We should all accept the fact that as Somalilanders, we always did, and ought to, respect whatever aspects and issues agreed upon in any conciliatory roundtable to be tenable.
In other words, the KULMIYE agreement brokered by the team led by FM Hon. Biihi had reached an accord that was given the OK.
What issues were thrashed out does not matter other than the end results which was greeted by kudos hence expected to be put on trust.
Amongst those at the state house who nodded to the conciliations was politician Gafadi.
In the presence of the Head of State himself all the KULMIYE top-shots present pledged to have the severally postponed general meeting to go ahead smoothly and without any more hitches.
One small factor in the accord struck was that the supreme committee would not have their feathers ruffled hence would remain intact.
While letting world’s so called democracy be, the SL homegrown democratic tradition is thereby directly infringed upon when the likes of Gafadi decide to unruffled the feathers that they had earlier on agreed whole-heartedly upon to leave intact.
While we are not herein going to discuss or deny Gafadi’s right to and of democracy, we only remind the people of our self-esteem, essence and/ or our historic homegrown conciliatory milestones.
To put it bluntly, nothing should be allowed to break KULMIYE’s backbone. If the ruling party is left to disintegrate, a lot at stake would equally be risked.
Those in charge of the organization of the assembly should not allow their agenda to include issues that not only goes against the agreement’s accords, but deter anything that would circumvent it and bring it to ridicule.
As Somalilanders, we should live up to our expectations and not leap three steps forward and four back! Neither should we distort zigzagly ways that should have otherwise been straight.
Already we witness a lot of unnecessary hues and cries emanating from various quarters based on minor clannish issues.
These and more do not augur well for the party’s workings hence in turn does not portend well for its future.
It is quite clear to everybody that we, as Somalilanders, cannot hence should not, allow the party to hit the rocks.
The captain of the ship and his coxswains should take great core that nothing should go wrong.
It is worthwhile to note that it is now even more important given the facts that the general meeting planned for long time hence awaited so much is less than 24 hours away.
This should be the most important hours for the party in a long while.
“Lafaha aasa idinkoon ku bikoon” “(Bury the bones without being poisoned by them)”– Haji Abdikarim Xusseen (Abdi Waraabe)
Psychological trauma was replayed in Somaliland as the skeletons of the victims of the 1988 civil war were unearthed in several sites in Hargeisa by a Peruvian Forensic Anthropology team in conjunction with the Center for Justice and Accountability and Somaliland’s War Crime Investigation Commission. Forensic anthropologists excavated a gully full of skulls, rib cages, femurs and other bones. They wrapped the larger bones in remnants of cloth and stored smaller pieces in cardboard boxes to be moved to a burial site. Each collection of bones was rewrapped with a white shroud (Kafan) and laid to rest in accordance with Islamic funeral rites.
Preachers, former guerrilla fighters and politicians lined up in rows and performed funeral prayers (Janazah). Shortly after the burial ceremony was over, Muuse Biixi, a former guerrilla fighter said, “The cause they fought for [Somaliland] must be upheld and
the perpetrators must be brought to justice.” These victims are believed to be members of the Isak tribes that were killed by the troops of General Maxamed Xirsi (Morgan), head of the Somali National Army’s 26th Northern Division. His forces routinely rounded up Isak tribesmen from various neighborhoods and imprisoned or executed them at the Pillar Site (Tiirka) near the Hargeisa Airport. Tiirka was a line of cement columns used for securely tying individuals to be shot by a firing squad. This was the most common place used by the infamous General for extra judicial killings. Bodies of the victims were dumped in various neighborhoods to incite and instill fear in the hearts of their residents. Sadly, this was a government at war with its own people.Members of the Isak tribe became a target of the state after the Isak tribes established the Somali National Movement (SNM); and sought bases and support from Ethiopia to overthrow the Somali government. Ethiopia took advantage of the opportunity to weaken the Somali state, and happily provided logistic support, weapons and bases to overthrow the regime. Ironically, at the same time, the Somali government was roviding safe haven and material support to Ethiopian insurgents.
SNM troops clandestinely crossed the border to assassinate officers of the Somali army, set landmines and kidnap aid workers. The rebels attacked non-Isak tribes in the countryside for not joining them in their efforts to topple the government. General Xirsi resorted to more brutal tactics against the tribe. He imposed a curfew on the city and set up check points along all arteries of the city. Everything required the General’s approval. Travel, commerce and the daily activities of residents were confined to a few hours. These ruthless measures caused more people to join the SNM at a time when the Somali Army was already hamstrung by nepotism, asertion, poor morale and fledging tribal insurgencies. The army was unable to keep the rebels at bay.
