Somaliland joined in Union with the Italian colony of southern Somalia in July 1, 1960 after just five days it won independence from British Empire.  The three decades union came to an end after the former unilaterally declared independence in may18, 1991. The unity caused marginalisation to Somaliland’s people who resulted in military confrontation that flattened the major cities, killed ten of thousand civilian and internally externally displaced millions of people. Somaliland unlike its southern counterpart has managed to build relatively stable and working state structure: bi-chamber legislative, executive and judiciary. It also sustained viable economy and peace without much support of international community. Besides, it held successive elections proclaimed as fair and transparent by international observers. Today, Somaliland considered as a beckon of good hope in a region ravaged by civil war. It successfully averted a civil war that erupted in the beginning of 1990s.

All these good will seem to be in jeopardy after the coming into power of a Kulmiye party led government in 2010. Buroa again lookalike the epic centre of conflict after the incumbent government made series miscalculation, maladministration, nepotism, favouritism and human right violations. It is clear that Somaliland can’t afford a repetition of its bad experience that happened in the first half 90s- civil war. In the contemporary period the world don’t need another conflict to start somewhere else.  About two decades ago, history has recorded a grim fact of the worst conflict that engulfed Buroa in which ordinary brothers and sisters from both communities turned against each other for reason one can hardly justify. Since then, a lot of work has been done to bridge the gap between these communities. However, the ascendency of a  Kulmiye led government in 2010, some civil servants and highest government officials are deliberately creating situations that could reignite conflicts.

No doubt, it is the responsibility of the incumbent government to build community cohesion. A short-sighted tribal quick fix to benefit one or another clan will add further fuel into the already flaming condition. It is a duty of the government to design policy so that both communities fairly and equally share resources and political power in the provincial town. However, incidents happening the last three years corroborate to the contrary. Buroa is known for it difficult community relation from post-civil war 1993-1995. It was all successive government duties to Instead create favourable condition for building state institution and strategy of delivering standard service to all people resident of this town.

On the contrary, the Kulmiye led government, in the day one it assuming power, it engaged to dislodge one community from the town. High governmental official from the other community in the presidential office played the ill-thought policy to manipulate the whole Togdhere region’s affair allowing them to act as they think fit either partially and unfairly tilting the scale to their clan. To anyone with intellect, this is a grave mistake which will seriously jeopardise significant achievements Somaliland has so far made since it birth. It will also put a serious repercussion on Somaliland’s long quest for international recognition from international community. The nation has a lot at stake in making good impression on the reluctant international community. It will be self-defeating-strategy it sabotages its own aspiration.

The government has wittingly or unwittingly undermined the long established community cohesion in Buroa between prominent Isaaq clans: Habar Yonis and Habar Jaclo. It started with fraud in the election of local government to pave the way for majority control of the local council and automatically appoint mayor of the town. Both the mayoral and provincial positions are now controlled  the clan of Ahmed Mohamed Sirayno, the President defeating the principle fair power sharing and giving free hand to manipulate the local council to the favour of the pure side t’s clan. Although, later on Buroa’s provincial governor, was transferred to another province through a relocation scheme government launched in theory to minimise nepotism but many suspect to install weak governor with grassroots level support. Besides, the provincial football team encountered serious clan based acrimonies after a sport minister who hails from the same clan as the Somaliland’s president openly and shambolically and took a side with the team members from his clan. This tribe spurred leadership at the ministerial level   rendered the regional football team that held for a long time the national champion to deteriorate into the weakest one overnight after many players from the other clan joined another region team. The spirit of sportsmanship totally lost the yearly held Somaliland football tournament turned a tribal show case in which Somaliland people split in tribal lines. This seriously damaged the future community cohesion Somaliland wanted to establish. Paradoxically the government minister did not get any sacking or warning showing the government’s tacit approval.

