WorldRemit Ltd., an online money-transfer service that lets people send cash across the globe, raised $40 million from Accel Partners to help the company take on Western Union Co. and MoneyGram (MGI:US) International Inc.
Accel is the first institutional investor in the London-based company, which previously raised $7.5 million from individuals, said Chief Executive Officer Ismail Ahmed. Harry Nelis, a partner at Accel, will join the board.
WorldRemit was started in 2009 as a cheaper and faster way for migrants to send money using mobile phones, bank deposits or cash delivery. Unlike Western Union and MoneyGram, the company has no physical branches to fund and support, allowing migrants and expats from 34 countries to make payments to places without a banking infrastructure. Remittance payments globally reached $549 billion in 2013, according to the World Bank.
“The majority of these payments are still conducted via a network of physical locations, resulting in an inefficient and expensive user experience,” WorldRemit said today in a statement.
To grab a bigger piece of the market, WorldRemit said it plans to quadruple its staff to 200 by the end of the year.
Ahmed, a native of Somalia, founded the company five years ago at London Business School. He previously worked for the Union Nations Development Program.
To contact the reporter on this story: Serena Saitto in New York at ssaitto@bloomberg.net
To contact the editors responsible for this story: Pui-Wing Tam at ptam13@bloomberg.net Ari Levy, Jillian Ward
The current power after 36 years of `free reign can not and does not want to develop a dialogue with opposition which he has denied and continues to deny its existence. For nearly 13 months of post-electoral crisis that power blows hot and cold depending on events and the national economy, regional and international. Sometimes it is an invitation to dialogue sometimes the use of a warlike semantics and a call for public condemnation of skilled dangerous to social peace and national harmony opposition ever since the parliamentary elections of 22 February 2013. Elections that the opposition coalition was willing to participate after 10 years of boycott of all elections (municipal, legislative and presidential).
Since 22 February 2013 hundreds or thousands of opponents, members of opposition activists and ordinary citizens Djibouti stayed in the sad and famous Central Gabode prison. Overcrowded prison where humanity and respect for human dignity does not exist. A recurring violation of international P act on Civil and Political Rights 1966, ratified by Djibouti in 2002 and said in its article 10-paragraph 1 “All persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity the human person. “
Ø Prison Gabode overwhelmed opponents
They are 34 this March 13, 2014 to be held Gabode and some of them began a hunger strike yesterday, Wednesday, March 12 to protest against severe restrictions ordered by the head of the prison. Among the detainees are:
1. 3 sheikhs and leaders USN
Abdurahman Barkat God, and Bashir Suleiman Abdurahman Guirreh Meidal Guelleh, politically and arbitrarily sentenced March 10, 2013 at 2 years in prison with 18 months in prison and 5 years deprivation of civil rights.
2. Students, high school students and youth sentenced 30 to 45 days of detention
Omar Hassan Waberi, a student at the University of Djibouti 3rd Year Science and Farhan Meraneh Aden every 2 sentenced to 45 days imprisonment February 2, 2014.
Badalcha Hussein Elmi (schoolgirl in class Scientific terminal), Sahal Farah Boo (Student at the University of Djibouti) Goumaneh Mahamoud Ragueh and Nuh Ali Hussein, were all sentenced to one month in prison March 4, 2014.
3. 8 people arrested in Arta 4 March 2014 the member elected Ismael Ahmed Assoweh
Ismael Ahmed Assoweh, elected member of the Arta and Idriss Aden Osman, parliamentary candidate in Djibouti city on the list of the opposition coalition, arrested in Arta 4 March 2014 along with Hussein Robleh Waiss Region Mohamed Ali Dirir, Elmi Waiss Guelleh Amarreh Gedi Sahal, Abdurahman Moussa Waiss and Elmi Farah Aden, all of the Arta Region, are still being held from March 5, 2014 at Gabode prison despite the nullity of the proceedings and the release pronounced by the court March 9, 2014.
4. Abdallah Abdallah Maydaneh Maydaneh Okieh and several youths arrested in different districts of the capital
Maydaneh Okieh Abdallah, a journalist with the Voice of Djibouti, arrested March 9, 2014 and placed under warrant of March 10, 2014. Moreover, young people arrested since March 4, 2014 in a continuous manner, are currently in custody. This is Absieh Mahdi Moussa, Lebanon Djama Hassan Moussa Djama Hussein Yusuf Abdoulkader Yayo, Kadar Hassan Elmi, Moktar Barreh Bouraleh, Boo Houffaneh Hassan, Hassan Abdi Elmi, Niman Ibrahim Nour, Kabeh Chafeck Abdallah, Hussein Hassan Awaleh Moustapha Boo Robleh, Hussein Omar Farah Abdillahi Ismail Musa (minor), Hassan Ali Robleh (minor) Omar Issa Boo (minor).
The ODDH called once again to the public:
In the immediate unconditional release of all political prisoners, cessation of prosecutions and harassment sympathizers, activists of the opposition but also associations and citizens wrongly or rightly as close to the opposition,
In the medium-term outcome of a sincere and frank political dialogue,
In the long term the implementation of democratic reforms to pave the way for a genuine rule of law.
The United Nations needs to creatively work out a new approach to Somaliland, one that fully inherits the implications of Somaliland’s unique developmental, historical and political status. The Somaliland Special Arrangement (SSA) of the New Deal was a step in the right direction, but one that is incomplete unless complemented by a broader diplomatic ‘special arrangement’ that safeguard’s Somaliland’s gains and builds a governance structure for the region that fully takes advantage of, and does not harm to, the more than two decades of peace and effective governance. Basis for Somaliland’s Special Arrangement In contributing to create a more stable and viable region, the United Nations should not avoid confronting the history of Somaliland and Somalia. Not only are there potential and unresolved legal implications that ought to be considered, such as the sanctity of the Somali state as it was upon collapse in 1991, but there is also a need to reflect upon the fact that the borders of what the Federal Government of Somalia claims as its territory was never a coherent or uncontested entity, but was in fact an problematic, experimental and volatile arrangement that contained the seeds of its own demise. While this thirty-year experiment failed—and not just with the civil war and atrocities that characterized its later days, but through the marginalization of the Somaliland people during the two decades prior—a twenty-year process of peacebuilding and statebuilding in Somaliland has shown that there are some arrangements that can provide lasting governance and the foundations for social well-being for the Somali people.