Siad Barre offered amnesty to the SNM troops but they refused to accept his offer—and called for his ouster. Barre was determined to expel the SNM from Ethiopia. He signed an agreement with Ethiopia to cease hostilities by expelling each other’s insurgents and exchange prisoners from the war of 1977-78. Barre and Mengistu, the Ethiopian head of state, met in Djibouti in 1986 to seal the deal.
Somalia and Ethiopia agreed to expel insurgents operating in their respective countries and terminate any future assistance to rebels. The SNM had no choice but to surrender or plunge into an all-out war with the Somali Army. Haji Hussein Abdi Warabe, a prominent Isak elder and ardent supporter of the SNM, recalls that the tribe met in the village of Balay Gubadle and decided to face off with government forces whether they succeeded or not. The order to move on with the decision was made by Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo, current president of the self-proclaimed Republic of Somaliland.
A battle between the SNM militia and government forces ensued in the heart of the city. In the government’s frantic effort to keep control of the north, civilians were swept out of all neighborhoods. Government forces conducted extra-judicial killings, torture and
imprisonment. According to a survivor of these mass murders, Morgan and General Gebyo (Adan Abdillahi Nur) took a group of twenty five individuals, tied them up with ropes, shot them execution style, and buried the bodies in a gully near the Makal-durdura neighborhood of Hargeisa. A survivor who witnessed this mass murder was released after being identified as the brother of a woman married to a member of the army and a relative of President Siad Barre.
As the government started to lose its grip on the north, it resorted to aerial bombing. The government drafted young men from poor villages in southern Somalia and dumped then into the battle zone to quell the SNM. The SNM rounded up deserted soldiers, as well as non-Isak men and women; and carried out summary executions and torture that are too gruesome to describe. Entire towns were depopulated while many civilians fled to Ethiopia, Djibouti and Mogadishu.
In the end the government lost the war and the SNM made successful forays into Gadabursi, Issa and Dhulbahanta, and Warsangeli territories. Emboldened by their victory they pillaged and razed Gadabursi villages along with Gabiley and Dilla. Xalimo Muxumed, a disabled woman unable to walk due to a broken hip was abandoned in her hut in Kalabaydh. She dragged herself from the hut and came face to face with a fighter aiming at her with a bazooka. Before he clicked the trigger another fighter yelled, “War ka daa Islaantu waa Isaaqe” (Don’t shoot the elderly woman; she is an Isak). She said the militia fighters were searching for Gadabursi men. They were
chanting a poetic epithet “Hadaan Saw iyo Sogsoglay isku gayn.”(I will sweep up the Gadabursi and gather them under Saw Mountain). Earlier her son was killed by the SNM as he was fleeing from Hargeisa. They killed him as he was crossing the dry Arabsiyo River bed between Hargeisa and Gabiley. When I interviewed her in 1995, she was still overcome with grief. She lamented, “If my son had told his assailants my tribal genealogy, he would have survived!” (She said this because her husband was Gadabursi, but she is Isak.)
SNM troops depopulated towns and pursued survivors to Borama and beyond. When they reached Borama, they massacred more civilians and ransacked both shops and houses. Cawale, an eye witness of the attack, slept in a bier at a mosque feigning death. He said when the SNM militia besieged the town they were chanting “God is great!” as they decimated homes, markets and coffee shops. Bodies were strewn all over and many survivors were unable to identify their relatives. Mohamed Hassan Maafo, former mayor of Borama, was fleeing with his family when a jeep mounted with a large Russian gun (known locally as “Zu”) blasted the vehicle into pieces, killing everyone except a young girl that survived the blast. The remains of that family are buried at the Borama livestock market. The Daray Macaane refugee camp on the outskirts of Borama was being used to house Somalis who fled from the Ogaden region. The camp was shelled with tanks from every direction. It is estimated that 764 Gadabursis were massacred in Borama.
The Gadabursi—unprepared, overpowered and forced away from their towns—hastily put together a militia to resist further incursions of the SNM. The newly formed Somali Democratic Alliance (SDA) did not accomplish much as it never gained the full backing of the elders.
