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Ethiopia: EITI or Clare’s Corruption Club?

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Clare Short has won! Congratulations, Clare! Brava!

Last week, Clare Short, Chair of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), succeeded in bullying the EITI Board members into voting to admit the ruling regime in Ethiopia into her Club.  She did it the old-fashioned way— arm-twisting, browbeating, bulldozing, rear-end kicking, a little bit of jawboning and sweet-talkin’ and a whole lot of temper tantrum throwing. She had learned her lessons well. In 2003, when Short ripped into Tony Blair and threatened to resign her position as Secretary of State for International Development over the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq, she fulminated defiantly, “But they were going to war anyway and they were going to bully and pressure countries to vote for it.”

Clare, we knew “you were going to bully and pressure your Board members to vote and let the corrupt regime in Ethiopia into EITI anyway.” Brava! You have won. Take a victory lap. Raise the roof. You have vanquished the “human rights campaigners”, humiliated and mocked the civil society representatives on your Board in front of the whole world and chased those hapless and voiceless Diaspora Ethiopians right out of town. Now, it is time for you to go to Addis and celebrate. You’ve earned it. Let the champagne and cognac flow. You now own EITI. It’s your baby! While you’re at it, make it real. Give EITI a new name. How about Clare’s Corruption Club? Has a nice ring to it. “The Triple C.”

What is truly fascinating is the fact that Short’s philosophy (she calls it “principles”) of controlling corruption in the mining and extractive industries in the most corrupt countries of the world has prevailed. In batting to admit the regime in Ethiopia into the EITI, Short advanced a short-sighted theory of mining corruption control, which can be reduced to the following simple proposition: Admit the most corrupt regimes in the world into EITI by having them playing-acting transparency and accountability. Have them do a little shuffling and song and dance.  Insist that they make a public confession by babbling a few trendy phrases about transparency and good governance. Have them complete a make-believe application form with a lot of feel-good bureaucratic mumbo jambo. Demand that they publicly pledge allegiance to mining best practices. Then wine and dine them. In other words, dress up crooks, thugs and racketeers  in designer suits, parade them in public like respectable national leaders, groom them for three years and re-introduce them to the world as  anti-corruption warfighters in Clare Short’s Army. That’s the Clare Short Way of cleaning up the corrupt mining, mineral and oil sectors in Africa and elsewhere.

The decision to admit the regime in Ethiopia into EITI was a complete fraud done with smoke and mirrors. When the regime’s application was rejected in 2010, the reason given was that the

board concluded that Ethiopia’s ‘Proclamation on Charities and Society’ would prevent civil society groups from being sufficiently independent and meaningfully participate in the process.  The board decided, in effect, not to admit Ethiopia ‘until the Proclamation on Charities and Society is no longer in place.’ This is the only such instance in the history of EITI where a country has failed to be admitted and the grounds for this action was clearly rights-based. (Emphasis added.)

Was the “Proclamation on Charities and Society” changed to justify admitting Ethiopia now? Of course not. What has changed for civil society in Ethiopia since 2010? As a direct result of the “Proclamation”, in 2010, “the number of civil society organizations in Ethiopia was reduced from about 4600 to about 1400 in a period of three months in early 2010.  Staff members were reduced by 90% or more among many of those organizations that survive.”

In one fell swoop, within a span of three months, the “Proclamation” had wiped out 70 percent of the civil society organizations in Ethiopia. In February 2010, the regime froze the assets of Ethiopia’s Human Rights Council, Ethiopia’s oldest human rights organization, and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, effectively incapacitating these two vital institutions; indeed for all intents and purposes outlawing them.

After the Board rejected the regime’s application in 2010, one thing had changed for sure. In March 2011, Clare Short was elected chair of EITI. Short is a longtime cheerleader and champion of the ruling regime in Ethiopia and a groupie of the late Meles Zenawi. She worshipped Meles, and not necessarily in a figurative way. Perhaps she felt she had to avenge the honor of her comrades and avatar for the drubbing they got in 2010 at the hands of the civil society board representatives. After all, when the regime’s application was rejected, that was “the only instance in the history of EITI where a country has failed to be admitted” on “clearly rights-based grounds”. Short set out to get even and avenge the “dishonor” of Meles & Co., by humiliating before the entire world the civil society representatives on the EITI Board who were instrumental in defeating Meles’ first application. Clare, the Avenger got even!

When Short launched her brazen lobbying campaign (I did not say bullying) on behalf of the regime in Ethiopia in her March 11 “Open Letter”, she hectored the civil society representatives on the EITI Board like juvenile delinquents. She also made a maddingly flabbergasting observation. “As I look around the EITI implementing countries, I do not accept that the situation for civil society in Ethiopia is worse than a great many of them,” bloviated Short.  What did she mean by that? Who are the members of EITI?

EITI now has some 40 plus members. A good many of the member countries are under the thumbs and boots of some of the most corrupt and brutal regimes in the world. Among them include  Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Cameroon,  Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea, Kazakhstan, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Republic of the Congo, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tajikistan and  Yemen. In her “no worse than a great many of them” parallelism, Short was actually declaring a manifest and undeniable truth: The regime in Ethiopia is no worse than or different from many of the current EITI members who engage in gross and massive abuses of human rights. They are all corrupt to the core; they have all crushed and decimated civil society institutions; and they are thugs and gangsters in designer suits sporting bridle leather briefcases. Her real message to her Board, human rights organizations and the Diaspora Ethiopians was simple. “Chill out y’all. Don’t get bent out of shape. Let’s put lipstick on the corrupt thugs and continue with business as usual. Can’t we just get along?”

I agreed with candidate Barack Obama when he said, “You can put lipstick on a pig; it’s still a pig. You can wrap an old fish in a piece of paper and call it change; it’s still going to stink.” EITI can dress up thugs in designer suits, put makeup on them and call them “transparent” and “accountable”, but they are still thugs. You can wrap corruption in EITI logo and call it clean, but it is still going to stink. EITI is the lipstick put on African thug regimes to make them look pretty and clean.

