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Somalia absolves Jimaale, appeals to UNSC lift sanctions on terrorism

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By M.A. Egge

The Federal Government of Somalia has appealed to the United Nations Security council to lift the sanctions imposed upon Somali telecommunications magnate Mr. Ahmed Noor Jimaale.

According to a press release circulated in websites by the SFG Premier’s press officer Mr. Garad Salad Hersi, the cabinet agreed concretely on the decision to have the entrepreneur get clearance.

It quotes the Minister of Information and Transport saying that according to an investigative task force instituted by the state to delve into the allegations against Mr. Jimaale, the committee absolves him of any wrong doing in abetting terrorism.

“The committee that has absolved Mr. Jimale consisted of intelligence officers and consultants, business and associated fraternities” said Minister Abdillahi Ilmoge Hersi.

He added that they have investigated all quarters that mattered including amongst the societies of communities, eminent business and clerical circles, traditional leaders hence Mr. Jimale is “deemed spotless and absolved of the said crimes”.

The minister accounts the plea to the UN Security Council and community of nations in lifting the sanctions in the spirit of guarding the individual and material rights and reconciliatory efforts of the state.

The cabinet reached the agreement in their regular cabinet meetings held on the 21/22nd August under the PM’s chairmanship.

It is noteworthy to mention that earlier month the president of Somalia was alleged to be an Al-shabaab by veteran politician Ali Khalif Galeid (an SFG parliamentarian).

Sooner rather than later ,the internationally renowned MSF institution had to bolt out of the country, ironically, where they had braved all heat and storms for the past 21 odd years!

The UN Security Council had slapped sanctions upon Mr. Jimale hence severally renewed it, most recently, as at the first quarter of this year.

The order according to the power conferred up the UNSC committee in resolution 751 of 1992 and resolution 1907 of 2009 concerning the Horn of African state read as follows:

On 17 February 2012, the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea added one individual to the list of individuals and entities subject to the travel ban, assets freeze and targeted arms embargo imposed by paragraphs 1, 3 and 7 of resolution 1844 (2008).

(12) Jim’ale, Ali Ahmed Nur

AKA: JIM’ALE, Ahmed Ali
AKA: JIM’ALE, Ahmad Nur Ali
AKA: JIM’ALE, Sheikh Ahmed
AKA: JIM’ALE, Ahmad Ali
AKA: JIM’ALE, Shaykh Ahmed Nur

DOB: 1954
POB: Eilbur, Somalia
Nationality: Somalia
Alt. nationality: Djibouti
Passport: A0181988 (Somalia), exp. 23 January 2011
Location: Djibouti, Republic of Djibouti

Ali Ahmed Nur Jim’ale (Jim’ale) has served in leadership roles with the former Somali Council of Islamic Courts, also known as the Somali Islamic Courts Union, which was a radical-Islamist element. The most radical elements of the Somali Islamic Courts Union eventually formed the group known as Al-Shabaab. Al‑Shabaab was listed for targeted sanctions in April 2010 by the United Nations Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea (the “Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee”). The Committee listed Al-Shabaab for being an entity engaged in acts that directly threatens the peace, security, or stability of Somalia, including but not limited to acts that pose a threat to Somali Transitional Federal Government.

According to the 18 July 2011 report of the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee’s Monitoring Group (S/2011/433), Jim’ale is identified as a prominent businessman and figure in the Al-Shabaab charcoal-sugar trading cycle and benefitting from privileged relationships with Al-Shabaab.

Jim’ale is identified as one of Al-Shabaab’s chief financiers and is ideologically aligned with Al-Shabaab. Jim’ale has provided key funding and political support for Hassan Dahir Aweys (“Aweys”), who was also listed by the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee. Former Al-Shabaab Deputy Emir Muktar Robow reportedly continued to engage in political posturing within the Al-Shabaab organization during the mid-2011. Robow engaged Aweys and Jim’ale in an effort to advance their shared objectives and consolidate their overall stance within the context of the Al-Shabaab leadership rift.

As of fall 2007, Jim’ale established a front company in Djibouti for extremist activities called the Investors Group. The short-term goal of the group was, through the funding of extremist activities and weapons purchases, to destabilize Somaliland. The group assisted in smuggling small arms from Eritrea through Djibouti into the 5th region of Ethiopia where extremists received the shipment. As of mid-2008, Jim’ale continued to operate the Investors Group.

As of late September 2010, Jim’ale established ZAAD, a mobile-to-mobile money-transfer business and struck a deal with Al-Shabaab to make money transfers more anonymous by eliminating the need to show identification.

As of late 2009, Jim’ale had a known hawala fund where he collected zakat, which was provided to Al-Shabaab.

Jim’ale also controls Hormuud Telecommunications (“Hormuud”). Hormuud Telecommunications is a company identified as being one of the single largest financiers of Al-Shabaab, which includes large lump-sum payments to Al-Shabaab in the hundreds of thousands of dollars and these payments to Al-Shabaab were facilitated by Jim’ale.