Abdi Warabe said as soon as the SDA began to form, “we as [Isak] elders reached out to Sheikh Muse Godad and Abdillahi Sheikh Ali Jowhar [two prominent Gadabursi] elders with a request to dismantle the [SDA].” The reason was that the movement would cause more unrest. The two elders agreed with him, and were active in dismantling the SDA. The Gadabursi elders had their own motivation for dismantling the SDA. Sheikh Abdillahi said the Gadabursi tribe faced three options with the incursion of the SNM. The first option was to vacate their land and never return; the second option was to fight back and cause more mayhem. The third option was to seek mutual peace. The elders sought the latter option, understanding that the future of these tribes’ was inevitably closely inter-twined and inter-dependent.
They disarmed the SDA militia and other armed groups, and sought a political settlement. The elders were to travel to Berbera and Bur’ao to call for reconciliation and forgiveness. All human and material loss of the war was to be forgiven and forgotten. A new course of history was to be chartered in the Grand Borama Conference of 1993. Abdi Warabe sarcastically said that the Isak elders selected Borama as the site of the conference because they knew Gadabursis had underground granaries with the means to feed five hundred tribal delegates. A year after the conference, two armed, rival, branches of the Isak tribe—the Garxajis and the Habar Awal—fought over the revenue from the Hargeisa Airport and the port of Berbera. President Maxmed Ibrahim Cigal was appointed in the Borama Conference to consolidate Somaliland, build a state, and take over the airport and the port with a more neutral force. The Garxajis confederation of tribes saw him as a Habar Awal president after their revenue. After endless and fruitless negotiations with the tribes, President Cigal declared war against the tribes and set out to remove them from the airport by force. That unleashed two years of intra-tribal feuds. The feuding tribes destroyed what was left of Hargeisa and killed hundreds of people. After two years of battle a settlement was reached by the elders to end the war.
The conflicts of the civil war had many overlapping levels. There was the state versus the tribes; tribes versus other tribes; and there were internal tribal wars. Every tribe has a mass grave to unearth. The atrocities of the civil war left no tribe unscathed.
The question of who is responsible for the genocide is clear. Those responsible for genocide cannot be “cherry picked.” Every tribe has perpetrators, and no tribe is willing to prosecute its own. If Somaliland tribal relations are to improve, Somaliland must adhere to its covenant, the Borama Peace and Reconciliation Charter. In that charter five hundred elders from Somaliland agreed that the only way forward was not prosecution, but a commitment to forgiveness, clemency and moving forward. This blanket amnesty got the SNM off the hook. The creation of the so called “Somaliland War Crime Commission” is in violation of the Borama charter. The exhumation of victims’ bodies only sows the seeds of discord and memories of bloodshed in every household. As Sheikh Hassan Daheye (a Gadabursi leader) said, “If Somalis from different tribes cannot forgive each other after thirty years, I, too, will exhume my victims. I have more bones than those of all the Isaks who perished in these battles.”
Sterling Energy said unfortunately Bamboo-1, its first exploration well drilled on the Ntem Block, failed to find commercial hydrocarbons and has been plugged and abandoned.
“Fortunately the well was drilled at no cost to Sterling,” it said.
Sterling holds material interests in three deep-water exploration blocks, one in Cameroon and two in Madagascar, and in one onshore block in Somaliland.
“We continue to work with our joint venture partners to deliver exploration programmes for all of these blocks to test for hydrocarbon potential,” the company said.
Meantime, the company said production, net to Sterling from the Chinguetti field, averaged 400 barrels of oil per day (bopd) for Q1 2014 (Q1 2013: 568 bopd) reflecting normal field decline, and 10 days no production during scheduled maintenance work.
Adjusted Earnings Before Interest Tax Depreciation and Amortisation (EBITDA) in Q1 was $2.1m (Q1 2013: $2.4 million). Q1 profit after tax was $0.49m, from $0.13m a year earlier. At March 31, Sterling had cash of $121.3m, including partner funds of $1.1m.
At 9:50am: [LON:SEY] Sterling Energy PLC share price was +0.13p at 28.5p
Source: Stockmarketwire.com
The 2014 World Press Freedom Index spotlights the negative impact of conflicts on freedom of information and its protagonists. The ranking of some countries has also been affected by a tendency to interpret national security needs in an overly broad and abusive manner to the detriment of the right to inform and be informed. This trend constitutes a growing threat worldwide and is even endangering freedom of information in countries regarded as democracies. Finland tops the index for the fourth year running, closely followed by Netherlands and Norway, like last year. At the other end of the index, the last three positions are again held by Turkmenistan, North Korea and Eritrea, three countries where freedom of information is non-existent. Despite occasional turbulence in the past year, these countries continue to be news and information black holes and living hells for the journalists who inhabit them. This year’s index covers 180 countries, one more than last year. The new entry, Belize, has been assigned an enviable position (29th). Cases of violence against journalists are rare in Belize but there were some problems: defamation suits involving demands for large amounts in damages, national security restrictions on implementation of the Freedom of Information Act and sometimes unfair management of broadcast frequencies.