In a strange way, Short is actually quite right. Mea culpa! It is true that many of the African countries in EITI are run by a bunch of wolfish corrupt thug regimes. I actually theorized about them in my commentary, “Thugtatorship, the Highest State of African Dictatorship.” Short is right on the money. Why exclude the thug regime in Ethiopia from its rightful place at the EITI Grand Table of Corruption? It is not fair.

In an even stranger way, Short proves my point perfectly. EITI is indeed mining Corruption Club Central. It reminds me of Alibaba and the 40 Thieves.

Strangest yet, I am grateful to Short for what she has done in her Open Letter fighting tooth and nail to get the regime in Ethiopia admitted into the EITI system. I admire her fighting spirit. Short is the type who will take down anybody to the mat if they stand in her way.

In bullying her Board to approve the regime’s application, she did us all a great service. She inadvertently exposed EITI for what it truly is, a protection and extortion racket. In organized crime enterprises, protection rackets  operate in situations where the police and judiciary are unable, unwilling or are incapable of  providing legal protection to the community. In exchange for a  “small protection fee”, the racketeers effectively maintain “law and order” for their clients and ensure that they are not bothered by other gangsters and hooligans.

Many of the EITI member countries are incapable of controlling corruption through their own legal institutions. The vast majority of them are one-man, one-party jobs. Political institutions are corrupted to the core. They have rubberstamp parliaments. Their prosecutors are benighted goons and party hacks with make-believe law books under their armpits. The judiciary is in the back pockets of the regime leaders. The anti-corruption commissions are used as guided missiles to wipe out political opponents, including dissenters within the regimes. There is no rule of law, only the rule of ignorant thugs.

Comes now EITI ready to impose a new world order of morality and integrity on age-old mining corruption in Africa and elsewhere. Supposedly, that is what EITI has been doing for the past decade. Truth be told, EITI is actually a protection racket for all of the corrupt regimes in its Club. It serves as a safe harbor to corrupt thugs who rapaciously plunder and steal their national resources away from any prying eyes. All the corrupt regimes have to do to be born again and attain the kingdom of EITI is go through a rite of passage: 1) Sign up and recite the EITI catechism. 2) Get baptized and be anointed by the Priestess. 3) Perform a few acts of contrition in public. 4) Give indulgencies for all prior acts of corruption. 5) Wait in limbo for three years in preparation for beatification from corrupt to clean.

It is a great scam for the thug regimes. They get to wear the EITI badge of (dis)honor and swagger about pontificating about how free they are from corruption. The EITI badge will give the corrupt thugs in Ethiopia bragging rights. They will flaunt their EITI good housekeeping seal of approval in the face of the international human rights organizations and the voiceless Diaspora Ethiopians. “In your face Human Rights Watch! In your face, Diaspora Ethiopians! We’re clean as a hound’s tooth, and we can prove it. Check out this cool badge!” They will continue to ply their mining corruption above suspicion, aboveground, aboveboard and above the law. EITI membership gives them the license and to steal, wheel and deal their natural resources to unsuspecting investors and the moral legitimacy to squeeze the loaners and donors for some mo’ extra cash.

EITI’s charade about its standards and criteria for admission is its omerta (code of silence) and its method of silencing not only its external critics but also internal dissenters. EITI shrouds itself in a whole litany of bureaucratic mumbo jambo about admissions criteria, accountability and transparency. Short dismissed all that as nice PR verbiage in her Open Letter when she wrote, “the entry bar to candidates should be clearly and simply whether there is enough space for civil society to work with EITI.” What about those high-falutin’ and pretentious official standards? Are they mere ritual songs and dances?

By any objective measure, the admission of the regime in Ethiopia into EITI shows that the EITI standards are hollow and vacuous. EITI proclaims that to join the Club, a “government is required to issue an unequivocal public statement of its intention to implement the EITI.” Big deal! A government “must appoint a senior individual to lead on the implementation of the EITI.” Sure, corrupt Tweedle Dee appoints corrupt Tweedle Dum to lead the implementation.  A government is “required to commit to work with civil society.” What civil society? Not a problem. Since the corrupt thugs have decimated all real civil societies in their countries, EITI gives them permission to invent their own. That is precisely what the regime in Ethiopia did when it invented out of whole cloth the “Ethiopian National Journalists Union”. What a joke! The Meles Zenawi Prison in Kality, just outside the capital city of Addis Ababa, warehouses all of the real journalists — internationally celebrated ones and multiple recipients of the most coveted and prestigious press awards in the world — including Eskinder Nega, Reyot Alemu and Woubshet Taye. Eskinder was sentenced to 18 years for criticizing the late Meles Zenawi and for commenting on the Arab Spring. Reeyot and Woubshet were handed 14 year sentences for expressing their views in their weekly magazines.

Expecting the “Ethiopian National Journalists Union” to press for real accountability and transparency in the mining sector is like expecting an accurate accounting of missing hens from the fox guarding the hen house. The basic idea in the EITI regime is to facilitate the publication of accurate and verifiable data on the mining, mineral and oil sectors under strict independent public oversight and scrutiny with direct public engagement. The ultimate aim is to make sure “Revenues generated from the extraction of natural resources are available for the public to see.”

When it comes to data, the regime in Ethiopia is notorious for cooking the books. As I demonstrated in my commentaries “The Voodoo Economics of Meles Zenawi” and “The Fakeonomics of Meles Zenawi”, the Meles regime had been cooking the economic statistics to falsely claim that under his leadership Ethiopia achieved “double-digit economic growth” for a full decade. What is fascinatingly instructive is the fact that Meles cleverly fed his bogus economic growth data to the World Bank (WB)  and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) so that they can blow his trumpet. Even though they knew better, the WB and IMF were willing accomplices in the perpetuation of one of the greatest and boldest economic canards in recent times.