 Another serious transgression also happened when the Somaliland’s so called minister, with strong ministerial portfolio, Hirsi, started to directly govern the province bypassing the president’s appointed governor, ( Hamaraji) who now officially tendered his resignation. The circumstances surrounding his resignation initially were widely reported by Somaliland’s mass media as if it was directly related to the interference from Mr Hirsi. However, in a radio interview the governor himself gave to the Hadhwanagnews, he strenuously refuted the mass media’s claim and he stated that he left his position only due to personal circumstances not connected with issue of interference from any government authority. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the regional governor has been overwhelmed by numerous high profile issues that came  one after another since his appointment as Togdhere region’s administrator. These issues have seriously undermining his ability to discharge his responsibilities.  For example, he gave mass media statement in which he said that he was totally unaware of the person who instructed RRU police forces (a Para-military) after they shot died at least two people in two separate demonstrations staged in the town by individuals aggrieved by various maladministration and nepotism practices. People should be given the right procedure or mechanism to submit their grievance. Lack of these proper procedures will cause people to take the law into their hand, abuse of power by some officials, and distrust on the whole system by the people.

There is no doubt that now the mistrust has been sown in the regional administration creating deep suspension between the two communities. As a result,  any issue will be immediately interpreted as if it has a political and tribal context. The incumbent government has done nothing to thwart this trend by devising policy of trust building between the main communities in the region. Rather they gave exclusive access to Mr. Hirsi to manipulate the situation in the town into his favour.

 In circumstances that resembles adding a thorn  to the wound in already desperate situation, a prominent community activist and ex-deputy governor of Togdhere, Guleid Dahir Samater was arrested in brazen pre-dawn raid carried on his residence in Buroa which he was transferred to high security prison in Barbara with heavily armed personnel and vehicles. After three days illegal detention, he was released and taken to presidential palace in Hargeisa where he met a number of ministers who were carrying message from Mr President and Hirsi. They apologised on the behalf of the government for the wrong detention he was subjected and promised him regular salary and a compensation on provided that he stayed in Hargeisa.  Guleid took this offer as another transgression on the public right and as a personal insult to his integrity.  He believed first of all they were wrong to arrest him and now he don’t conspire and give in into a corruptive gesture.

 This brave man showed to them he stand that he would not stop his campaign of advocating for the rights and freedoms of his community. The government cronies accused him promoting   tribalism sentiment and unrest in the region.  These people clear failed to understand the fact that it is right If someone speaking on behalf of his community aggrieved by the state machinery. Rather this man should have be supported and government should have taken actions, not the vice versa. The cronies should have told their beloved Mr President to pay attention on Ministers who simply advancing tribal interest. He should have meet Mr Guleid in person and assured him everything will be investigated by an independent inquiry commission and community cohesion programme that benefit both communities will be openly transparently conducted. This caused the meeting to end without any outcome.

 Later on his spouse narrated to the mass media the heavy  brutality  employed the RRU police forces to infringe in his private residence and harass other people, special his wife a d children who will be traumatised by the event and arrest him. This is a serious violation of Somaliland constitution and international law Somaliland is abided by. This detention could have been avoided by summoning the individual to the police station. However, we know why this brutal tactic was used. It was to gag and intimidate him and send a strong message to other who might support him from his community. This is serious mistake. Intimidation and silencing peaceful dissent will not be tolerated by anybody. Somaliland should not tarnish its image by acts committed by a government official who abuse their public entrusted duty. This is a stark reminder of the brutal Mohamed Said Barre’s regime which both Mr President was a member of and Mr Guleid, a victim as SNM. In another incident in which the community refused to acknowledge a transfer of a police officer from Buroa, protester were shot at indiscriminately and a brutal and disproportionate force was used in contravention of any international and national law. The supremacy of the due process of law was ignored.

It is in the best interest of Somaliland if it observes both national and international law. If such type of violation of human rights continue in Somaliland, the coalition of Somaliland community in Europe will not hesitate to seek legal remedy in both domestic, international courts. As you know, RRU police forces are funded by the European and USA. The primary purpose of this force is to combat terror related offences not to harass ordinary citizens’ legal dissent. They donors would review such support if they found out it is diverted from its purpose.  We are happy to lobby the western government legislative members to look into matter if the Somaliland government would not rectify all mistakes.

 The issue is simple. All people in Togdhere region should fairly and equally share resource and political power. As a result of this recurrence of such incidents we mentioned above, we cordially request the following recommendation to be implemented immediately.