The legal and political history to consider is as follows. Somaliland and Somalia decolonized into two independent states, before uniting to form the Somali Republic. The original Act of Union makes this clear in its first provision, which states the following: ‘Somaliland and Somalia being united, to constitute the Somali Republic, which shall be an independent,
2.Democratic and unitary Republic.’1 Additionally, Article Four of this Act also reveals that Somaliland and Somalia were two independent governments: ‘All rights lawfully vested in or obligations lawfully incurred by the independent Governments of Somaliland and Somalia or by any person on their behalf, shall be deemed to have been transferred to and accepted by the Somali Republic upon the Establishment of the Union.’ Somaliland revoked the Act of Union in 1991 and reclaimed an independent state based on the previous internationally recognized borders, a decision based on numerous rational justifications that reflected the will of the people, based on the rights they believed were offered to them in international law.2
Therefore, it is inappropriate for the United Nations and the international community to take such a firm stand on its decision to create a single and unified state that emanates out from Mogadishu and extends to encompass Somaliland’s territory, as this both undermines and denies from the outset the idea of Somaliland’s sovereignty, self-determination and constitutional democracy. Somaliland’s arguments for independence have a legitimate basis in international law, and to prejudice against the inherent rights of Somalilanders, as decolonized peoples, to self-determination3 by subjecting them to a statebuilding project for the region (based on the UNSOM mandate) that ignores these claims is to sacrifice fundamental global principles to short-term political expediency. Somaliland’s historical claims must be clarified through an international legal inquiry and the creation of consensus, instead of having this possibility be prematurely closed out due to the momentum created by a flawed UNSOM mandate and its unitary top-down form of statebuilding—one that does not come close to conforming to either the aspirations of people of Somaliland or the facts on the ground.
This history must also take into account that Somaliland neither endorsed the Constitution of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), nor was a signatory to any of the principles leading
1. 1 Act of Union (1961) Somali Republic Law of 31 January 1961, No.5. (Act of Union) https: www.Somalilandlaw.com-Archives
2 Similar cases of dissolved unions are not uncommon, including Senegambia (formed in 1982 and dissolved in 1989 to reconstitute Senegal and Gambia) and the United Arab Republic (formed in 1958 and dissolved in 1961 to reconstitute Syria and Egypt), among other examples. 3 The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of indigenous peoples can be applied broadly to the people of Somaliland as the native people in their defined territory. The Declaration states the following: ‘Acknowledging that the Charter of the United Nations, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, affirm the fundamental importance of the rights to self-determination of all peoples, by virtue of which they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development’ (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007) Resolution adopted by General Assembly – 107th Plenary meeting 13 September 2007-https: www. un.org)
3.To its creation and Somaliland will not participate in any process that internally concerned to the FGS’s statebuilding course of action, such as the Somalia 2016 elections or the Somalia constitutional referendum. The international community can either support a process that lays claim to legitimate authority over Somaliland without the Somaliland peoples’ consent, or it can support an alternative approach to politically and diplomatically dealing with Somaliland that fully takes into account its unique status. A Transformation of UN-Somaliland Relations The facts and provisions stated above demonstrate the scope to which Somaliland’s claim to independence is both legitimate and legal; and discredits the indifferent, unjustified and potentially coercive diplomatic approach that favors Somali unification. Instead a multi-track approach is better suited to dealing with Somaliland and Somalia simultaneously, one that makes no presuppositions on either the relationship between the two entities or any binding obligations of Somaliland to participate in Somalia’s political and development processes, and instead fulfills the overarching mandate on the UN and its Security Council to promote international peace and security. While in certain instances the UN has taken this differentiated approach, it only occurs in a piecemeal and incomplete fashion, and these concessions are increasingly being eclipsed by macro-strategies and binding decisions put forward by the UN Security Council (such as UNSCR 2102 [2013] that established UNSOM) that fly in the face of Somaliland’s claims to sovereignty and self-determination, and which Somaliland has been forced to protest. The UN should focus on simultaneous development of Somaliland and Somalia, while opening up channels of peaceful dialogue, instead of creating an unequal and unfriendly atmosphere for discussions in which Somaliland finds its core interests increasingly under threat. Somaliland’s reservations about the new UN presence was first explicitly raised during and following the deployment of the UN Technical Assessment Mission (TAM) in March 2013, and these reservations prompted the Somaliland Foreign Minister at the time, Dr. Mohamed Abdillahi Omar, to write a letter in April 2013 to then-UN Security Council President H.E. Mr. Eugene Richard Gasana, in which he presented Somaliland’s view and position towards UN engagement with Somalia and Somaliland. While there were several convincing points made along the lines of what has been mentioned above, this letter has evidently been uncritically ignored and shelved in favor of the UN Security Council’s traditional doctrine of Mogadishu-centric bilateral diplomacy and representation which takes entities like Somaliland out of the picture.
With such a uncharted view of statebuilding in the Horn of Africa, what is lost is the broader principles of the United Nations Charter, which grants the following purpose of the multilateral bod: ‘To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principles of equal
4.rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen Universal peace.’4 In line with the spirit of this clause, the development and endorsement of a United Nations Special Arrangement for Somaliland would be innovative way for the international community to approach Somaliland that would provide a legitimate and implementable avenue for future cooperation between Somaliland and United Nation Offices. This approach would be inspired by the precedent and framework set by the Somaliland Special Arrangement (SSA) of the New Deal which the international community endorsed at a ‘separate and distinct’ perspective and process for supporting the socio-economic and political development of Somaliland.
As the following excerpt shows, such a decision would also be in line with the broad principles of engagement set out by the Somaliland and Somalia governments themselves when agreeing to the SSA and making agreements through their Dialogue process: ‘The simultaneous endorsement of the New Deal principles was conducted in the spirit of the 13 April Ankara Communiqué signed by the Government of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Somalia as part of their on-going dialogue process, in which the sides agreed to work together to encourage greater and more effective international development assistance’.5 The SSA provides encouraging precedent and momentum within the development sphere that can pave the way for Somaliland and the international community to expand its partnership at the macro-level and country-level in a way that is separate and distinct from engagement with Somalia, and which does not violate or threaten Somaliland’s most fundamental interests. The current juncture therefore, also offers a timely opportunity and opening for discourse between Somaliland and United Nations Assistance Mission (UNSOM) to reach common ground and draw up a new and innovative framework for engagement a based on bilateral diplomacy, credible interaction and the equal exchange of ideas and information on how to build a more peaceful and stable region. These are the type of issues that must be occurring at the UN country offices, within relevant embassies and even at the UN headquarters in New York as part of a broader dialogue in harmonizing the various parallel diplomatic strands in the region (UNSOM, the Somaliland-Somalia Dialogue, and the New Deal/SSA) and taking the logical next step in a trend towards internalizing and recognizing Somaliland’s unique status.
4Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the International Court of Justice San Francisco( article 1) (1945) https: www.un.org 5 International Dialogue on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding. A New Deal for engagement in fragile states (2012) Somaliland Special Arrangement (2013-2016) –
5.Moreover, a UN Special Arrangement for Somaliland can provide a way out of the current impasse in the relationship between the Somaliland Government and UNSOM, in which attempts by UN Special Representative to the Secretary General Nicholas Kay to establish a UNSOM sub-office in Hargeisa barred by the Somaliland government. With time having passed and a more clear understanding of the potential relationship between Somaliland and the UN having been fleshed out through UNSOM’s experience on the ground, it is now vital that the Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation requires to engage a diverse array of diplomatic tools to convince the SRSG Kay to contemplate the possibility of establishing this UN Special Arrangement for Somaliland. There is no doubt that Somaliland has demonstrated to the international community its continuous remarkable progress in deepening peace, security and in constructing a working model of statehood that is capable of transforming international community engagement into tangible development achievements. Therefore, opening bilateral talks between Somaliland and UNSOM is essential, as it can serve as a positive diplomatic calculation where both sides build a new partnership that draws from accumulated momentum to pursue progress along a range of mutually-beneficial interests, such as regional stability, security and development. Although there are many public grievances and criticisms against UN operations in Somaliland, including its model of managing programs and making decisions from faraway capitals, such as Nairobi and elsewhere, instead of directly in Somaliland. Nevertheless, the UN remains indispensable and valued partner for Somaliland, alongside other international institutions such as the EU, World Bank and AU. Hence, any partnership between the UN and Somaliland must be based on the principles of direct engagement, shared ownership, equal status, trust, and respect for the norm of ‘do no harm’, and the Somaliland Government must therefore argue—on the basis of many reasonable justifications, such as the current stage of Somaliland’s development and its unique political experiences—for the establishment of a United Nations’ Special Arrangement for Somaliland, similar to the one put together and endorsed by Somaliland and the international community under the New Deal.
Somaliland has been a viable and responsible international partner since 1991 and in this respect had demonstrated socio-economic, political and security commitments and achievements that are beneficial to the entire region. Somaliland’s bottom up approach to recovery and reconstruction is based on inclusive, indigenous and participatory processes which have widely attracted regional and international attention and praise. These locally-driven and resilient processes of peacebuilding, statebuilding and democratization provide lessons and building blocks that must be preserved and promoted throughout the region. In attempting to develop innovate and effective possibilities for revitalizing the partnership and channels of communication between Somaliland and UNSOM Office, full advantage of Somaliland’s achievements can best be ensured if the international community deals with Somaliland as a de facto state in practice,
6.while leaving open the question of de jure statehood to be taken up at the highest of diplomatic levels at the appropriate time. Conclusion, Recommendations and Possible Way Out It is clear that the eventual relationship between Somaliland and United Nations requires a credible and ground-breaking policy transformation that will involve significant levels of consensus-building around a new mode of partnership. The UN needs to recognize that any bilateral agreement between United Nations and the Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu cannot be extended to Somaliland, not only because of the political illegitimacy of such an act (as it goes against the democratic will of the Somaliland people), but also because of its practical incompatibility with the realities in Somaliland (which is characterized by fundamental different of developmental, social and political conditions) Moreover, defining the way out necessitates contextualization, pragmatism and the establishment of suitable diplomatic channels of communication—any coercive diplomatic attempts to overrule this democratic will or alter these realities will only undermine and aggravate the current achievements of Somaliland, while creating less fertile ground for dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia over the future of their political relationship.
1. Since Somaliland and the UN have experienced certain negative repercussions from the fruitless stagnation of relations, it is in the interest of both parties to immediately open cordial dialogue to propose and debate the most appropriate framework for future engagement.
2. Establishing a UN Special Arrangement for Somaliland provides a very amendable avenue and promising foundation for this renewed engagement, and should be put on the table. This means accepting and addressing Somaliland’s case as a special prototype for development and statebuilding in a post-conflict environment, one that is justifiable by contextual precedent (i.e. the SSA of the New Deal) and international law (self-determination and Somaliland’s unique historical context), and is it practical of necessity to ensure a conformity with the ‘do no harm’ principles.
3. The United Nations is urged to rethink and re-evaluate its traditional and nontraditional relationship with Somaliland, because any UN and international community partiality will likely be contrary to the international humanitarian and peacekeeping principles on which it is founded, and could potentially close down the space for productive and peaceful negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia.
4. Creating amicable cooperation between Somaliland and UN requires an adequate consideration of and reflection on the need for addressing the rights and wishes of the
People of Somaliland, and must try to harmonize such engagement with other internal modalities and processes, such as the SSA and the Somaliland-Somalia Dialogue.
5. UNSOM can also contribute to the enhancement of the bilateral dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia, since currently such dialogue provides the most promising means to (1) promote practical cooperation between Somaliland and Somalia to address common issues; (2) resolve disputes arising from the current difference in opinion of Somaliland’s status; and (3) providing for the eventual and final political agreement of Somaliland’s self-determination and independent sovereignty.
6. For its part, Somaliland needs to create the necessary domestic environment conducive to international engagement, and facilitate the establishment of mutually beneficial bilateral relations with the international community, including UN, EU, World Bank, IGAD, UA as well as other international partners.
Mohamed A. Mohamoud (Barawaani) Independent Researcher, MA International Relations and Diplomacy and Author of various academic papers about Somaliland, Somalia and Horn of Africa:
Somali King of Melody, Mohamed Suleiman Tubeec’s passed away earlier toady while undergoing medical treatment in a hospital in Germany where he has been admitted for quite some time. News of his Death first was confirmed to us by one of his sons called Mahdi Mohamed Saleban
The Somali music legend late Mohamed Suleiman Tubeec is well known among the Somali community and started his music career in 1950s, his famously known as “Boqorka Codka” the king of the voice and he grew up in the heyday of Somali music and literature in the 1960s and 70s when music rocked people’s passions with its magical melody, its powerful poetry, and its appeal to the ambitions.
The Late Mohamed Suleiman Tubeec is survived by three wives, four sons, three daughters and 32 children.
SomalilandPress.com team sent their condolences to the family, friends of the Late Mohamed Saleeban Tubeec.
May Allah (SWT) bless his soul our thoughts and prayers are with his family during this difficult time .His untimely death is a great loss to his family and to the Somaliland nation at large.
“Verily to Allah, belongs what He took and to Him belongs what He gave, and everything with Him has appointed time …..and then he ordered for us to be patient and hope for Allah’s reward.
We ask Allah(Subhana Wa Ta’ala) to forgive all his sins and take his soul to Jannat ul Fardowza,ameen. And give patience to his family and magnify your reward at this time.
Inaa lillahi Wa inaa Ilayhi Raji’uun.