I shall argue that the regime in Ethiopia will pull the same tricks and hide behind EITI’s skirt to report all kinds of bogus statistics about mining production and revenues, while siphoning off hundreds of millions and depositing them in their personal offshore accounts. In due course, I expect to write a commentary entitled, the “The Voodoo Statistics of Mining Corruption in Ethiopia Through EITI”.

EITI aims to create the illusion of legitimacy, credibility, transparency and accountability through its lofty-sounding standards while in fact legitimizing and giving cover to corruption in the extractive industries in Africa and other developing countries. EITI is the “stealth technology” the corrupt regimes in Africa and elsewhere having been looking for so that they can cruise in plain view while ripping off the resources of their people without suspicion or detection. EITI is one of the slickest, sleaziest and slimiest con games to be played out on the world stage in a long time.

Demanding a double apology and insisting on one

In my last commentary, Mining Corruption in Ethiopia: A Reply to Clare Short, I suggested that Short should offer an apology to Diaspora Ethiopians for her monstrous fatwa demanding that they be shut out of the debate over Ethiopia’s  admission into EITI. She urged her Board to “listen to [the]…clear and united voice of civil society in Ethiopia, rather than opposing voices from the Ethiopian diaspora.” She effectively argued that the voice of Diaspora Ethiopians should be  silenced.

The  “clear and united voice of civil society of Ethiopia”, of course, is only a figment of Short’s unhinged imagination. There is neither clear, united nor even a voice of civil society in Ethiopia. The real civil society organizations have been muzzled, gagged and bagged years ago. But Short for some reason wants to perpetuate the myth that there is “civil society” in Ethiopia. Perhaps like her bosom buddy Meles Zemawi, she must love telling bedtime stories. I am actually cool with fairy tales. I also like Dr. Seuss. “One fish. Two fish. Red fish. Blue Fish.” One civil society organization. Two. Red civil society organization. Blue.

Really, I was somewhat wishful that Short may issue an apology to Diaspora Ethiopians out of a sense of magnanimity and noblesse oblige. Perhaps she might have said, “Sorry, I have been misunderstood and quoted out of context.” She does not actually have to mean it, just a nice PR exercise. Short does not have the generosity to apologize to the victims of her misguided wrath. She has a long reputation for being a bully bordering on “thuggy”, to use the contemporary parlance of youth. Short is known for being short-fused and short-tempered. Richard Dowden, the respected British Journalist, recounted his experiences with her in 2011. “I once interviewed her on a plane and when I pressed a point about human rights in Rwanda she threatened to have me thrown off. Since we were over Guinea at the time, I backed off. Now we meet in the genteel tranquility of London’s Commonwealth Club and she is calm and reflective – though still capable of taking a swipe at anyone who tries to tinker with her creation.” Short don’t play. She bullied Tony Blair into submission. (No wonder Blair confessed, “I feel like an abused and bullied wife.” It’s Short’s short way or the long highway! I have to give her credit though. She is a formidable apologist for the thugs in power in Ethiopia.

No need to apologize to Diaspora Ethiopians. But Short must apologize to Ali Idrissa, Faith Nwadishi and Jean-Claude Katende, the civil society representatives on her Board,  and the other members of Publish What You Pay. I insist on it! In her “Open Letter”, she unjustly lambasted the trio for being stooges of the international human rights organizations.  She accused them of being “unhelpfully influenced by strong voices from a special interest group with perfectly well-meaning intentions but who have too much of a ‘north telling the south what to do mindset’”. She hectored them for putting the fate of EITI in the balance by opposing the application of the regime in Ethiopia.

Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende respectfully replied  to short’s Open Letter and told her she had jumped the gun. They said, “Ethiopia’s application to join EITI was not on our agenda at the regional PWYP meeting in Pointe Noire, although the issue did come up when we held our session on the enabling environment.” They explained that there were two views aired at Pointe Noire, one to admit the other to oppose. They challenged her “neutrality” stating, “You have openly taken a position in favour of admitting Ethiopia as an EITI candidate country, going against the principle of neutrality that should characterise your chairmanship. The trust from which you benefit as a chair is grounded in this essential principle.” They expressed puzzlement over her bizarre Open Letter.  “On this issue, we would like to note that we do not understand to what end the letter was made public when it was only addressed to a few people… We would also appreciate if our letter, like yours, would be published on the EITI website. In addition to that, it will be made available to our coalition members on the PWYP-International website.”

Short responded to Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende, not directly, but through her secretary, Jonas Moberg.  It was her way of adding insult to injury. She had no problems writing Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende in her Open Letter and hectoring and pleading with them before the whole world, but when they talked back, how dare they?! They needed to be put in their place. Moberg was the man given the dirty job. I personally felt deeply humiliated when I read the following:

Clare has asked me to answer your letter. Your points are fully noted, except the so called neutrality of the chair. As I have mentioned to Jean-Claude, the chair does not need to be neutral. She should not act as a representative of any of our stakeholders, which is not the same as being neutral.  The chair serves the EITI because she believes in its principles. It is her duty to defend those principles and act in the interest of the EITI, which is what she was doing when she wrote to you. There was no breach of her role in her letter.

Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende are not worthy of a direct response from Her Majesty?!

As I re-read Moberg’s letter, I was pissed off like a squirrel with a frozen pine cone. How dare Short respond to them through her secretary! Who the hell does she think she is?! Couldn’t she have had the grace, no! the simple human decency and courtesy to have her secretary draft the letter for her to sign.  Obviously, Short wanted to send Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende a clear message. She wanted to show them who’s the boss and what it’s all about. She is the Boss and it’s all about mind over matter. Short does not mind and Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende don’t matter!

I am going to apologize to Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende in the name of human decency, respect and honor. I have never met them or talked to them, but as fellow Africans I want them to know that their humiliation is my humiliation. My pride as an African was hurt to see them treated that way, but I want them to know that I am mighty proud of them. Their reply to Short’s off-the-wall Open Letter was an example of  rationality, logic and common sense. In their reply, they showed restraint, professionalism, equanimity and intellectual  honesty. They also showed that their generation of Africans will never say, “Yes! Bwana!”, “Whatever you say Bwana!” Short and her ilk should know that the new generation of Africans will not kowtow to anyone.  The days of “yes suh massah” are long gone. All Africans should be proud of Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende because they showed  dignity and grace in the face of disgrace and outrageous indignity. They did it all in class. Bravissimo! Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende!