 1. The Somaliland government must appoint independent and strong governor.

2. Mr Hirsi or any person from clans inhabiting this region must be absolved from duty of involved in any affair that could cause contention.

3. The complaints of residents of east Buroa must be fully and independently investigated and rectified upon the recommendation.

These complaints include, favouritism, political strategy aimed to benefit one side of the town and civil and human rights violation against anyone who stood up and challenge the status quo among them

4. Set up an independent inquiry committee to analyse the friction point in the communities and how to make provisions that benefit both of them.

5. Launch a series of legislative framework criminalising tribalism, favouritism, nepotism,

6. Launch a campaign to create public awareness about conflict prone matter,

7. Giving the public to report any incident that jeopardise community cohesion.

8. Involve private, civic organisation and community to set up projects in which specially children and young people  learn,  play and work together to bring down the tribal sentiment.

9. All Somaliland’s  towns and cities specially those inhabited by different clans are segregated in tribal lines, creating potential to live, work, pass leisure time segregated from one another and each other, such kind of settlement is not healthy and it is dangerous for Somaliland future stability. We recommend a town and city policies in which government encourage people to live in different places. Local authority through its town planning mechanism must give incentive for people to settle in mixed neighbourhood. The government must put in place policy in favour of people building in different area. Initially the government can focus on the educated and civil servant. They must be given to live in apartment around the town. Targeting the educated when the ordinary people see these elites they may change tribal affiliation.

10. Buroa is a fault line in Somaliland’s political seismic. if nothing is done immediately, it could spiral out of control. I am advising the president to order an immediate takeover of the town by an independent administrator and committee from both communities. Put a lot of effort on facilitating the ground work both communities work together. I would focus on investing on the young people. Tribalism must be given a red card by series of campaigns targeting the youth. You also must take action against anyone who jeopardise this project or advance tribalism. If you do this we could avert trouble in this part of the country and will help you to leave a concrete legacy. Mr President please doesn’t be remembered for a man who has left a deeply divided community in Buroa. History will judge you and god will also make you responsible in which two previously peacefully co-existing communities develop mistrust and suspension against each other. The stake is very high and we have to act now.

Finally let me end my long discourse by sharing some of my personal experience with you about this place. Buroa has a bad reputation both locally and internationally. I remember one day when I was chatting with the man in charge of Ethiopian consult in Hargeisa in 2011 in his office. Excuse me I don’t remember his name. I got problem keeping names for more than two days unless I regularly meet the person.  I am not from Somaliland but I am a regionalist who strongly likes to see a stable Horn of Africa. After the Ethiopian representative found out my Amharic language, he asked me what I was doing in Somaliland. I told him my relative lives here. As you know, I start to brief him. European colonialism arbitrarily divided the borders without taking into account the ethnics, tribe or clans demography. As a result, two families were divided into two, three or sometime more countries. But when I told him majority of my relative lives in Buroa, he looked at me and said, “I was about to run away, you scared me the hell out me.”  Cautiously surprised I requested him why he how I frightened him. He said, “Buroa people are extremist or fundamentalist.”  Taken aback by the serious general statement I just heard, I started to look to the best way to convince him the fallacy his statement.  “Actually the people of Buroa are not extremist” I uttered. “They are hardworking people”. But I have to acknowledge that the majority of them are uneducated and live in constant clash/conflict mentality. This is the history of the area since the last hundred   years at least. The place was a melting pointing for many Somali clans. History shows that the occurrences of conflicts around this flash point. As the result, ordinary Buroawi people have developed wittingly or unwittingly hard-line status with no evil intention at all. They follow the moderate Islamic sect. Don’t take me wrong there will always be an exception. You can find an extremist person anywhere in the world nowadays. From New York, London, Sydney to Tokyo. A few months ago, brilliant Somaliland young boys’ and girls’ music band known as the “Star of Horn Africa” travelled to this town to stage a music gig. The music corps was attacked, their vehicles vandalised and the whole show was cancelled. The regional administration, police forces, the town hall could not do anything to help the young talented music group. If one sees why such attack happened, it has nothing to do with fundamentalism. It is lack of exposure to different culture. I hoped I had persuaded the consular. Those who do this thing are very few people. The majority of the people are not like that but their problem is their reluctance to take firm stand against the people who deviate from the norm.  I can say, therefore, current problem in Buroa is not adopted by the majority. It is a problem perpetrated by a few individual at the grassroots levels and at the high government offices. If we remove these weeds at the earlier stage by coming together, I hope we could avert major disaster. If however, we remain complacent, they will take us for ride and we see ourselves deep in hot water. I have said a lot in this short article. I say goodbye until we meet in another sociologically oriented discourse.Thanks