SomalilandPress.Com
Below is A Tribute written By Bashir Goth Two Months Ago
Widely known as the Somali King of Melody, Maxamad Saleeban Tubeec’s unique, modulate and soaring voice spoke prophetically of the fate that would befall the Somali nation and with it Somali culture of which music is its crown jewel.
After more than half a century of fame during which Tubeec has entertained, mesmerized, and moved the passions of the Somali people with his magical and inimitable voice in defiance of the ugly tyranny of the Somali people against his rights as a human being and a native citizen, he is now lying in a hospital bed far from home. He said the doctors in Germany where has been taken for treatment confirmed to him that he needs a surgical operation, an operation that he cannot financially afford. The painful news came through adesperate appeal he made through a Somali TV channel, asking Somali people and the Somali government to assist him in meeting the hospital expenses so he can undergo this life giving surgery.
In any world, other than this surrealistic situation of Somalia, Tubeec would have been not only a source of national pride for his contribution to Somalia’s music heritage but also a wealthy man from the copyright and sales of his works. But is it no wonder that within the Somali context where there is no copyright and no respect for intellectual property that artists, no matter how significantly they contribute to the collective national memory of the people, would remain on the lowest rung of the economic ladder.
As a person who grew up in the heyday of Somali music and literature in the 1960s and 70s when music rocked people’s passions with its magical melody, its powerful poetry, and its appeal to the ambitions and dreams of the young Somali nation, I could never have envisioned the day when the whole nation would collapse and Somali musical icons would suffer and die of negligence and anonymity in their old age.
Hearing Tubeec’s pathetic condition, I travelled down memory lane and with the help of like minded people who preserved his music on YouTube, tried to relive the golden age of his music when he breathed the beauty of life into the hearts and souls of people who loved his music but wouldn’t otherwise treat him as an equal human being due to his clan. The days when his melodies symbolized everything beautiful in life and through it we all felt to be immortal.
It was ironic that I encountered his famous lyrics which Somalis have through decades sang and may continue to sing even centuries to come to ring in every New Year. As we stand at the beginning of a New Year, 2014, it is painful and somewhat apocalyptic to hear Tubeec singing the powerful words of Hussein Aw Farah:
One couldn’t miss, however, and might even remember it with a nostalgic feeling how Tubeec spoke to our hearts and made us live life to the full with his song Waqti (Time) in which he admonished Time to stay away from him and let him enjoy his youthful days.
Well indeed, Tubeec had a productive and beautiful youth as one of the most loved singers of his generation and a man crowned by the Somali people as the King of Melody. Tubeec was a born singer in every genre he under took. But there is no doubt that he first captured the heart and minds of the Somali people all over the Somali peninsula with his patriotic songs at the time of independence. It was Tubeec’s lyrics that dominated the airwaves during the celebrations for Independence anniversaries. I can recall how the feeling of the people soared with the hearing of Tubeec’s “Dharaartaan waxyeeladay Dhaqdhaqeen” (The Day I Cleansed Myself of Shame) which had become one of the indelible symbols of Somali independence:
I can only imagine how much the words of this song rang bells in Tubeec’s inner soul for while he was passionately singing about the removal of the yoke of colonialism and oppression, he knew in the deepest parts of his heart that he and his family were still carrying the yoke of centuries old societal heinous discrimination and oppression that his voice couldn’t erase. But he still sang for the promise of the day with a great degree of patriotism and optimism.
Another of his unforgettable independence songs was “Way Ahaataye Maaanta” (Yes, today we have done it”, a song with lyrics talking about the need for collaboration and cohesiveness in decision making between the leaders and the people, a message that has lost its way to the heart of the Somali people.
Apart from his patriotic songs, Tubeec’s fame came from his dignified and serene voice, coupled with the pure classical Somali music that represented the era before Somali music was adulterated with foreign styles which is adopted wholesale by modern singers.
Among the most famous of his plethora of love songs was “Dhool Da’ay La Moodyeey” ( O You whose beauty resembles that of a day after rain”
“O You whose beauty resembles that of a day after rain
Since the day I met you
The earth seems to be spinning around me
And I stand between death and life…”
Yet another one of his memorable love songs is “Nayruus” (Nowruz) which he performs with Magool, known also as the Queen of Melody, thus making them a heaven-made duet, and arguably the best two voices of Somali music of all time.
It was in Lagos in 1977 that Tubeec and Magool mesmerized the African audience with their magical, authentic Somali voices. And one of the highlights of the night was“ “MINANKAYGII HADDAAD TIMI’ which I recommend every reader of this piece to watch and enjoy these two artists’ stellar music and regal performance.
The precious archives of Tubeec’s music is priceless and deserve more than a book to cover it, but to throw a couple of more lines into the memory trove, I cannot miss to recall “Hanqaaro” (Urge)
This is not a eulogy as Tubeec is very much alive and I wish him quick recovery but it is an attempt to remind the Somali people and the Somali government that our cultural icons and music legends like Tubeec and Cabdi Tahliil who is also ill and in need of treatment should never have been allowed to meet this fate.
It is almost a crime that we had the music of Tubeec and Tahliil to enjoy and took pride in the legacy they left for us and then let them suffer and face life alone in their twilight years. Undeniably the tragedy that befell Tubeec and other artists like him reflects the tragedy of a nation whose country, heritage, and collective memory are all in ruins, but the Somali governments, no matter what, are duty bound to give these artists the status and financial pension that they rightly deserve.
Finally, I would like to urge the Somali people and particularly the Somali government to extend their support and welfare to Tubeec and Tahliil who unlike other artists cannot seek clan support and who despite historical injustices always count the Somali people as a whole as their Tol.
It will only be befitting to end this peace with Tubeec’s following heart-wrenching song:
This paper examines the current situation of the Somaliland media industry and its regulatory frame work including laws, policies, complaining and licensing procedures, contents regulations, core principles and doctrines based on ethics, fairness and equal opportunity related to printing, broadcasting, electronic and social media whether it’s private media or publicly owned one. The paper discusses how weak institutions and lack of application of the law and other regulatory framework of the media contributed to the under-development of Somaliland media and its current situation. The study questions why regulatory frameworks are not applied and enforced, the ways in which legal and other regulatory framework can contribute to the development and quality service of the media. The conclusion that could be expected from the study is to come up with some recommendations for the future development of the Somaliland media and consolidation of the freedom of expression because media is the backbone and corner stone of the freedom of expression which is one of the basic human rights for modern society to survive.
Keywords: Media law, regulatory framework, fairness-doctrine, equal-opportunity, Broadcasting, Media-policies, Code of conduct and Ethics.