I also plead with Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende not be overly offended by Short’s repeated injuries and usurpations.  After all, Short worshiped the late Meles Zenawi. In April 2013, Short spoke of her unbounded admiration for Meles “Superman” Zenawi at a memorial service. She said Meles was  “the most intelligent politician I’ve ever met in my life”.  (Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Harriet Harman, Ed Milliband, David Cameron, John Major, Maggie Thatcher, eat your heart out!) I don’t know about “Meles the Omniscient,” but I have no doubt he was the pick of the litter. Just look around; they are all chasing their tails.

Meles, like Short, was an arrogant man who “thugged” those who opposed or criticized him. He routinely called his opponents “idiots”, “dirty”, “mud dwellers”, “pompous egotists” and “good-for-nothing chaff and husk.” He also called them names that cannot be repeated in polite company. After Meles jailed Birtukan Midekssa, the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history, he called her a  “chicken” who has “gained weight (while she was in solitary confinement in prison) due to lack of exercise.” He took sadistic pleasure in humiliating and demeaning parliamentarians who challenged him with probing questions or even merely offered an alternative perspective. His put-downs, sarcasm and jibes were so humiliating and eviscerating that few parliamentarians dared to stand up to his bullying. When the European Union Election Observer Group confronted Meles with the truth about his theft of the May 2010 election by 99.6 percent, Meles condemned the entire EU Group for preparing a “trash report that deserves to be thrown in the garbage.” What can I say? Like demigod, like acolyte!

Did Short “defend EITI principles” or was she a lobbyist/agent for the regime in Ethiopia?

Short via Moberg’s reply to Idrissa, Nwadishi and Katende said that she was not being partial to Ethiopia but discharging “her duty to defend [EITI] principles and act in the interest of the EITI” when she wrote her Open Letter. Really?

Was Short “defending EITI principles” or pandering to the regime in Ethiopia when she wrote the following in her Open Letter:

I do not accept that the situation for civil society in Ethiopia is worse than a great many of them.

I must add that I find the discussion on Ethiopia to have been unhelpfully influenced by strong voices from a special interest group with perfectly well-meaning intentions but who have too much of a “north telling the south what to do mindset”.

Rejecting Ethiopia’s application will leave Ethiopian civil society with nowhere to go.

I also believe that we should listen to what strikes me as a clear and united voice of civil society in Ethiopia, rather than opposing voices from the Ethiopian diaspora.

There is no doubt in my mind that there is a strong group of activists who mean well but are quick to pick on some African countries which, whilst far from ideal, are no worse on human rights than many other countries.

There is also a serious problem of double standards. For example, removing the Occupy protesters from outside St Paul’s Cathedral by force in my own country hardly raised a murmur. The existence of Guantanamo and use of torture has not been mentioned in relation to the US application.

If [EITI] it is seen as a tool of campaigners it will lose effectiveness and support.

Fall on the sword for what?

Short has fought tooth and nail for the regime’s admission into EITI.  She proclaimed in her Open Letter that she is passionate in her advocacy for admission of the regime in Ethiopia. I respect anyone who has passion for a cause and fights for it, even if I disagree with them. I admire Short for having the balls to stand up for what she believes in. But I do wonder, really wonder! What the price is for her passion? What is the price for Short to fall on the sword for the thugs in Ethiopia? What is the price of Short’s soul?

Who really cares about EITI?

EITI, CCC, EEITI, whatever! Who cares? Who gives a damn!? You can put lipstick on a pig, but it is still a pig. You can put a whole lot of African thugtators in EITI and call them transparent and accountable. At the end of the day, they are still thugtators in designer suits and fancy briefcases.

The suffering, violence and cruelty is going to go on and on in Ethiopia

Short once ruminated, “I think the suffering, violence and cruelty and Guantanamo and the rest is going to go on and on in Iraq.” Well, I feel the same way about Ethiopia. The suffering, violence and cruelty in Ethiopia is going to go on and on. Journalists will be jailed, civil society will be crushed, opposition leaders will be harassed and jailed, dissidents will be kicked around and elections stolen in broad daylight. That will not stop the struggle for peaceful nonviolent change. That will go on and on and on… Ethiopia’s young daughters and sons will rise up and shout out,

We can’t take it anymore! We are hungry! We need freedom! We need freedom! Free Eskinder! Free Andualem!  Free Abubaker! Free Reeyot! Free political prisoners! We need justice! Freedom! Freedom! Freedom! Don’t divide us! Ethiopia is One! One Ethiopia! We can’t take it anymore! We are hungry…”

Just as Short holds American presidents responsible for the suffering, violence and cruelty in Guantanamo and Iraq, I hold Short responsible as an accessory after the fact for the  decimation of civil society in Ethiopia.

Clare  Short, “J’Accuse…!”

“If you shut up truth and bury it under the ground, it will but grow, and gather to itself such explosive power that the day it bursts through it will blow up everything in its way.” Emile Zola

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.

Previous commentaries by the author are available at:

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/

Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:

http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

Somaliland:Plans Underway to Roll out New Prefix Numbering Range to be Used as Future Country Code

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa-Somaliland Minister of Posts and Telecommunications Hon Mohamed Jama Abgaal speaking to the press in his office today revealed plans by the current government of Somaliland to soon roll out a new prefix numbering range for its landline and mobile subscribers in Somaliland different from the 252 STD/ISD country codes which the two countries are currently sharing.

“We have being engaging in consultation and arranging meetings with the local Telecom Operators to decide the way forward in finding an alternative to which Somaliland is part of it since the two countries are sharing the 252 STD/ISD country code, He said.