Mr Observer from the United Kingdom

Jason Shields, 28, is one of the 11 master’s of interior design students who developed conceptual designs for a new mental hospital in Somaliland.

Interior design graduate students are helping to build a Somaliland city’s first mental health hospital.

Working with Architects without Borders (AWB) Canada, 11 University of Manitoba grad students, working in groups of two or three, have developed early concepts for the future Regional Mental Hospital, which will be constructed in Borama, Somaliland.

Jason Shields, 28, is a first-year master’s student who worked on the project with his partner, Umid Abdullaev. He said it’s great that the projects won’t be simply forgotten after submission.

“It’s almost just beginning now,” said Shields, who put countless hours of work into the project. “The hard part was designing it all, but now that it’s been passed off to AWB, now we know that they will be going through all of the work.”

AWB, made up of experienced volunteer architects, will go through the five projects and pick and choose elements to include in the final concept. That concept will then be provided to the Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar Foundation.

The foundation approached Kelley Beaverford, executive director of AWB Canada and associate professor in the department of interior design at the U of M, for her experience with AWB and her work in other African countries.

“The AWB, most of us are based in Manitoba, and we’re not a design firm,” Beaverford said. “We help put together a strategy for the non-profit to get to where they need to be.”

The foundation, formerly the Horn of Africa Sick Children’s Charity, provides financial and technical support to the Regional Mental Hospital, which Beaverford said will hopefully be completed in late 2014. Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar was a Borama-born psychiatrist who moved to Canada in 1984 but continued humanitarian visits to his home country to help the mentally ill and to train medical student in Amoud University and the University of Hargeisa. Jowhar was killed in a car crash in 2012.

“(The students) are so focused and they work so hard,” Beaverford said. “While they are learning they are also producing really important documents that now AWB and the Jowhar Foundation can now use in implementation of the real project.”

Shields said the most interesting part of the project was researching and understanding the cultural differences and how they need to be taken into account when building the hospital.

“I’d say 90% of us weren’t adapted to design a lot for a completely different climate like that,” Shields said. “Especially one that is constantly hot and wouldn’t have the resources for expensive air conditioning systems or energy systems.”

Beaverford said the need for a mental health hospital is great in both Somaliland and Somalia.

“Both countries were quite unstable for quite some time and that led to some major mental health issues,” Beaverford said. “Schizophrenia, mood disorders, anxiety disorders, substance abuse . . . part of it has to do with the lack of existing mental health care in place.

“In the last decade or more (the countries have) had man-made and natural disasters, they’ve had floods, famine, war, and when you couple that with a lack of mental health care — here we would have treatment, but there this will only be the third hospital in all of Somaliland.”

winnipegfreepress

During his presentation Samatar addressed the question of why it is so difficult for Somaliland to acquire recognition

Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar spoke at Burco University on January 4, 2014. The presentation was part of a series of one-sided debates, lessons and discussions with officials and elders; and Isak and Gadabursi intellectuals in Burco, Hargaysa, Gabiley and Borama. He said his second visit was a follow up to his previous trip to Somaliland in June and July of 2013. He did not publish his findings about Somaliland, but has become a vocal and staunch fan of Somaliland, often describing himself as the “free ambassador of Somaliland”. The entourage accompanying him to these gathering includes Isak government officials and some segments of the Gadabursi tribe—primarily a few tribal elders and intellectuals.