Introduction
Prior to the declaration of independence of Somaliland in 1991, the Somali state was under a military regime which the freedom of expression and media has been in a doomed situation. Human rights abuses including freedom of the press and expression, demonstration and movement, extra-judiciary killings, torture, force disappearance had been practiced systematically and were part and parcel of the governance system during the Siad Barre’s regime from 1969–1991 (Adam: 20012: 4 ).
Following the fall down of the military and subsequent collapse of the Somali state in 1991, Somaliland has declared as independent state from the rest of the country. The freedom of expression and press became one of the cornerstone of the peace and state building process of the contemporary Somaliland. In this regard, one of the reasons why struggle and rebellion against Siad Barre’s regime started in the early days of the military junta administration is regarded as the lack or abuse of the freedom of expression and press (Adam, 2007: 4).
On the contrary, as soon as the Somaliland Republic launched its state and peace building processes in 1991, all types of Media including, the printed, electronic and broadcasting became catalyst of different sects of Somaliland to play their role in building state institutions and governance system. On the other hand, experience and knowledge of the people about the media and its industry were limited if not absent because of the long period of the authoritarian system which negatively affected the way of thinking of the society (Adam, 2007: 5). On the same token, the state institutions and infrastructures have been very weak and all regulatory framework including laws, policies and complain procedures have not been applied adequately for long time and not sufficient.
This paper examines the practices and the regulatory framework of the Somaliland media in post– 1991 era till today and explains how the policies and other laws have been applied if any. The study discusses the legal gaps and challenges that mostly face newly emerging media industry, such as those in Somaliland. The study highlights the extent to which both media and state institutions in Somaliland are capable of managing the legal challenges and gaps evident within the industry before further conflicts erupt between the media and state institutions.
Methodology
This Research on media industry and its role within Somaliland was exclusively carried out through both primary and secondary sources. In primary sources individual interviews and discussions with dignitaries, academicians, and journalists were conducted. In secondary, in-depth desk review were conducted. Furthermore, the focus of this study was primarily on two key actors: the practice and the regulatory framework of the media.
Media in Contemporary Somaliland
Shortly after declaring its independence from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland adopted form of customary democracy which allows the society at large to chase its diverse and different interests through democratic means to practice kind of liberal democracy, which encourages freedom of speech, expression, association, demonstration and the same (HRW, 2009: 13).
In this respect, Somaliland media industry has taken on a wider meaning where formal government structures have existed fragile and have lacked the legitimacy of internationally recognized statehood. Civil society organizations (CSOs) including the media encompass a wide range of social groupings which have assumed various roles as service providers, advocates and peacemakers and representing a wide range of social interests. These agents operate across different fields from emergency relief, through rehabilitation and reconstruction, to development and advocacy, human rights protection and occupy many of the functions normally attributed to local and even national government (Haroon, 2011: 15).
The inclusion of media within the cluster of civil society was an important step forward.In Somaliland, media plays an equally important role, both in community leadership, dispute resolution and as part of the governance structure.Media comprise the printed, electronic and broadcasting has contributed its part in building or strengthening state institutions. Despite the enormous challenges of subjugation and arbitrarily detention, the media have ensured the survival of the freedom of speech and expression.
Nevertheless, even as media foundation have positively expanded and contributed to the development of Somaliland media industry in a quantitative manner in recent years, media industry continues to face several challenges including policies and regulatory frameworks those accepted by the concerned parties (Ibid: 16).
It is important to note that the media has played unforgettable and crucial role for building truth and reconciliation among the divided society by publishing articles addressing and tackling the sores of the conflict and the civil wars by adopting indigenous approaches ( Ibid: 16)
International standards which Grantees the freedom of expression and press
The following are some international principles which protect the freedom of expression and press:
UN General Assembly Resolution 217A(III), adopted 10 December 1948, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes the right to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”
In 1946, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 59(I) which states: “Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and … the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated.”
The freedom of information principle has now passed into what is known as customary international law, the body of law that is considered binding on all States as a matter of international custom. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”) elaborates on many of the rights set out in the UDHR, imposing formal legal obligations on State Parties to respect its provisions (Michael, 2004: 25). Article 19 of the ICCPR guarantees the right to freedom of expression in terms very similar to those found in Article 19 of the UDHR. Freedom of expression is also protected in the three regional human rights systems, Article 10 of the European Conventionon Human Rights (European Convention) Article 13 of the American Convention onHuman Rights and Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right(OSCE: 2010:8).
Current Practice of the media in Somaliland and its Regulatory Framework
Press regulation
The Somaliland Press Law 2004, which initially when it was a bill, proposed many criminal offences for the media, did not, in the end, include criminal sanctions and relied instead on a largely self-regulating regime based on the press code of conduct. The Law also made it clear that no journalist shall be detained for undertaking his journalistic activities unless otherwise ordered by a competent court (Article 8(1)) and that all other laws inconsistent with the Press Law are repealed (see Article 31).
Broadcasting Law
It is universally accepted that broadcasting, unlike the print sector, must be regulated, if only to ensure order in the airwaves. Broadcasting regulators should be independent from political and commercial interventions which can damage the independency and impartiality of broadcasting media and cannot act as a watchdog to the public sector and conveys message to the citizens and communities at large to know more about what is going in their State affairs. Currently, there is no broadcasting law which regulates TVs, Radios and other electronic media and it is really needed to be in place in the earliest time possible.
Complain procedures
In Somaliland Complains against media goes directly to the court because there is no any other alternatives which victim of the media (whether public figure or private citizen) can get relief. Independency of media is corner stone and it needs appointments of governing bodies of regulatory bodies which protects media from the intervention coming from the government and gives discourse for relief for those complaining about the media before it reaches to the judiciary. So as to avoid domination by any particular interest group whether public sector, media, political parties or civil society the body should be inclusive framework and members should come from all across sectors.
The complain-procedure bodyto be functioning ; there should be a clear mechanism about the appointments process, putting in place clear rules which prohibit any conflict of interest – which should apply both to political figures, such as prohibiting senior members of political parties from being members and to commercial conflicts, so that those with vested interests in broadcasting cannot sit as members – and providing members with security of tenure, so that they sit on the body for a fixed period of time and cannot be removed without good cause.
Licensing and registration procedure
As noted, licensing and registration of different media is necessary if only to avoid chaos and poor quality media and media professionals. There are also a perhaps more profound reasons to license and register the different media outlets including broadcasting, print and social media and this is to promote quality of the media. On the other hand, there are also some other reasons which licensing and registration of the media are important including protecting the media outlets not to abuse their power, ensure that the media should be financially viable and to protect them from the power abuse and interference which are coming from the other actors including public sector, private sectors and other organized groups.