Hormuud is operated by several former large shareholders of Al-Barakaat with Jim’ale being the largest shareholder. Hormuud Telecommunications was created by the former leaders of Al-Barakaat in an attempt to re-establish themselves as a dominant telecom provider in Somalia. In addition, Hormuud managers have provided Al-Shabaab leaders such as Hassan al-Turki, an Al-Shabaab-aligned military leader who was also listed by the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee, with personal communication networks.

In addition to providing funding, Hormuud Telecommunications has provided key material and logistical support to Al-Shabaab to include weapons, private fighters and ammunition. Spokespersons for moderate Somali groups have warned the Somali people not to use Hormuud Telecommunications Company, because Hormuud personnel listen in on conversations for Al-Shabaab. Additionally, Hormuud has cut off telephone service during Al-Shabaab attacks against pro-Somali Government forces.

The latest version of the list is available on the Committee’s webpage at http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/…_cons_list.pdf.

www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/Programs/Documents/somalia.pdf

http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/OFAC-Enforcement/Pages/20120925.aspx

http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/OFAC-Enforcement/Pages/20011107.aspx

http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/OFAC-Enforcement/Pages/20120302.aspx

Somalia: The Plight of Wagosha People in Jubba Land

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Since the end of 18th century, there has been a contest for resources and economic control in southern Somalia’s Jubba Regions. The race for resources in these Regions is between various groups with competing economic interests in the area and it is has been increasingly difficult for the original inhabitants to deter these groups from grabbing their land.

Competition for resources in these areas is frankly based on excessive greed and wild imaginations a lot worse than the one on the book “Animal farm” by George Orwell in 1994 in which it emerged that all humans are equal but some are more equal than others.

Foreigners that write about the conflict in the country believe Jubba regions are the central pillar in the conflict in southern Somalia Region and the only part in the country where hostilities will linger on long after the conflict is over in the rest of the country. These areas are particularly of interests due to its richness in mineral resources which every group is trying to get its hands on; “pure gold” as some would say.

Catherine Besteman and Lee V. Cassanelli who are both Anthropologists wrote a book about title ‘The struggle for Land in Southern Somalia. The War behind the War” in which they said a solution to the fighting in Somalia will never be found as long as the issue in Kismaayo [Lower Jubba, southern Somalia] and the wider Jubba Region is not addressed.

The History of Jubba regions

History books indicate that the earliest explorers found Bajuni and Jareer [Bantu clans including Wazigua, Wamakua, Wanyasa, Wangindo, Wayao, Wasambaa, Wapokomo, Mijikenda and other Bantu clans] clans residing along the [Jubba Region] coastal lines. It is also believed that the Gaaljecel clans, Sheekhal and Cowramaleh were also among those in the area.

There has been a long running dispute over the ownership of these regions since then. After Somalia attained independence, clans from other parts of the country who were getting support from the government of the day flocked into these areas (look at Bestman’s research in 1994].

The first migrants of Jubba regions are believed to be nomadic communities from western Somalia regions in search of pasture and settled there around 1880 (research by Turton 1970, Dalleo and Little 1992) and settled in Afmadow. There has also been large scale migration from others in North Eastern Somalia regions since 1940’s through to 1960’s.

According to Peter D. Little, an Anthropologist in University of Kentucky, families from North Eastern Somalia regions migrated to Kismaayo around mid 1940’s. The inhabitants then opposed the arrival of these new families but the immigrants got support from the British colonials that ruled these areas in the period between 1940 and 1950 and ended up working for them as domestic servants.

Peter Little believes the clans that migrated into these regions shared a determination to oust the inhabitants (According to research by Rural Herders and Urban Merchants. The Cattle Trade in Southern Somalia). Jubba regions were then named Alabama because there was a conflict similar to the one in United States of America’s Alabama between the white and black races.

Goshaland or Jubbaland

If two different groups of people get into a dispute over the ownership of particular land, Archaeologists are always called in to study the architecture in the land and they try to establish whether there is any known link between the current residents and its original inhabitants. They start their investigations with the ground itself, graves, old buildings and history books written about the earlier inhabitants.

Jubba regions used to be known as Gosha. Its residents were called Reer Gosha [people from Gosha] Shambara and Mushunguli [Wazigua] (look at Menkhaus). Immigrants into these regions have in later years renamed these areas in order to legitimise their presence. Names such as Reer Wamo emerged. The original inhabitants refer the new arrivals as “Koyto”[which means the strangers or the immigrants] and “Galti” [the uncivilized people].

Clans that inhabited Jubba regions before the large scale immigration had a Suldan [a chief] named Nasib Bundo as the leader of Jubba regions back in the days when it was still referred to as Gosha. During the last century, these clans from Gosha united all their might in order to stop the large scale migration into their region.

In the 1950’s when Somali was still fighting for independence from the colonialists, traditional elders who were leaders of Reer Gosha contacted the United Nations and asked to have Jubba Regions added to Kenya (look at Menkhaus).

They were concerned that the new Somali government that was to come to into existence at some point in the near future might legitimise the ownership of their land to the new immigrants and that was exactly what happened in later years.