The Telecommunications Minister said, “Previous Minsters in this Ministry have in the past explored available numbering resources which Somaliland could use and will preferably be totally different from those provided from Mogadishu and we are going to liaise with ITU and other relevant international bodies in order to introduce a different prefixes numbers for both Mobile and Landline numbers. This is essential as Somaliland wants to manage its numbering resources separately from the rest of Somalia.

“All the necessary equipment is in place and will be setup and operated by already trained Somaliland citizens immediately upon the completion of the new premises which will be used as the Ministry headquarters which is currently under all Telecom operators in the country will then adhere and implement the new rules”, Hon Abgal said.

The numbering system current employed recently by local Telecom Operators recently makes them quite easily centralize their ‘routing’ and ‘switching’ resources in Somalia. As a result all incoming and outgoing calls will be routed outside Somaliland and can be tapped easily, which could have serious national security implications.

SomalilandPress.Com

 

Somaliland: Government to Introduce New Measures to Protect Water Catchment Areas – Environment Minister

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By Goth Mohamed Goth 

Somaliland Minister of Environment and Rural Development Hon Shukri Haji Abdullah Bandare  while taking part in an event marking the World Water Day a day before unveiled for the first time plans by the Somaliland Government to introduce massive nationwide water preservation project which will pave way for the construction of man-made water catchment areas, Dams and to be jointly implemented by the Ministry of Water Resources and Ministry of Environment.

Speaking during the well-attended event marking the World Water Day which was held at the Civil Services Hall Madam Shukri Bandare said, “We need to introduce effective methods of water harvesting in a bid to conserve the vast amount of water lost during the rainy season to counter the water shortage in Somaliland, the Ministries of Environment and Water Resource working together with help from their various partners wish to promote “Rain Water Harvesting” for World Water Day. This theme will raise awareness and promote actions at the local level.

Barekad

                                                                                         Above a typical family owned pond used for water catchment

“The new plan also aims to target both urban and rural communities. In addition, the link between rainwater and “Water & Energy” will be made by promoting rainwater harvesting as a low-cost, readily available and energy-saving method of water collection, which does not require any external energy inputs, unlike most other forms of water supply which require motorized pumping, road transport, human resources, etc.  

Madam Shukri lastly said “I take this opportunity to inform all those who want commence sink wells or dig dams or those who want to deploy a rig should first come and inform and seek our permission from both Ministries before he goes ahead with his or her intensions the reason being unchecked actions may contribute to the environmental degradation and which may have lasting negative ecological impact.

Faced with climate change, many of our catchments are already under stress from high demands for water and from diffuse and some point source pollution. The risk and severity of negative ecological  flooding and soil erosion heighten. We need to put in place improved ways to protect water resources at source. That’s why we need to put these measures in place which requires us to urgently change in land use and farming practices and most importantly the cooperation of farmers and other land users.

Somaliland:We Must Urgently Address the Issue of NEC before the Next General Elections-Feisal Ali Waraabe

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

The Chairman of the Justice and Welfare party (UCID) Hon Feisal Ali Waraabesaid that time has come for Political organization to decide on the future of the national electoral commission NEC whose tenure in office has expired and on other issues related to the upcoming Presidential and Parliamentary election which remain unsolved.

Hon Feisal Ali Waraabe said this remarks while addressing the party’s women wing meeting held yesterday, the Justice and Welfare leader went on to say that we have rumors of a possible Presidential term extension have been rive nowadays but let me tell you one thing we won’t allow even for one day unconstitutional extension of term for the current parliament nor for the President and they should know that by now.

Lastly Hon Feisal Ali Waraabe thanked “ALLAH” now that all preparations regarding the Voters process registration have being completed but still we need to solve two matters of national importance , one is the matter of the national electoral commission which needs urgent attention and secondly we must address the issue of holding both the Presidential and Parliamentary at one time.

SomalilandPress.com

Somaliland:Ruling party Third Convention Postponed Indefinitely for the second time this Year

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By Goth Mohamed Goth  

Hargeisa-The third ruling KULMIYE party convention which was due to commence yesterday the 22th of March has once again being indefinitely postponed with no proper reason being given by top party brass

Recently H.E President Ahmed Mohamed Mahmoud (Silanyo) named a committee conciliating the wrangles among top party echelon blamed for stalling the third ruling party convention which is already long overdue. The committee which is made up of ten members has recently demonstrated their resolve in deploying all means in the disposal in a bid to find a solution to the current internal party conflict.

The Third party convention was due to be held in the 21st of January but was postponed due to party infighting this was when HE President Intervened naming the dialogue committee and since the time of holding the party convention was long overdue he set 22th of March 23, 2014 as the day the ruling party shall take place but this proved not to be the case after the party chairman Hon Muse Bihi announced the postponement yesterday in a interview he gave Horn Cable Television.

Reliable reports emerging from party insiders say the reason which prompted the current postponement of the third party convention has something to do with misunderstand among party delegates on how to award delegates party positions through tribal quotas, this to the disappointment of some delegates.

It’s also said there is a rift in the party top committees with the steering committee advocating for delegates quotas should be awarded through regional representation while the executive committee tribal representations.

This is the second time in a row this year that the party’s third convention has being postponed because of a recurrence of factional infighting in the party , we shall sit back and watch for the next to be taken by the party .

  SomalilandPress.com

AMISOM and Somali National Army capture Qoryooley

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Press Release

Mogadishu 22nd March 2014– In an operation early this morning, Somali National Army backed by African Union forces overran Al Shabaab outposts to capture the key town of Qoryooley in Lower Shabelle.

Located 120 kilometers Southwest of Mogadishu, Qoryooley has been under the brutal rule of the terrorists for five years.  In the last one month, many of the al Shabaab’s commanders have been fleeing towards the town following a string of defeats by the SNA and AMISOM forces. The capture of Qoryooley is also critical for AMISOM future operations to liberate the port city of Baraawe, one of the remaining sources of illicit revenue for extremist group.

The Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission (SRCC) for Somalia, Ambassador Mahamat Saleh Annadif congratulated Somali National Army  and AMISOM troops on the achievement noting that this operation demonstrates AMISOM’s continuing determination to support the people of Somalia as they embark on a new path of renewal and reconstruction.

“AMISOM will continue to bring security to more areas of Somalia so that local people can live their lives and pursue their livelihoods in freedom”
The joint operations between the Somali National Army and AMISOM which began this month have so far liberated the eight towns in the various regions around the country, the most recent being Qurunlow town in Middle Shabelle.

Since the UN Security Council boosted AMISOM troop numbers to over 22,000, the forces who are working closely with Somali National Army have been expanding to new areas and have helped the Somali government by providing a secure environment and recovering more territory, as well as ensuring law, order and justice.

 

Somaliland:National Planning Minister Briefs on the Objectives of the Five Year National Development plan

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa- Somaliland Minister of National Planning Dr. Sacad Ali Shire in asaid, “The five year national Development plan which is a feature of modern nation’s short term planning which provides only topical solutions and approaches to situations of national significance.

The National planning Minister said, “When we unveiled the national Development plan back in 2012, our main goal was to enable line ministries, the National Planning Commission and Somaliland Development Fund Joint Steering Committee to identify initial projects and programs for funding, with the people of Somaliland as the primary beneficiaries of the donor support.

“Since then we have managed to develop a method for prioritization of the NDP and which helped in providing the government with a list of sectors and programs to receive potential funding of first US$50 million beginning from 2012-2016 in form of Somaliland Development Fund (SDF) – the collaborative multi-donor fund providing meaningful solutions to the prioritized development needs in the country, he said.

Dr. Sacad Ali shire added, “These plan will equip staff with sector strategy frameworks through capacity-building and training of key stakeholders from the Ministry of National Planning and Development, Ministry of Finance, and the priority sector ministries of Agriculture, Livestock, Environment, Water, and Transport/Roads. The prioritization approach is then to be applied on other sectors and, as government capacity improves, the basic frameworks are to be strengthened into full sector strategies.

SomalilandPress.com

Somalia “A Nation Without History is a Lost Nation”

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“A nation without a past is a lost nation, and a people without a past are a people without a soul.” Sir seretse kama, Botswana fist president

Somalia, officially the Somali Republic and formerly known as the Somali Democratic Republic, is located on the east coast of Africa between the Gulf of ‘Aden on the north and the Indian Ocean on the east and has the longest coastline in Africa. Together with Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Djibouti it is often referred to as the Horn of Africa because of its resemblance on the map to a rhinoceros’s horn. It is bordered by Djibouti on the northwest, Kenya on its southwest, the Gulf of ‘Aden with Yemen on its north, the Indian Ocean on its East and Ethiopia on the west.

The Root causes of the Somali conflict

Due to its strategic location in one of the world’s main maritime arteries and trade routes, connecting the Middle East and Europe with the Far East, and its location on the shores of the Gulf of ‘Aden and the Indian Ocean, just across the Gulf of ‘Aden from the Arabian Peninsula, Ethiopia and the Arab world Struggled over expanding their influence zones over Somalia. For Ethiopia, which has always striven for an outlet to the sea and to world commerce, spreading its control and influence into Somalia has been vital, while the for the Arabs from the Arabian Peninsula and Egypt, Somalia served as the gate for the proliferation of Islam and Arab influence into the rest of Africa, especially East Africa. Thus, there is no wonder that Somalia has developed from the Middle Ages onwards into a battlefield between the Arab world and Ethiopia as well as between Christianity and Islam and, nowadays, due to the same strategic considerations, Somalia has developed into a battlefield between the US and al-Qaida.

The Somali civil war has developed into a regional and global conflict, which involves many other players, other than those mentioned above, including: al-Qaida, Yemen, Sudan, Egypt, IGAD, the African Union, the Arab League, and the UN. The civil war has multiple and complex causes including political, economic, cultural and psychological. Various external and internal actors have played different roles during the various stages of the conflict based on our observations and readings of peace-building literature; we argue that the root causes of the Somali conflict were competition for resources and or power, a repressive state and the colonial legacy. We also regard as contributing causes the politicized clan identity, the availability of weapons, the large numbers of unemployed youth, and certain aspects of the Somali culture that sanction the use of violence. The problem of Somalia did not start right from 1991 but exploded unprecedentedly. The Somalis are now in a tight corner and no solution has been found through the processes and endeavors made over years and years in the past.

Some people accuse the former military regime of the current situation, some of the people relate the problem to the religious posturing and others say there is a mismanagement and maladministration. As it should be “‘Allah does not change the condition of people until they changed in themselves”.

Ethiopia ruthless policy towards Somalia 

“No one starts a war—or rather, no one in his senses ought to do so—without first being clear in his mind what he intends to achieve by that war and how he intends to conduct it.” Carl von Clausewitz

Ethiopia’s meddling is the most important and persistent factor in the perpetuation of the Somali conflict. This meddling has given shelter and arms to all spoilers (groups and individuals). It has undermined the two most important peace accords (Cairo Accord 1997, and Arta Agreement 2000) and has manipulated the Somali peace process in Kenya and the transitional government that was formed. Ethiopia has frequently sent weapons over the border and at times has occupied several towns in southern Somalia. In other words, Ethiopia, a powerful and well-positioned state, is a hostile neighbor that aims to maintain a weak and divided Somalia.

Ethiopia is one of the colonial powers that partitioned Somalia into five parts. As

Geshekter notes, Ethiopia’s King Menelik wrote a circular in 1891 to the European forces that were dividing Africa among themselves and demanded his share. King Menelik wrote: “Ethiopia has been for fourteen centuries a Christian island in a sea of pagans. If the Powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to remain an indifferent spectator.”16 The European powers gave the Somali region of Ogaden to King Menelik to appease him and in 1954 Britain gave Somalia’s Hawd and Reserve Area to Ethiopia.