In Somaliland licensing and registration are very weak especially the personnel who are joining the media professionals. Everybody can join media profession without any license and paying nothing to the state when it comes about taxes and other duties. This is one of the reasons which the different media outlets compromise the quality of the media production because unskilled professionals can contribute nothing to the media development but it is vice versa and harms the development of the media.
On the other hand, when it comes licensing and registration the print media is fundamentally different from broadcasters and international principles and laws related to the freedom of expression calls up very simple procedure even at some point they call registration should be waved from the print media to encourage media to a have self-regulatory frame-work.
Critical Analyses about Somaliland Press Law 2004
In principle, a press law should put in place a legal framework which helps to organize the media’s work and to provide guidance to the press. It should secure journalists’ access to information and protect the fundamental right of the individual to express his or her point of view freely through the print media.
The Somaliland Press Law 2004, which initially when it was a bill, proposed many criminal offences for the media, did not, in the end, include criminal sanctions and relied instead on a largely self-regulating regime based on the press code of conduct (Ibrahim, 2007:2). The Law also made it clear that no journalist shall be detained for undertaking his journalistic activities unless otherwise ordered by a competent court (Article 8(1)) and that all other laws inconsistent with the Press Law are repealed (see Article 31).If there are any breach and infringements done by the media; it has to be dealt in this law and cannot be used any criminal law because media should have civil liability if any wrong done by the Press.The reference to authorization by a court in case of any detention does not, in my view, detract from the non-criminal self-regulation system, but reinforces the freedom of the press by making it conditional on any alleged crimes committed by journalists, which are linked to their occupation, being considered by a competent court before they can be detained (Ibid: 2)
Article 10 of the Law sets out what activities of the Press come under this Law and these are, among other things, the truth of what they have written, as well as balance. It even includes issues such as decency, comments about the religion, military information etc. Article 10(6) then adds that any press which infringes matters set out in the Article (e.g. whoever publishes untruthful articles or indecent articles) will be dealt with in accordance with the Press Code and the civil (NOT the criminal) laws of the country (Ibid: 2). The Press Law has therefore superseded many of the provisions in the Penal Code which relate to legitimate journalistic activities and which are contrary to the freedom of the press. Examples of these are criminal defamation, publishing false news, insult and above all the old 1930s Rocco4 laws which protect the reputation of public officials such as the provisions which make it an offence to insult a public officer (Article 268) or even a political or administrative or judicial body or its representatives (Article 269), in their presence, and by reason of their duties. One can also commit these offences in writing, but only if one addresses the insulting writing to them (Ibid: 2).
Unfortunately up till now judiciary branch is exercising the above mentioned criminal law which has been repealed by press law 2004 and the civil law has not been implemented at all. This practice is against freedom of expression principles.
Code of conduct and other policies.
In Somaliland there is no any other code of conduct which regulates the media industry in general except the press law 2004 and sometimes election-related code of conducts which are developed during the election periods for an ad hoc situation. Even no policies have been generated from the press law to implement it. This area needs much attention and great effort to be done because the soft law is more important than hard law to implement the regulatory frameworks of the media.
State Media
In Somaliland the regulation of public media is a not an easy task because of its nature and the lack of implementation of the laws and other regulatory framework. As with all forms of media regulation, the principle of independence is central to the governance of public media. In addition to protecting independence, the regulatory framework for public media should establish clearly the mandate of public media.
Certain key elements are found in the laws of most public broadcasters and these include the provision of a comprehensive and impartial news service, educational programming and so on. The law should also set out the sources of funding available to public media and how they should be accountable to the public (Toby and Ali, 2006: 5).
Social and Online Media
Social and other emerging media including online outlets have grown rapidly in Somaliland as any other country in the world and traditional mechanisms cannot regulate them because of their nature and how to operate. But in Somaliland there is no mechanism in place which they can be regulated for the interest of the nation and freedom of expression because most of social media outlets are not run in the territorial jurisdiction of the country. Social media has contributed a lot about the spreading the knowledge, freedom of expression and rule of law but it has its shortcomings including challenging all the regulatory mechanisms which are in placeand thatcan cause abuse of freedom expression principle.This phenomenon is not only here in Somaliland but also exists around the world.
Finally, a reform is needed towards media regulatory frameworks to include the social media and other emerging media.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Conclusion
To wind up, the regulatory frame-work of Somaliland media industry needs attention both from the public and private institutions including government, law-makers, media industry owners, private sectors and community at large because it is the only mechanism which protects media from the wrong interventions which can come from those actors and it also protects the public and private actors from the media to abuse their power and infringe the right of others.
So, for Somaliland people and State, it is long way to go for development and reform of the current media and press law to create and put in place a new regulatory frame work which can serve us and protect our freedom expression.
Recommendations
In my view it is time for the Somaliland Government and parliament to consider the following recommendation:
1)The parliament should think to reform the current media law and widely consulted with all stakeholders because it needed and they have to take their role.
2)There should be a good framework which can establish an inclusive body which will be responsible to run and supervise about complains against media, licensing-procedure, training and capacity building for media personnel and all other issue which needed.
3)Media infringement should be dealt in civil liability manner not as criminal liability manner and the infringement cases against media should be civil case because the Press Law 2004 repeals all other laws especially penal and criminal laws which criminalize the press and other media outlets.
4)There is nothing wrong with most of the provisions of the Penal Code, but it should be revised so as align it with the Somaliland Constitution and the other modern laws of the Republic. In particular, all the insult or criminal defamation provisions in the Penal Code or the other offences which mention the press should be swept away (Ibrahim, 2007: 10)
5)A simple and modern civil defamation law can be passed, with a higher threshold for public officials who, when challenging falsehoods relating to their public conduct, must prove that the statements were made with actual malice or with reckless disregard of the truth.
6)The Press Law and the self-regulating system of the press should be strengthened and not weakened. It is also time for a Broadcasting Law to be passed.
7)More training should be given to the police and the prosecution service and all public officials including ministers on human rights law and the position of the media in a democratic country.
i.Reference
Boev, Boyko. 2010. “Analysis of the Draft Law on Freedom of Expression of Moldova”. OSCE.
H. Ahmed, Adam.2007. “Somaliland media: an overview and introduction”. Somalilandlaw
H.Ahmed, Adam. 2012. “Identifying challenges against winning an international
recogniztion and its prospect: the case of Somaliland.” Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala, Sweden.
Human Rights Watch 2009. Somaliland: ‘Hostage to Peace’- Threats to Human Rights and Democracy in Somaliland. New York: Human Rights Watch.
I.M.Lewis. 2002. A Modern History of the Somali: Revised, Updated and Expanded. 4th edition. United Kingdom: Long House Publishing Services.
