and social integration will take place throughout this beautiful country.

I wish to discuss this amongst other ideas with you, at the earliest opportunity. The scope of discussion ranges from the involvement of the embassy in this social entrepreneurship program, to establishing Somali-South Africa trade forums. Kindly advise if I should furnish you with particular details.

Thank you

Sincerely

Mr. Saeed Furaa

Mr. Saeed is a Social Entrepreneur, Freelance Journalist, Entrepreneur, founding president of the newly established Horn of African Social Entrepreneurs in South Africa.  HASEFSA are passionate about addressing socioeconomic and environmental challenges from South Africa to Horn of Africa.

Saeed has also chiefly contributed in the establishment of Salama Cash and Carry (biggest Somali owned Cash n Carry in South Africa) and served as a member of its executive board.

Johannesburg

South Africa

E-mail: hasefsa@gmail.com

E-mail: sedsa.edu@gmail.com

E-mail: saeed@salamacashncarry.co.za