During his presentation Samatar addressed the question of why it is so difficult for Somaliland to acquire recognition. He explained that one of the obstacles to recognition is that the recognized government of Somalia is opposed to the division of the country and continues to tell the international community that Somalia is one. Secondly, Somaliland has no friends among “heavy weight” nations to help them achieve recognition. In addition to these issues, Somaliland has not presented an actionable strategic plan to persuade other nations to recognize them. All they have to date are roving “representatives” with empty briefcases.
In order for Somaliland to attain recognition, Samatar advised the government of Somaliland to consider four important steps as they begin to formulate strategic plans. The first step involves the creation of a political message as it pertains to Somaliland’s quest for statehood. The message should focus on the consensus of Somaliland tribal groups in approving secession from Somalia. Somaliland leaders should then carefully select a broad spectrum of knowledgeable and capable personalities representing all the tribes of Somaliland to lobby abroad. The message should be designed to help convince influential countries that can help Somaliland achieve recognition. The third step is to establish a national commission specifically designed to guide the strategic plan to achieve recognition. Professor Samatar said the commission should be backed with sufficient investment and all the resources necessary to conduct its work effectively. The fourth step should be the creation of an organization called Global Solidarity for Somaliland—largely consisting of members of the Somaliland diaspora to fund and lobby for recognition in key countries around the world. In addition to these steps, he called for improving the quality of Somaliland’s “representatives” in various countries. He said capable individuals who can debate with, and convince the political elite of these countries should be appointed.

As it stands today Somaliland in the words of the professor is under “quarantine.” Without access to bilateral relationships (country to country relations), multilateral relations (as a member of the United Nations, African Union, World Bank and other global and regional organizations) and without being part of the international system Somaliland is unable to interact effectively in this era of globalization.

Despite the professor’s bias for approval of Somaliland, some of its tribes, including the Dhulbahanta, Issa, Warsangeli, and Fiqi Shini have come against recognition of Somaliland. The Dhulbahanta—who hold a vast amount of territory in eastern Somaliland—are opposed to Somaliland, with the exception of few individuals who shuttle back and forth between Somaliland and Puntland. The majority of them have a strong desire to be part of a federated Somalia. The Dhulbahante are against Somaliland and are currently in a standoff with Somaliland militia in several towns. The majority of both the youth and elders of these tribes are opposed to Somaliland. Many of the youth of these tribes were orphaned by the ruthless invasion of the Somali National Movement of the 1980s. Subsequent incursions by Somaliland militia have exasperated relations. The professor overlooked renewed civil war in the Sool, Sanaag and Cayn regions; and the wrongdoings of the highly centralized tribal government in Hargeisa.

Samatar’s assessment is confined to the ruling clan (Isak) who are providing various kinds of support, including the help needed to get around the country. He did not travel to the territories of those tribes opposed to Somaliland to evaluate their concerns and ambitions. The professor traveled only to areas of the ruling administration for fear of being rejected by angry tribes.
The future of Somaliland depends not on lobbying abroad but on internal consensus and country-wide approval of whatever is determined by the majority to be most desirable for the future of the country. The ruling tribe has not been willing to give other tribes their true share of the “pie”. The professor opted to lobby for the ruling tribe and is no longer an impartial figure. Somaliland should not be recognized by the international community as such recognition would renew internal strife and empower a single tribe that is ready and eager to trample over the territory and resources of all the others. It is very unlikely that the tribe in power in Hargaysa would follow everything that the professor advises, but Somali unionists should be aware that Samatar has been gradually duped by the lopsided single-tribe state leadership of Somaliland, and is now purveying their one-sided party line.

Jaafar Jama
jaafarjama@hotmail.com

By Mustafa Abdi Ibrahim

The Governor of Togdheer region Mr. Ahmed Omer Haji Abdillahi (Xamarje) is said to have submitted his resignation letter to President Ahmed Mohamed Mahmoud (Silanyo) earlier today shortly before he left for neighboring Ethiopia.

The administrator is said to have submitted resignation letter to President Silanyo today although the reason for his decision to quit his post which he has held for nearly one year now is yet to be revealed.

The resignation of the official comes amid the recent political tensions which has engulfed the Togdheer region and the detention of the former deputy of Togdheer region Mr. Guleed Dahir for second time just two days after he was released for incitement charges.

It’s not known if President Silanyo has accepted the resignation but unconfirmed reports say the head of state told the official to hold on until he returns from Ethiopia.