J.Hashi, Ibrahim. 20007. “ Using Insult Laws is an Insult to the Somaliland Media and Public – the detention andtrial of Haatuf Journalists”.Somalilandlaw .
Mendel, Toby & Khashan, Ali. 2005. “The Legal Framework for Media in Palestine and Under International Law”. Ministry of Information of Palestine.
Schoiswohl, Michael. 2004. Status and (Human Rights) Obligations of Non-Recognized De Facto Regimes in International Law: The Case of ‘Somaliland ’. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
UN General Assembly.1948 “Resolution 217A (III)”. UN
[1]Adam is an Advocate, conflict resolution practitioner, Researcher and his research area of Interest include rule of law, International Law, Media Law, Human rights, TransitionalJustice,Indigenous conflict resolution Mechanism, E-mails:you can reach him through his Email: aadamhaji@gmail.com.
We warmly invite you to a charity fundraiser featuring‘Through the Fire’, a documentary made in Hargeisa and Mogadishu that highlights the strength and courage of Somali women. The film will be followed by a panel discussion led by Edna Adan Ismail, former First Lady, Foreign Minister and founder/director of the Edna Adan Hospital.
Funds from ticket sales will be donated to the three organisations supported: the Edna Adan Hospital, Dr Hawa Abdi Foundation and Elman Peace and Human Rights Centre.
‘Through the Fire’shows a side of Somalia and Somaliland beyond the familiar reports of piracy, conflict and famine. It tells the stories of three heroic Somali women, Dr Hawa Abdi, Edna Adan Ismail and Ilwad Elman, who have each led groundbreaking humanitarian initiatives that have sustained their communities for years. In the face of incredible obstacles, these women have worked tirelessly to spearhead efforts towards peace and renewal, laying foundations for health, education and social infrastructure.
It is reported that Richard Burton once said Arabs called Somalia Bilad Wa issi, the land of give me something! This reminded me of a more apt tweet from a prominent Somali figure. As you may recall donors pledged 2.4 billion dollars at a conference in Brussels last year. This is the fund (or lack of) that got this famous Somali tweeter personality nose out of joint. He was complaining about how the donors never kept their promise! You might think with all the current corruption scandals in Somalia no one will be masochistically devoted to the begging bowl. Foreign aid is one of the most popular ways the western world recommends as a way of combating poverty in Africa. Most of the literature on foreign aid is saying that International aid is ineffective in fostering economic growth. The fundamental assumptions that aid money is effective in contributing to economy is somehow flawed. Foreign aid is effective if economic policies of a country is good. A country with no strong financial system like Somalia will most likely divert funds to the great gaping maws of greedy politicians. The aid money is mostly wasted on overhead and corruption. While considerable good comes out of supporting Somalia pay for its government, misappropriation of aid money will keep crippling the progress of state building in Somalia! I’m not suggesting any bad faith or malice on the path of those sedulous leaders trying to resuscitate Somalia. Indeed, it is the feckless leaders that have love affair with foreign aid that I am upbraiding here! If Al-shabab can be more sensitive to the plight of the most vulnerable citizens, I’m sure those in power can also be as creative and imaginative.
Al-Shabab thinking beyond terrorism
In their most ebullient moment, Al-Shabab was reported to have envisioned a self-sufficient Somalia. It is reported that as a consequence of Al-shabab’s canal building projects in Lower Shabelle, farmers productivity increased dramatically. Al-shabab realized that it is propitious time to initiate self-help projects. It may be instructive to recall that this is the same pesky Al-shabab that have terrorized the country! Al-shabab alleges that most of these aid groups relentlessly squeezes the local economy. According to Al-shabab, NGO’s dependence spells disaster. A fast growing debate is generated over the effectiveness of international aid in combating poverty in the developing world. The recent public spat between Dambisa Moyo, the author of Dead Aid, and Bill Gates of Microsoft, proves that the debate is gaining more attention. Foreign aid money can be a deadly virus that attacks the bodies of countries that are beset by political and economic disappointments. Sources like private funds, and diaspora remittance have proved to be quite effective in fostering growth and investments. These funds are less likely to be misspent as compared to misappropriation of most of the foreign aid money.
Vultures Perch in Villa Somalia
Today Somalia is poor because of the long protracted civil war, and the stifling dominance of politics and economics by corrupt elites. If your eyes are as sharp and your ears as acute as ever, you will note that Somalia is a country where institutions don’t work, criminality and corruptions at the top office goes unchecked. Aid flow destined to help rebuild Somali government mostly end up in the pockets of the well-connected politicians. Corruption should undoubtedly be a critical concern for donors. A Kenyan newspaper columnist, Rasnah Warah, reported in her recent column that millions of dollars, mostly from Arab countries, were never deposited in the central bank (http://www.nation.co.ke/news/-/1056/2228088/-/14buggq/-/index.html). One wonders where all the money went. Some shocking reports are showing that Somalia was given close to seven hundred million dollar from 2004-2013.The same leaders responsible for mismanaging these foreign aids are sitting in their vultures perch at Villa Somalia waiting for more opportunities to steal! The late American historian Howard Zinn once commented, “There is a basic weakness in governments, however massive their armies, however wealthy their treasuries, however they control the information given to the public: Their power depends on the obedience of citizens, of soldiers, of civil servants, of journalists and writers and teachers and artists. When these people begin to suspect they have been deceived and withdraw their support, the government loses its legitimacy and its power”. Unfortunately it may come as an unpleasant surprise to some that the current Somali government is slowly losing legitimacy (if they haven’t already). And frankly speaking it is the citizens’ responsibility to demand a government that can foster their development more fully than what the current government is offering!
This is an era of showy, but insubstantial affection for Somalia-of clan arguments that burns like a jet fuel! You don’t have to go far back to find Somalia leaders ever present hypocrisy. The reaction of those implicated in the recent central bank scandal proves the contentious relationship of truth with Somali leaders. Even more disturbing is that brave people like Yusra Abrar who couldn’t stomach the corruption are intimidated. The former minister of foreign affairs, Fowzia Adan, released a statement responding to Reuters damaging allegations about her hands in the scandal .I guess the allegation lacerated Fowzia like a flying glass! In her unmistakable stink of desperation, Fowzia decided to pass the blame like a hot potatoes! Fowzia claims she was only a messenger that passed information from assistant minister of finance to the director of central bank. Unfortunately for Fowzia, she couldn’t squeeze the paste back into the tube.Some people even rushed to Fawzia’s defense by saying women can never be corrupt! Unbeknownst to them that a new study by political science researchers at Rice University titled “Fairer Sex” or purity myth? Corruption, Gender, and institutional Contexts” writes that, “Where corruption is stigmatized, women will be less tolerant of corruption and less likely to engage in it compared to men. But if “corrupt” behaviors are ordinary part of government supported political institutions, then there will be no corruption gender gap” (http://jee3.web.rice.edu/corruption.pdf). The more society disapproves corruption, the more women also disapproves corruption.