The people of Gosha have been subjected to a lot of suffering by successive governments in Somalia whether civilian or military. They were overshadowed by groups in power whose strategy was positioning of themselves to access of international aid. (Professor Abdi Samatar).

Civilians in Buulo Nasib spoke to Professor Menkhaus about the way the government led by Muhammad Siyad Barre used to rob them. The way they took over their land.

“A man that works for the military government came to us with documents claiming ownership of our land and we disputed it. We took our case to the officials at regional level who told us claims had no official documentation to back it up and our farms were handed over to the man with the documents who claimed to own our land,” said residents of Buulo Nasib while talking to the professor in 1986.

Others who tried to challenge and appeal against the military government’s decision to grab their land were subjected to intimidation and arrests. Some of them were even killed. Their land was used as reward for supporters of the government whose popularity was at the time dwindling. An example of this is the appointment of General Abdi Muhammad Sahardiid from Sool Region [North Eastern Somalia] as head of the Jubba Sugar Project.

Because the original inhabitants of Jubba regions were handy men, herders and farmers, they found it difficult to challenge the “nationalisation” campaign in which the government was grabbing their land. They become squatters in their own land and worked in their farms which had new owners. This gross injustice was the curse that led to the collapse of Somalia.

Reer Gosha were fleeing from Jubba regions and to Mogadishu and other part of the country at a time when there was an influx of new arrivals in their land. There were major programmes being undertaken in Jubba regions at the time among them Faanoole Rice Project, Mobambo Irrigation Project and Jubba Sugar Project.

The farms where these projects were being run belonged to the indigenous people of Jubba regions, who were not compensated for their loss. In the run up to the war, children in Jubba regions were used as labourers and prisoners were not brought before any court.

The civil war in Somalia was pleasant news for Reer Gosha because they then got the opportunity to regain control of their land until a government of national unity was formed in the country (look at Menkhaus]. Because they were not armed, it proved difficult to repossess the land and warring groups who were drooling over the resources in Jubba regions fought and continue fighting over resources.

The conflict over control of Jubba regions has become synonymous with the history of Somalia and the conflict in the country.

People from Gosha were then displaced from their homes and have had to leave the land where they lived for generations. They were badly affected by a conflict they had no role in. The rebel groups led by General Aideed, Colonel Jees, General Morgan, Colonel Goobanle and Colonel Barre Hiraale fought over control of Jubba regions which then redoubled the uncertainty and suffering of the indigenous people.

There have been reports of starvation in these areas every couple of years. Wild animals in the regions have also fled from the constant gunfire. Rotating seasons of planting and harvest which the indigenous people used such as Laba Maalisley and Laba Maylinley have been done away with. The drastic effect of the conflict has turned the region to a near desert.

Land belongs to its own people

Having lived through many years of conflict and continued chaos, the people of Gosha whose land has been grabbed are now seeking to save themselves. Whether it out of gross injustice or not, the geographical conditions in Jubba regions have now changed and the amount of rainfall in these areas has been minimal (look at the map NOAA and CRES Australia).

The United Nations concerned about the conflict in these regions organized a reconciliation conference in 1994 in which it brought together clans that are in dispute over the ownership of Jubba whether the indigenous people or those that emigrated in later years. The conference was chaired by General Muhammad Ibrahim Ahmad alias Liiqliqaato.

Whatever the outcome of these talks might have been, it was blocked by the renewed fighting which erupted while the conference was still ongoing.

It is now a calamity that some of the groups that came to attack Jubba regions are now fighting over its ownership while the rest of Somalis just watch. The only solution to the long running conflict in these regions is to have it as a land that belongs to all Somali which no particular group is allowed to claim rights of ownership given that original inhabitants do not have any power or authority over it and are termed “the land of the living dead”.

The solution to this disputed land is also a just government that rules the country in a fair manner. The unfortunate circumstance in which the government in Mbagathi allowed two clans led by Colonel Fartaag [Marehan] and Colonel Afgudud [Majerteen from Puntland] to agree among themselves over the control of Kismaayo, each terming the other as terrorists, is something I will not discuss here.

This conflict adds petrol to the fire that is already raging in these areas. When will the issue of Jubba regions which is a fundamental basis for the conflict in Somalia be resolved?

Source: Wagosha Somalia

Somalia: The State of Higher Education in Somalia-Privatisation, Rapid Growth and the Need for Regulation

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analysis

Higher education institutions have proliferated in Somalia during two decades of civil war. More than 50,000 students are attending some 50 universities across the country.

This exponential growth has happened largely without government oversight and quality control. Research and publications capacity is almost nonexistent.

Teaching capacity is low. Universities lack adequate facilities such as science and computer labs. Most rely almost exclusively on student fees to fund their operations.

If the next generation of Somali graduates are to contribute towards the reconstruction of the country and compete with returning members of the diaspora in the job market, the quality of service provided by higher education institutions must improve.

Starting from scratch

Shortly before the collapse of the state in 1991, Somalia had just one university located in Mogadishu with approximately 4000 students enrolled.

In the absence of central government, local communities, Islamic non-government organisations, and the Somali diaspora have spearheaded efforts to develop the higher education sector, even as conflict raged through the country. Between 2004 and 2012 alone, 34 higher education institutions were established.