As a result, two major wars occurred in 1964 and 1977, and hundreds of skirmishes have taken place along the border between Ethiopia and Somalia. The source of the conflict was the Ogaden region, which is controlled by Ethiopia.

During the last decade or so, but especially during the last years, Somalia has become one of the main battlefields in the US global “war on terror”, together with Afghanistan and Iraq. The situation has been further complicated by a chaotic situation prevailing in the country, caused by twenty-three long and devastating years of civil war between various Somali clans and sub-clans, while the rival regional powers – Ethiopia and Eritrea – have tended to take different sides and aid rival clans and sub-clans fighting against each other.

 Throughout its history, Somalia has witnessed a lot of local conflicts between rival clans and sub-clans as well as some major regional conflicts with Ethiopia. The common characteristic of all those major conflicts has been its development into regional conflicts between Ethiopia and the Arab world, while some of them have even developed into religious and global conflicts between Christians and Muslims.

Yet, this current Somali conflict is different from all past Somali conflicts  in the numbers of regional, continental, and global players involved; the unprecedented active involvement of foreign players in Somali local affairs; and the immediate local, regional, and global circumstances at hand as well as the most important role radical Islam has played in the conflict.

 Ethiopia sends peacemaking troops in Somalia: what does it mean?

“It is useless for the sheep to pass resolutions in favor of vegetarianism while the wolf remains of a different opinion.” – William Ralph

If past history is anything to go by and when perpetrate troops from Ethiopia has joined the peacemaking effort in Somalia, it is like sending Indian troops to Pakistan for peacemaking purposes.

After the collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991, the Ethiopian government started meddling in Somalia’s internal affairs. The late Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, informed the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative for Somalia “Ethiopia was, in an open manner, involved diplomatically, [militarily] and politically in Somalia and would continue to be involved, not least to protect its national security interest.” Explaining its foreign policy towards Somalia, Ethiopia’s government admitted that the policies had been designed to “…dismantle Somalia to the extent possible,” and furthermore take “…the war to Somalia and, along the way, aggravating the contradiction between the Somali clans.”

Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia in 2007 to combat the Islamic Courts Union, after being encouraged by the United States to do so, the United Nations reported, “Public sentiment of the continued presence of Ethiopian troops in Somalia has created a volatile situation, which has seriously constrained humanitarian delivery and emerging operations in the centre and south of the country.”

Ethiopia has played an overt role in Somalia. Not only has Ethiopia been a major source of weapons for a number of Somali groups, Ethiopia has also invaded and occupied parts of Somalia.” In late 2006, Ethiopian troops invaded Somalia allegedly with the tacit support of the United States.

According to the United Nations, the invasion created “the worst humanitarian crisis in the world.” Ethiopian troops withdrew from Somalia in 2009 after lengthy resistance from various Somali groups.

The specter of pan-Somalism 

The vision of Greater Somalia came true sooner than expected. Italy’s 1935, attack on Ethiopia led to a temporary Somali reunification. After Italian premier Benito Mussolini’s armies marched into Ethiopia and toppled Emperor Haile Selassie in 1936, the Italians seized British Somaliland. During their occupation (1940-41), the Italians re-amalgamated the Ogaden with southern and northern Somaliland, uniting for the first time in forty years all the Somali clans that had been arbitrarily separated by the Anglo-Italo-Ethiopian boundaries.

The Italian victory turned out to be short-lived, however. In March 1941, the British counterattacked and reoccupied northern Somalia, from which they launched their lightning campaign to retake the whole region from Italy and restore Emperor Haile Selassie to his throne. The British then placed southern Somalia and the Ogaden under a military administration. Following Italy’s defeat, the British established military administrations in what had been British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, and Ethiopian Somaliland. Thus, all Somali inhabited territories – with the exception of French Somaliland and Kenya’s Northern Frontier District (NFD) – were for the second time brought under a single tenure.

Although southern Somalia legally was an Italian colony, in 1945 the Potsdam Conference decided not to return to Italy the African territory Britain had seized during the war. The disposition of Somalia therefore fell to the Allied Council of Foreign Ministers, which assigned a four-power commission consisting of Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and the United States to decide Somalia’s future. The British suggested that all the Somalis should be placed under a single administration, preferably British, but the other powers accused Britain of imperial machinations.

In January 1948, commission representatives arrived in Mogadishu to learn the aspirations of the Somalis. Based on the its hearings conducted with the Somalis, the commission recommended a plan to reunite all Somalis and to place Somalia under a ten-year trusteeship overseen by an international body that would lead the country to independence. But the Allied Council of Foreign Ministers, under the influence of conflicting diplomatic interests, failed to reach consensus on the way to guide the country to independence.

France favored the colony’s return to Italy; Britain favored a formula much like that of the plan recommended by the commission, but the British plan was thwarted by the United States and the Soviet Union, which accused Britain of seeking imperial gains at the expense of Ethiopian and Italian interests. Britain was unwilling to quarrel with its erstwhile allies over Somali well-being and the plan recommended by the commission was withdrawn.

 Meanwhile, Ethiopia strongly pressured Britain through the United States, which was anxious to accommodate Emperor Haile Selassie in return for his promise to offer the United States a military base in Ethiopia. For its part, the Soviet Union preferred to reinstate Italian tenure, mainly because of the growing communist influence on Italian domestic politics.

Under United States and Soviet prodding, Britain returned the Ogaden to Ethiopia in 1948 over massive Somali protests. The action shattered Somali nationalist aspirations for Greater Somalia.

Thus, the mythical federalism in Somalia is one of the biggest deterrents in pan-Somalism, for example, by pursuing federalism secession, Somaliland remains dependent on Ethiopia which supports khatumo and puntlandas roadblock for Somaliland ambition. Jubbaland is buffer zone between Somalia and Kenya as well as a base quells the ogaden liberation front. Puntland plays the role of cooperating with Ethiopia and Kenya to challenge Somaliland and the federal government.

The federal government, Somaliland, puntland, jubbaland and ahlu suna wal jame’a, have signed separate security agreements that allows Ethiopia security forces and other officials to freely operate in Somalia.