The case for Self-help Initiatives
The most damning delusion that western foreign aid left us with is the feeling of helplessness. Al-shabab’s argument for self-sufficiency at least has some credibility! Many Somaliland locals lulled by the peace they enjoy, and paralyzed by their country lack of international recognition are tempted to think that they are missing all the foreign aid. The deeper truth is that, for quite Some time, the move in favor of Secession have insulated Somaliland to define their own needs and come up with solutions and strategies to survive without recognition.We are all embedded in a complex network of affiliations; we are members of some clan and extended families. Few months ago I got a phone call from a diaspora group building roads in Somaliland. Now, I knew much of Somalia roads remained in tatters after the civil war. Because of the appeal of the projects, I wholeheartedly supported it. The road being built was in an area right outside Hargeisa. Today more than 13km of road is built on that part of Somaliland, and many roads are on the path of being completed in Somaliland (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3_u4JBmfmaA). Foreign aid will have diminished the need of the public to take control of their roads. Moreover, foreign aid would have also provided the government with monopoly over the control of the funds for these projects. Ultimately, the effectiveness of self-help initiatives hinged on the framework of communal vision and shared responsibilities of the citizens.The celerity of Somaliland citizens in building their own roads should gratify any proud Somali. The building initiatives of roads is quite a feather in Somaliland’s cap! Most of the current successful projects are financially supported by the public and diaspora remittance. This is not to say Somaliland doesn’t receive foreign aid money, or that Somaliland is free from corruption. Far from it, if anything this proves that both Somalia and Somaliland self-help initiatives is a far better gamble than any foreign aid handouts. A good governance and low poverty rate are derived from the actions and the thoughts of good citizenship.
In sum, the golden nugget mined from self-help projects is that if done correctly they could free all Somalis from handouts. And if the underlying conditions are highly favorable, Somalia self-help initiatives is possible dream. Whether and how much Somalia actually form these communal initiatives depends on many circumstances, among which is the nature of the community leaders. The ideal for self-help remains grand, as they must have, but demanding and exacting the realization of independent Somali people requires the painstaking work of ordinary citizens and good leadership. I suppose what I’m calling for here is a national imperative to do and be better citizens.
The Minister of Public Works ,Housing and Public Transport Hon Abdirizaq Khalif Ahmed has issued a ministerial directive which bans local government authorities in the country from allotting land deeds and excludes them from the issuance of decisions in any land legalisation process and dispute resolution processes), identifying land for development, creating land sharing arrangements with immediate effect.
The Press statement which read as follows:
Minister of Public Works, Housing and Public Transport also the chairman of the national committee tasked with reclamation of public properties and government buildings currently in private hands has issued the following directives
1. The Government of Somaliland shall in accordance section 4 & 5 of urban land management law (Law No: 17/2001) and in accordance with section 8 Law No: 17/2001 which stipulates that local authorities shall refrain from granting of new titles specially over land designated for public purposes e.g. mineral designated areas, agricultural lands, beaches and area designated for future public amenities.
2. The Government of Somaliland shall in accordance with section 8 of the Regions & Districts (Self-Management) Law (Law No: 23/2002) prohibits local authorities officials from issuance of document in regards to the
A. Allocation of land or relating to ownership of public Property.
B. Local governments have no authority whatsoever or may not have the power of issuing land documents, Sale and Transfer any land designated for Public amenities and agricultural lands.
C. The ministerial directive do hereby prohibits the sale, transfer, allocation and occupation of government owned buildings this in accordance with Presidential decree # JSL/M/XERM/249-2314 All public buildings and land currently in private hands is to be returned to the government with immediate effect failure to do so one may not qualify for government compensation.
The above ministerial directive goes into effect as of the 10/3/2014 and all governmental agencies concerned and farm owners are do hereby informed has been
Signed by Minister of Public Works, Housing and Public Transport
KAMPALA, Uganda/NEW YORK, 10 March 2014—Since I was appointed the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa in August 2013, I have as my top priority linked human rights and the AIDS response. In recent months, I have engaged with governments, public officials and civil society leaders in Africa, where we are seeing a dangerous resurgence of discrimination and homophobia in some countries.
In Uganda, I highlighted to President Museveni that the criminalization of homosexuality only serves to fuel stigma and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons and risks undermining the national AIDS response, which is otherwise making significant progress. In my meetings with members of Parliament, I expressed extreme caution that the passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act would have negative public health implications and serious consequences for Uganda’s international reputation and support from donors. While the most odious provisions of the original bill prohibiting the “promotion” of gay rights and the death penalty provision were dropped, it is with deep regret that, despite my efforts, the President of Uganda recently signed the Anti-Homosexuality Act into law.
I stand in full support of the Secretary-General’s leadership and UNAIDS’ position and engagement on this issue. In my capacity as the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy, I am working with the Ministry of Health to ensure that the Act is subjected to a regulatory impact assessment, and the Minister of Health of Uganda has also made public assurances that the Act will not undermine the Government’s policy of non-discrimination in the delivery of health services.
I am in full solidarity with the LGBT community and I will continue to defend their rights in Uganda and across Africa. Rest assured of my unwavering support and action for the realization of the rights for every human being, which has been my struggle since childhood. I will not reverse my path.
I will continue to engage with the Government of Uganda and civil society organizations on this important matter, and I continue to urge the Government of Uganda to revise or repeal the Anti-Homosexuality Act at the earliest opportunity.
I look forward to briefing the Secretary-General in person on this important matter during my mission to New York.
# # #
—
Tumusiime K. Deo Communications Assistant to
Dr. Speciosa Wandira-Kazibwe
UN Secretary General Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS-Africa;
Senior Presidential Adviser Population & Health/
Vice President Emeritus-Republic of Uganda
The Minister of Commerce and International Investment Dr. Mohamed Abdillahi Omer left the country yesterday evening headed for the UAE to sign major business related deals.
Reliable source have confirmed to us that the minister of Commerce was invited by the UAE officials in a bid to discuss major deals which the government of Somaliland and the UAE have been working on in the past few months and which are said to be in the final stages.
The Minister of Commerce was recently quoted saying “We intend to invite a number of UAE business groups to visit and invest in Somaliland in oil and gas-exploration opportunities, and our fisheries industry,”
Dr. Omar said, “Investment opportunities in the oil, gas and fisheries industries had been presented to the Emirati’s.
The UAE and Somaliland have developed close cooperation in the areas of trade, investment, the fight against piracy and regional affairs.