There are now at least a dozen universities in Mogadishu and half a dozen in Hargeisa, the capital of the autonomous region of Somaliland.

Crippled by pitiful budgets, severely limited capacity, and an unenviable list of priorities, government institutions have had little choice but to allow the private sector to dominate the provision of education.

While universities and colleges may register with regional governments when they first open, there is very little further interaction with authorities. Many institutions are governed by self-established local education associations. Others claim to be entirely independent of any oversight.

There are now growing concerns that without regulation the quality of education received at Somalia’s higher education institutions may fall far short of international standards.

Somalia’s graduates may, as a result, be ill-prepared to enter employment with qualifications that are unlikely to be recognized beyond the country’s borders. An alarming number of education institutions exist without a library, without computer or printing facilities, and without scientific laboratories.

Furthermore, there is a worrying concentration on specific disciplines with approximately one third of all students enrolled in information technology (IT) and business administration courses. As the country enters a new phase of post-conflict reconstruction, there is an increasing need for qualified doctors, lawyers, engineers, and teachers.

Regional disparities

The relative peace and stability that has characterized the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, in the north-west of Somalia, since 1991 has unsurprisingly meant that the level of reconstruction of the education sector in this region is noticeably higher than other regions.

In the north-eastern region of Somalia, the semi-autonomous Puntland State has also made significant progress in rebuilding the education sector since it was formed in 1998.

Universities in Somaliland and Puntland are more likely to have been established with the support of the diaspora and international aid organizations.

In south central Somalia, where most western aid organizations had very little access in the past two decades, universities are more likely to have been established with the support of Islamic aid agencies that were operating throughout periods of conflict.

Universities in Puntland and south central Somalia also have proportionately more lecturing staff with doctorate degrees than in Somaliland.

Reasons for this are unclear though it may be related to the number of non-Somali lecturing staff in Somaliland who are more likely to search for teaching opportunities in the region having completed a Masters degree.

Developing the higher education sector in Somalia

There is a growing need for regulation of the higher education sector in Somalia. The federal government and regional administrations must develop educational policies that address quality issues and align national priorities with educational policies if graduates are to enter gainful employment and contribute towards the reconstruction of the country.

Regulation for the sake of regulation will not improve the service provided by higher education institutions. Government institutions will likely require support as they engage further with universities and colleges if they are to address growing concerns about the quality of service provided.

The donor community should work closely with the federal and regional governments to improve the capacity of government ministries involved in education as well as education institutions themselves.

The growth of the higher education sector in Somalia in the past two decades, despite widespread conflict, is remarkable. Efforts should now be diverted from expanding the number of institutions operating in the country to improving the quality of service they provide.

The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies, Somalia’s first independent think-tank, has carried out the most comprehensive survey of higher education institutions in the country’s history.

A total of 44 higher education institutions in all regions of Somalia, including Somaliland, were surveyed for the project.

The full report can be downloaded here. For more information contact info@heritageinstitute.org.

Somalia:Pirates Move Hijacked Fishing Vessel to Somali Coast

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A pirated fishing vessel that could be housing dozens of hostages is once again on the move and has been spotted close to the Somali coast, the European Union’s Naval Force Somali said Thursday.

In an update, EUNAVFOR said that a Spanish Maritime Patrol Aircraft overflew the pirate controlled FV Naham 3 and observed that the vessel had moved from its sea anchorage to a Somali beach in the Galmudug region.

The Naham 3 has been under the control of armed pirates since it was hijacked in the Indian Ocean on March 26, 2012 with 28 crewmembers. She had been tethered to MV Albedo, which was pirated in November 2010, for several months. The MV Albedo sank in shallow waters on July 7 and since then FV Naham 3 has been sighted sailing up and down the coast or at anchor.

The fate of the MV Albedo’s 15 crewmembers is yet to be confirmed following her sinking, at least not from EUNAVFOR. However, a report by Reuters said that four crewmembers were killed when the vessel sank and a later report from the Secretariat for Regional Maritime Security indicated that 11 crewmembers were still alive and being held on the Naham 3, along with her 28 crewmembers.

Since then, the Naham 3 has been under close watch by EUNAVFOR patrols. Recent aerial photographs have shown pirates wielding their weapons on the upper deck of the dilapidated fishing vessel, but no hostages have been seen in or near the vessel.

The EUNAVFOR update said that it believes that negotiations are on-going between a hostage support program and the pirates to try and secure the safe release of the hostages. Only time will tell really.

Somali pirates still hold a total of 54 hostages and just one vessel (the Naham 3), according to EUNAVFOR figures.

Source: G Captain

Somalia: Somali-Swede ‘died for his beliefs’ – brother

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The brother of Abdirahim Hassan, who was murdered on Wednesday in Somalia, told Swedish press that the young politician had died for his “belief in a peaceful world” in the shooting that also wounded his Swedish colleague.

“My brother stood up for justice and believed in a peaceful world,” Elias Hassan, 21, told media at a press conference in the Stockholm neighbourhood of Husby on Thursday.