 It is sad to admit that the process for making clan federalism in Somalia as burial in greater Somalia and will continue because Ethiopia, Kenya, UN and EU want it to happen. The priority of the Africa union to qualify for a relevant regional organization for global security cooperation outweighed its principal responsibility to protect the unity, territorial, integrity, sovereignty, dignity and long term interests of the people of the worn-term Somalia.

Ultimately, Somalia dividedin 1884 faces another historical tragic disposition in 2014.

The way looking backward

“We study the past to control the present and we study the present to guide the future” a Historian scholar

The Somali’s people must look back their historical tie towards Ethiopia and never forget their past experience from the Ethiopian genocide in recent years. although, the federal government actors has lost their patriotism and credibility from the Somali people while they ignored the historical events between Somalia and Ethiopia, but how can we believe that the government has welcomed the Ethiopia troops have recent joined the AMISOM forces in Somalia? Believe it or not, the Somali people are living under Ethiopian snipers and now they are under double victimization, one from neighboring and international interventions second is national or internal problems.

The Somali people have suffered from prolonged oppression and violence at the hands of their Fellow Somalis and Ethiopian interventions, they have lived in difficult and harsh conditions under Fear and in hopeless situation.

The Ethiopia of Emperor Menelik II (1889 – 1909). Emperor Menelik II not only managed to defend Ethiopia against European encroachment, but also succeeded in competing with the Europeans for the Somali-inhabited territories that he claimed as part of Ethiopia. Between 1887 and 1897, Menelik II successfully extended Ethiopian rule over the long independent Muslim Emirate of Harar and over western Somalia (better known as the Ogaden). Somalia and Ethiopia had hostile relations, so Ethiopia welcomed and armed all opposition groups fleeing from the repression in Somalia. Other opposition groups, such as the USC and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) organized their military activities from Ethiopia.

However, The Ethiopia hostile policy towards Somalia is one of the biggest deterrents for peace, prosperity, development and perpetuating conflict in Somalia. A nation without a past is a lost nation. No nation can exist as a country, without some common ideas about who they are and what they have become.

HASSAN MUDANE

ASSOCIATE-PROFESSOR

UNIVESITY OF SOMALIA

STREET; NEAR KM4

MOGADISHO-SOMALIA

PHONE NUMBER: +252615827852

EMAIL: MUDANEP5@GMAIL.COM

 

 

Somaliland: We Won’t Tolerate further Incursion Into our Territory, Puntland – Defense Minister Warns

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By Goth Mohamed Goth  

Hargeisa- Somaliland Minister of Defense Hon Ahmed Haji Abdillahi Cadami today in a press statement released by the Ministry of Defense dismissed reports carried by local media which alleged troops loyal to the semi autominious  Puntland  were still dug in along the its border Somaliland in preparation of major battle over territory it claims belongs to Puntland.

The Ministry of Defense Press Statement released today stated as follows:

“We are still waiting the response of local leaders who have requested us to give them time to negotiate with Puntlands Army units who are said for the first time to be amassing close our borders in territory which has also being under our jurisdiction, we told the peace delegation that our they shouldn’t test our patience, that’s why we have two alternatives on the table , one is for them to cease all hostilities and pull their troops back or else shall be forced to act with all means in our disposal,” He stated.

Somaliland Defense Minister said, “The other side after carefully weighing the consequences of their uncalculated actions they decided to pull back their troop to the previous positions without any further delay in order to avert the current standoff escalating into full military confrontations.  

Hon Cadami went on to say, “On the intervention of local leaders we choose peace over war this time but let it be known that this won’t be the case next time and we shall be forced to take appropriate in order to teach them a lesson once and for all ,we can’t always afford can’t stand further incursions into our scared territory anymore, blaming Puntland for formatting the latest hostilities.

SomalilandPressCom

The Somalia Investment Summit 2014 is fast approaching with less than 3 weeks left!

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Book your Earlybird Discount Ticket Now!

This years SIS 2014 is scheduled for 6th and 7th April 2014 at Hyatt Regency, Dubai, UAE. The 2nd prestigious Somalia Investment Summit 2014 (SIS) comes after last year’s successful summit hosted in Nairobi, Kenya in July 2013. The Somali Investment Summit (SIS) is a dynamic platform whereby investors can invest in Somalia and access crucial information on investment opportunities and the economic trends that are driving Somalia’s and the wider Horn of Africa’s phenomenal economic growth.

Invest in Somalia:

Hosted by the Somali Economic Forum (SEF) and supported by the government of Somalia, the SIS 2014, will offer a platform for international and foreign investors to engage with Somalia’s economy in order to survey and access the abundant investment opportunities available throughout the country. Over 250 leaders from the public and private sectors including international executives, academics, policymakers and investors will converge in Dubai to discuss opportunities, share best practice, forge strategic partnership and showcase the investment opportunities available within Somalia.
Given the increasing interest in the whole region, it is the ideal time for domestic and international investors to examine the vast potential in Somalia. The SIS 2014, is the place to be for those businesses looking to venture into the Horn of Africa and particularly Somalia. 

Join us this year for the SIS 2014 which will prove to be the most dynamic and prestigious event yet, dedicated to fostering FDI within Somalia aswell as economic growth. The SIS 2014 will be divided into 5 distinct sessions covering 7 critical and major sectors within Somalia’s economy such as; Finance, Infrastructure, Telecommunications, Agriculture/Maritime sectors and finally the Energy & Oil & Gas sector. The SIS 2014 provides you with the opportunity to network with some of Africa’s biggest companies and most influential leaders.

To view the SIS 2014 Programme: click HERE

To register for the SIS 2014 please click HERE or alternatively email our team atevents@somalieconomicforum.org

Join us on April 6th-7th at the Hyatt Regency, Dubai – The SIS 2014 – “Opening your world to new possibilities”

www.somalieconomicforum.org

Abdi Muse
Event Marketing Executive

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