SomalilandPress.com

By Goth Mohamed Goth

President Ahmed Mohamed Mahmoud (Silanyo ) ) today flew out of the country headed to neighboring Ethiopia for a State visit after he was officially invited by the Ethiopian Prime minster HE Haile Mariam Dessalegn will meet on Saturday in Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia.

“We are pleased with the Ethiopian government in promoting our interest. Ethiopia is working with us in my areas especially on economy, diplomacy, Cross border movement of people and security related issues and we look forward to continuing to work together toward achieving common goals in Africa and around the world,” stated President Silanyo

Somaliland President Ahmed Mohamed Mahmoud (Silanyo) is expected to discuss issues regarding bilateral relations with Prime Minister Haile Mariam .The two countries are working closely on issues related to security, peace, trade and communications.

On the other hand shortly before his departure President Silanyo welcomed the recent political changes in the semi-autonomous region of Puntland while at the sending a Congratulatory message to the newly elected President HE Abdiweli Gaas ,he urged the new leader to strongly emphasis on safeguarding the peace.

SomalilandPress.com

Date: January 10,2014

War Saxaafadeed; Press Release

We, the National Consultations and Rectification Forum (NCRF) along with our affiliated partners such as the Intellectuals Forum (IF), warmly welcome the confirmation which we have received from the leaders of the two opposition parties that the inadequacies in our Constitution and laws, the timely holding of the next election and the Somaliland’s failed Foreign Policy will constitute some of the primary issues to be comprehensively addressed at the proposed National Dialogue Convention. It further heartened us that the leaders have assured us that neither the scope of the agenda nor the affiliation the potential participants would not be restricted and could include any relevant issue and group or individuals.

In this regard, the NCRF profoundly suggests that the following points should be taken into account:

I.                  On The Participants:

The NCRF firmly believes that for Dialogue to be serious, credible, inclusive and potential resolutions thereof be constructively and benevolently productive, the following the groups, associations and regions should be availed the opportunity to participate and contribute to the Dialogue:

Ø  Civil Societies

Ø  Women and Youth umbrella Associations as well as minorities

Ø  Professional  Unions such the Lawyers, Doctors, Accountants etc

Ø  Trade and Business Associations such as Transportation, Chamber of Commerce and Industry etc

Ø  Representatives from all Somaliland Regions as they are more privy to the needs and challenges which their regions prevalently face and therefore are more thoughtful on how best to address these needs and challenges

Ø  All political organizations including those which were unceremoniously eliminated in the last elections

II.               On the Issues in the Agenda

For the same reason as above, the agenda of the Dialogue should include all relevant and pressing issues including the following:

Ø  The Constitution

Ø  Institutional and Governmental Checks and Balances that are almost in ruins

Ø  Bringing the Government to be accountable on both its past, present and future policies and practices

Ø  The runaway Corruption, Abuse of Trust and Misuse of Public Finances

Ø  The National Security Issues, especially the Abuses of the RRU paramilitary. It should be pointed out to the foreign countries that funded the creation and upkeep of that unit that it is not any longer publically perceived that these forces exist solely for fighting terrorism. Fighting terrorism both proactively and reactively is a commendable purpose which the NCRF fully supports. However, the government’s tendency to deploy them against public demonstrations and generally against both real and perceived opposition as well the Unit’s unbecoming antics including killings of stone throwing kids and raiding prominent citizens’ residences in the dead of the night arresting them and leaving havoc in their wake have deeply disturbed the general public. This reeks rather like government terrorism against its own law abiding citizens. Such resentment is more likely to create more terrorism than fight and eliminate it. While grateful to the donors for their invaluable assistance in the fight against terrorism, they should be aware of what their tax Dollars could ferment if the beneficiary governments misuse them.

Ø   The Nation’s Foreign Policy whose utter failures are evident for all and sundry to see

Ø  There should be absolutely no more term extensions for both the executive and legislative branches of Government. Should the government fail to hold the next elections on time, it should step aside and a broad based Government of National Unity (GNU) be established to lead the nation to free and fair elections within not more than six months

Praise Be To Allah

Hassan Gure Jama

Chairman,

Ahmed Ibrahim Hassan

Secretary General