“Unfortunately he died for what he stood up for.”

The Hassan family explained that Abdirahim had been working in the Somali capital Mogadishu since June on a democracy projected managed by the Swedish Left Party. The attack, in which a second person also died, has shocked the family deeply. His senior party colleague, Ann-Margarethe Livh, was wounded in the attack but is receiving medical attention in Kenya.

“We were worried about him, of course, but we never thought he would die,” Elias told the assembled press corps.

The family chose to bury Abdirahim in Somalia on Thursday.

“He loved his home country, so we decided to bury him there. But we will hold a memorial service for him (in Husby),” Elias said.

Source: The local

 

Somalia the Country of the Blind

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Recently elected government in Mogadishu, has managed less than a year reduce to high hopes to hopelessness, suppress dissent voices, turn optimism to despair, trust to abuse , division among fallow Somalis, as it escalated civil war to new heights. One have to find antidote of existence in midst chaos whatever it takes, to fight faceless enemy the Somali nations faces today. Recent activities of newly western formed government of Mogadishu, points that their loyalty belong to powers that elected, financed and neighbouring forces that continually undermine the integrity, sovereignty and interest of Somali nation.

Expedience manner that this government was deposited by bankrupted western powers brought to mind of many an alarming thoughts; immediately they saw seeds of distraction, division, and looting of nation’s wealth. Re drafting the constitution in such hastily approach should have sent warning flags.  From the swearing ceremony to daily events in streets of Mogadishu, strongly point out whose interest is being served and from what we are witnessing it certainly not for our nation purpose nor has ever been intended for.  From the start we have witnessed disturbing images taking place in swearing ceremony, where newly elected members of the parliament in queue, holding their hands up,  standing in front then official Somali president Augustine Mahiga with Quran. Called combination of poor judgment, ignorance and its simply repugnant, yet this has become our faith. Pledging oath of loyalty to the masters who financing destruction of your sovereignty, in the name of democracy.

It is miserable dilemma when Somali politicians and members of the parliament are really confused about the their role, duty, obligation and luck basic understanding governance function which is ludicrous and gets worse as they start to compete with each other outselling national wealth, as usual they rewarded with more media coverage, photo up with yet hungry entities that are disguised as donor while we poses the actual wealth.

In less than a year these imported stooges had managed to create unprecedented systematic looting on nation’s wealth, their quest for burglarising the nation is shameless and nothing less than a treason. Only way they know exhibiting their nationalism is wearing flag emblem in their hideous suits instead of wearing in their hearts. Here are the highlights of their accomplishment and destructive path they vision for the nation:

  • Host to thousands of private mercenary working alongside with UN and UNISOM forces to counter Al Shabaab, really why bother to have genuine  military forces we you can ask Britain to send more of their South African mercenaries, and that is the country that hosted July conference, which outcome was disastrous and disingenuous. As for the UN it become outdated, out touch, irrelevant and downright abusive power, corrupt, and enabler, complaint, and a tool of corrupt, bankrupt western audiology. In essence an abusive state of union. As for UNISOM a tool to tame our national identity and an illegal entity operating sovereign nation. Why with all this help young Somali men are not recruited to work with UNISOM, sent to Uganda, Kenya and other war torn African countries so they can be part of the peace keepers while earning living? We simply can’t continue this path.

 

  • Build illegal compounds with CIA to torture young Somali men, potential terrorist in the name of Al Shabaab or counterterrorism. The fact that sovereign state is used as Prison Island for the CIA to torture kidnaped young men, defies logic and barrier to security, nation building and obstacle of our sovereignty. Thanks to folks like Snowden a high school dropout government contractor to release illegal surveillance activities. They created The National Security Agency Surveillance Program, which legitimizes breaking international laws, and persecute indiscriminately certain nationals that our young men fit. Naturally what were bombarded daily is atrocity committed against Somali young men and open season to hunt them whether they are North America, Europe, Africa or Asia. They over emphasis our differences, internal conflict in order to legitimize their agenda, and won’t rest until they reduce Somali state to another Congo.

 

  • The worst actions Somali government under the command of President Hassan Sheik enacted was paving the way for IMF, after twenty two year-interval, and nation will be paying the price many year to come for his short sight ness and ignorance. He surrounded himself with men of shady background, dubious characters, lucking experience, loyal to foreign entities, whose references are questionable to held responsible positions.  The stooges that were cultivated streets of Nairobi are doing exactly what their masters installed for them, paving way for foreign interests to raid the nation’s wealth, while managing to destabilize federal unity and creating new pathways for newly emerging war lords in the name of Regional Presidents. Sadly they divide their loyalty between Kenyan government and Ethiopian government, these owned men show their national identity by wearing small flags in their shirts instead of their hearts. Emblem doesn’t replace nationalism, and in less than one year has certainly managed to commit worse than seven deadly sins. Reward for his compliance came early when Time (western propaganda magazine) earlier this year put him list of the person of the year nominated by President Paul Kagame, not bad year for unproven leader. Last Somali person who was nominated for same standard was Ayan Hersi.

 

  •  Under strict orders from President Hassan, with guidance former Prime minster Geedi, the Minster of Somali National Resources has revitalized Somali Petroleum Company, under two foreign entity and also managed to sign first oil contract to a British company that didn’t exist a month ago nor has experience in oil expedition. Sadly enough that was the outcome of London conference and off course closing on thriving remittance business the south part of Somali, they didn’t bother to wait for permission so they hastily stored a puppet regional government under Ras Kamboni Brigade Leader, Amed Mohamed Madoobe, for offshore oil permits granted to western companies. The consequence of London conference sewed seeds of destruction of nation’s wealth and to reintroduce colonial dogma in name building democratic institutions, and by closing thriving remittance business that thrived without western assistance for the past two decade. Freedom movement of money is privilege granted only for western nations and strong nations who can stand their own. The disastrous London conference also supports the creation of the largest correctional facility for Somali youth, instead of jobs, vocational training and schools.

 

  • Finally the gloves came off, Kenya and Ethiopia have cleared their intentions within two weeks we had a plain loaded with ammunition owned by Ethiopians crashed and no one is even asking who were the ammunition for forget the death Ethiopians. And Kenyan minister is an apologetic for her army illegal entering autonomous state. After the thirty years was European countries finally signed peace in 1648, and agreed to respect the principle of territorial integrity. Kenya justification of illegally entering/operating Somalia is unjustifiable and seeking to influence the Somali affairs and forcing intervention on our domestic matters is nothing less than declaration of war, and Somali has right to defend itself from foreign aggression and  occupation however it takes. No matter what even our weakest moments and midst of recovering from two decade of civil war, Kenyan and Ethiopians are not match for Somali warrior so what is holding us back.

 

By Muna Mimi

 

 

Somalia:Utterly baseless and unfounded allegations; against the President of Somalia.

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Ali Khaliif Galeydh who is the member of the parliament of Somalia accused the president of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having link with the outlawed organization of Somalia, Alshabaab.

Mr Galeydh who have had a long political rift with the president of Somalia held repeated press conferences and interviews tarnishing the political reputation of the president stated that the Somali president of Hassan Sheikh was denied to attend or participate international meeting held in Europe, for the reason of suspicious sources unveiled clearly that the president have link with that terrorist organization illegally operates in Somalia for certain period of time in the past, Mr Ali Galeydh claimed that president have contacted the leaders of Alshabaab over the phone and Somali intelligence Agency will have interview with the parliamenterian when he goes back home and also will face imprisonment if unable to prove his accusations against the honourable leader of the country who definitely deserve respect and space of leadership to carry out his duties freely and finely.

The question is? Why Ali Khaliif Galeydh making this kind of very serious comments against the president of the nation who has been elected by his own people of being the right man for the right job, when Ali Khaliif Galeydh was also running to be the president of Somalia at that time with empty hands and unsuccessful and also he campaigned for to be the chairman of the Somali parliament later on, which again Somalis refused him to occupy for that position either. But, unfortunately mr Galeydh failed to be the president of Somalia, because he was not very competent and uncommitted to fulfill the obligations needed for the war-ravaged nation, in which international communities tried all they can to restore the law and order in Somalia and also rebuild the nation on the scratch thorough out infrastructures and governmental capacity, as every thing completely destroyed that makes warlords and outlawed organizations to be the only institutions and rulers exist there previously.

The parliamentarian Ali Khalif Galeydh campaigns for Jubaland state where vendetta against President of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud started, as the president attempts to avoid any division occurrence that will disperse the Somali Italian republic of Puntland, Jubaland, Baydhaboland and Hiraanland. However, the hostility and serious accusations Ali Galeydh made against the president are only envious and jealous politics war that damages the whole credibility and reputations of Somali nation, when such comments and baseless and unfounded allegations thorough out only power challenge launches carelessly to kill off or remove only, of course Ali has made huge mistake and disgrace against not only the president, but the complete Somali nation for making such comments and allegations as politician who expects exteme future of the country and the people, even though Ali Khaliif Galeydh considered to be Somalilander rather than Somali, because of root from the former British Protectorate of Somaliland who have direct talks with Somali Italian republic nowadays over business between the two.

When you are politician that tremendous character assassination is absolutely childish and unacceptable at all, if the president of the nation accused of terrorism related issues, there is no rays of hope from Somalia and international communities truly disappointed quite enormously for immature politics of Somali politicians like Ali khalif Galeydh, who totally does not understand the consequences of his accusations against his fellow countryman or politician.
What Ali Galeydh is not aware of is, that universe is only one village now, in which world intelligence organizations share very crucial channels of communications to keep the stability of every angle of the world with open eyes in all times, in order to save the precious lives of human beings and also common interest of the those particular world nations.

If the president of Somalia makes a leadership error towards his decision making that is an other case which Somalis resolve democratically and constitutionally, but unreliable sources of accusing the highest personnel of the nation, is just only act of traitor and puppet conducts of the likes of Ali Khaliif Galeydh who does not see the wider picture of politics and human relations that came to the platform unprepared and unequipped with the right tools needed to lead such nation and country.

Abdilahi Ali Hassan John
Liverpool/UK

Somalia gang rape victim accuses African Union force

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Tuesday, Aug 20, 2013

NAIROBI – Abducted, drugged and gang raped in Somalia: a young mother details the most brutal of allegations against African Union troops and Somali soldiers in a case causing widespread anger.

“The soldiers raped me… I tried to defend myself but they beat me badly and I passed out,” she said, speaking to the Somali Channel television about the attack earlier this month.

She alleged she was stopped on the streets of Mogadishu by three soldiers from the national army, blindfolded and forced into a car, before being handed over to African Union troops, where she says she was repeatedly raped.

She has needle marks on her arms from where she says drugs were injected during the several hours long assault in the Maslah compound, a Ugandan troop base on the outskirts of Mogadishu.

“There were other women in the room… one of the them badly bleeding,” she added, speaking from a hospital bed.

The woman, in her late 20s with a young baby, was unconscious during the attack and says she does not know how many men raped her. She was later thrown back onto the streets.

AMISOM, the 17,700-strong United Nations-mandated force that supports the government in its fight against Al-Qaeda-linked Shebab insurgents, said it has launched an investigation together with the Somali army.

“Appropriate action will be taken once the facts of the case have been established,” AMISOM said in a statement.

Somalia’s Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon said in a statement that the government was “deeply troubled by the alleged rape… involving a number of personnel from AMISOM.”

AMISOM, fighting since 2007 in Somalia and funded by the UN and European Union, insists it “strongly condemns … sexual abuse or exploitation”.

The force is mainly made up of troops from Uganda, Burundi and Kenya, with smaller numbers from Djibouti and Sierra Leone.

The case threatens to badly dent the reputation of the force, and play into the hands of the Shebab.

Shebab fighters are themselves accused of horrific attacks and rape, but the extremists’ spokesman Ali Mohamed Rage gloated at the rape reports.

“Somali soldiers first abduct the girls and rape them, they also share them with AMISOM troops,” Rage said.

“The Somali troops are the remnants of the former warlords, they are killing their people and raping our daughters and mothers… the African Union troops are brutal.”

Rape is pervasive in Mogadishu, but the extreme nature of the woman’s allegations and the accusations of AMISOM involvement have shocked many.

In the first six months of 2012, some 800 cases of sexual violence were reported in Mogadishu alone, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which refers to the rapists as “unknown armed men and men wearing military uniform”.

Many more cases are believed to have gone unreported.

“Sexual violence in Somalia is one of the most serious and urgent human rights challenges facing the government and people of Somalia,” said Nicholas Kay, UN special representative for the country.

Kay, who expressed his “grave concern” at the rape allegations, has demanded investigations be “rigorous and prompt”.

“If there is a case to answer, any perpetrator should be prosecuted,” Kay said in a statement.

But Maryan Qasim, Somalia’s minister for human development, insisted there was “major exaggeration and inflation of the number of attacks”. She also said alleged victims who speak out in the media should be “shot”.

Somalia’s army, an often rag-tag force incorporating militia fighters, has repeatedly been accused by rights groups of a string of abuses against women, including rape.

In March, Human Rights Watch (HRW) detailed the “enormous problem” of the rape and sexual abuse of women and girls in Mogadishu, including by government soldiers and militia fighters.

But HRW said that many of those attacked are too frightened of reprisals to tell the authorities.

Even reporting on rape in Mogadishu carries its own risks: a Somali journalist and a rape victim he interviewed were both sentenced to a year in prison in February, but they were released after two months in jail after the case sparked widespread international criticism.

Source:  AFP

Somalia: Don’t Forget Barclays’ Shut Down On Somali Remittance Accounts Will Severe Lifeline for the Country’s Refugees Too

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Barclays Bank recently decided to withdraw its banking services from 250 UK money transfer companies including my local Dahabshiil – severing the remittance lifeline for millions of Somalis.

This sent shock waves through my local east London Somali community because the Dubai-based International money transfer company was our most effective and reliable method to send money regularly to support our relatives and friends. Remittances amount to an estimated US$2 billion or one-third of the country’s GDP, according to Somali authorities.

However, the Somali remittance crisis does not end there, as Somalis also send money to Somali refugees in neighbouring countries such as Kenya, Ethiopia and Yemen.

UNHCR’s 2012 survey reported Somalia has produced 1.136 million refugees – the second largest number of refugees in the world after Afghanistan. They can be found everywhere from United States to South Africa, Nepal and Australia. The UN reported “In 2009, Somalis applied for asylum in at least 34 countries.”

The majority of them – 942,619 according to the UNHCR – can be found in Kenya, Ethiopia and Yemen. Refugee camps are home to most refugees; over 500,000 reside in the worlds’ largest refugee camp ‘Dadaab’ where theft, murder and rape are commonplace.

Refugees living in the Horn of Africa region are without citizenship. They face difficulty securing housing, welfare or employment. Our remittances enable our relatives to establish businesses and support themselves. Nairobi’s Eastleigh district, for example, is not formally integrated into the Kenyan economy but provides income opportunities for thousands of Somalis because of the money the diaspora send to them.

Ultimately, Somalis living in the UK and other countries outside the region support their refugee relatives financially through the process of them seeking and being granted asylum, establishing themselves, and ultimately (if possible) gaining citizenship. It may take years or even decades for refugees to gain full economic independence.

On many occasions I have witnessed a friend receive 5am phone calls from her refugee relatives in Kenya pleading for urgent funds often for medical care. Through one quick fifteen-minute money transfer operation funds are sent to her relatives and confirmed by text message. This simple money transfer acts as a crucial financial safety net for Somali refugees.

I asked Laura Hammond Development Studies lecturer at the School of Oriental African Studies, University of London why the media have focused solely on the remittance crisis effect on people living inside Somalia and not on Somali refugees? She answered, “it is assumed that refugees are wholly dependent upon international aid for support, but clearly this is not the case. If Somali refugees had to rely only on such aid many would perish. The role that remittances play in sustaining refugee communities has been largely overlooked in the current discussion about the impact of the account closures.”

Economic opportunities in Dadaab are scarce as international assistance is focused on care of refugees and far less on providing opportunities to become self-sufficient. Plus, they are not allowed to leave the camps without the rare acquisition of movement passes. This approach is related to that fact that the Kenyan government assumes refugees both in the camps and city will return to Somalia very soon.

The idea of large-scale return is largely impractical given camps now host three generations of refugees. Returnees would face immense difficulty re-establishing themselves without government or aid assistance, and many are prevented from returning due to continuing security risks in the south and central regions of the country.

For over fifty years, Somalis have migrated and sought asylum around the world for many reasons including civil war, drought and famine, economic hardship, breakdown of law and order and to find better living conditions.

My grandfather is one of these migrants. He settled in the UK in the 1950’s. Most Somalis fled following the civil war and famine in 1991 and the subsequent collapse of the country. For two decades Somalia has been without a central government and it has endured famines and droughts, on-going violence and terrorist attacks.

It is against this backdrop of economic uncertainty that Somali refugees rely on money transfer companies, such as Dahabshiil, to act as the bridge between them and their relatives abroad. They use remittances from relatives abroad to buy food, shelter, and clothes, to pay for education and health care, and to build shops in the camps; ultimately remittances are crucial to helping them regain their dignity.

At least once a month my mother visits her local Dahabshiil branch in east London to send money to relatives and friends in Somalia and Kenya. This is a tradition I thought I would continue but Barclay’s decision has put the lives of my relatives and those of my friends at tremendous risk.

Somalia’s money transfer companies such as Dahabshiil, which grew in the midst of anarchy, food insecurity, conflict and displacement, have to a large extent upheld the Somali economy. The consequences of Barclays’ decision can only spell disaster. Somalia is just getting back on it’s feet after 20 years of devastation, so this decision will truly undermine the efforts of millions of Somalis not just in Somalia but worldwide who have put billions of dollars into rebuilding the Somali economy.

With Barclays out of the picture we wait with bated breath to hear how we can best move forward. Will other banks step forward and offer accounts? Can we use alternative remittance companies?

Using alternative companies would be not currently work, as they do not have the same reach and are not used as much by international agencies and charities – over 95% of international agencies and charities use Dahabshiil. Our only alternative would be unofficial channels a route which we do not want and cannot follow.

Annisa Omar is a British-Somali who works in International development, specialising in communications.

Somalia:Veteran Somali radio technician shot dead in Mogadishu

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Nairobi, August 19, 2013Three assailants killed veteran radio technician Ahmed Sharif Hussein outside of his home in the Shibis neighborhood of Mogadishu on Saturday, according to news reports and local journalists.

Unidentified gunmen, disguised as school students, shot Ahmed four times in the chest and stomach as he was leaving his home to go to work, Radio Mogadishu Director Abdirahim Isse Addow said, according to news reports. Ahmed was pronounced dead at Keysaney Hospital in the capital. No one has taken responsibility for the attack, according to local reports.

Ahmed, 40, was a technician for the state-run Radio Mogadishu and had previously worked for several leading stations, such as the now-defunct HornAfrik and Radio Banadir.

“Somalia remains one of the most deadly places in the world to practice journalism, with the capital proving especially dangerous,” said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “Authorities must do their utmost to identify the killers of Ahmed Sharif Hussein and ensure that they are brought to justice.”

Seven of the eight journalists killed in relation to their work in the past 12 months in Somalia were targeted in Mogadishu.

Earlier on Saturday, a man convicted in March of the 2012 murder of Radio Maanta journalist Hassan Yusuf Absuge was executed by firing squad in a Mogadishu square, according to news reports. Adan Sheikh Abdi, 24, had been accused of belonging to the Islamic extremist group Al-Shabaab and was tried as a combatant. Adan appealed his conviction, but a military court rejected it in July and upheld the death penalty, according to news reports.

While several local journalists supported the court’s decision, some noted concern about whether the accused received due process of law. The military trial was closed to the public and was based on laws dating from the authoritarian regime of former President Siad Barre.