FALLS DUE TO ARMED CONFLICTS
The 2014 index underscores the negative correlation between freedom of information and conflicts, both open conflicts and undeclared ones. In an unstable environment, the media become strategic goals and targets for groups or individuals whose attempts to control news and information violate the guarantees enshrined in international law, in particular, article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1977 Protocols Additional 1 and 2 to the Geneva Conventions.
Syria (unchanged at 177th) has been an extreme example of this since March 2011. Now one of the countries where freedom of information and its actors are most in danger, it rubs shoulders with the bottom three. The Syrian crisis has also had dramatic repercussions throughout the region, reinforcing media polarization in Lebanon (106th, -4), encouraging the Jordanian authorities to tighten their grip, and accelerating the spiral of violence in Iraq (153rd, -2), where tension between Shiites and Sunnis is growing.
In Iran (173rd, +2), one of the Middle East’s key countries, there has so far been no implementation of the promises to improve freedom of information that the new president, Hassan Rouhani, made. Coverage of the Syrian tragedy in both the official Iranian press and on the blogosphere is closely watched by the regime, which cracks down on any criticism of its foreign policy.
This negative correlation is also seen in the big falls registered by Mali (122nd, -22) and Central African Republic (109th, -34). The open or internecine warfare destabilizing Democratic Republic of Congo (151st, -8) and the activities of guerrillas and terrorist groups in Somalia (176th, unchanged) and Nigeria (112th, +4) prevented any significant improvement in their ranking.
It was unquestionably a step in the right direction, complementing Resolution 1738 condemning attacks on journalists in armed conflicts, which the Security Council adopted in December 2006 on Reporters Without Borders’ initiative, and the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and Impunity, adopted in April 2012. Reporters Without Borders now wants the UN to create a group of independent experts with the task of monitoring respect by member states for their obligations, in particular, their obligation to protect journalists, to investigate all cases of violence against them, and bring those responsible to justice.
INFORMATION SACRIFICED TO NATIONAL SECURITY AND SURVEILLANCE
Countries that pride themselves on being democracies and respecting the rule of law have not set an example, far from it. Freedom of information is too often sacrificed to an overly broad and abusive interpretation of national security needs, marking a disturbing retreat from democratic practices. Investigative journalism often suffers as a result.
This has been the case in the United States (46th), which fell 13 places, one of the most significant declines, amid increased efforts to track down whistleblowers and the sources of leaks. The trial and conviction of Private Bradley Manning and the pursuit of NSA analyst Edward Snowden were warnings to all those thinking of assisting in the disclosure of sensitive information that would clearly be in the public interest.
The United Kingdom (33rd, -3) distinguished itself in the war on terror by the disgraceful pressure it put on The Guardiannewspaper and by its detention of David Miranda, journalist Glenn Greenwald’s partner and assistant, for nine hours. Both the US and UK authorities seem obsessed with hunting down whistleblowers instead of adopting legislation to rein in abusive surveillance practices that negate privacy, a democratic value cherished in both countries.
The “special intelligence protection bill” that the National Diet in Japan (59th, – 5) adopted in late 2013 would reduce government transparency on such key national issues as nuclear power and relations with the United States, now enshrined as taboos. Investigative journalism, public interest and the confidentiality of journalists’ sources are all being sacrificed by legislators bent on ensuring that their country’s image is spared embarrassing revelations.
The “war on terror” is also being exploited by governments that are quick to treat journalists as “threats to national security.” Dozens of journalists have been jailed on this pretext in Turkey (154th), especially for covering the Kurdish issue. In Morocco, unchanged in 136th position, the authorities readily confused journalism with terrorism since the case of online newspaper editor Ali Anouzla. In Israel (96th, +17), freedom of information is often sacrificed to purported security requirements.
In India’s northern Kashmir region, mobile Internet and communications are suspended in response to any unrest. In the north of Sri Lanka (165th, -2), the army reigns supreme, tolerating no challenge to the official vision of the “pacification” process in Tamil separatism’s former strongholds. Alarmed by the Arab Spring turmoil, authoritarian regimes in the Arabian Peninsula and Central Asia have stepped up media censorship and surveillance to head off any “attempt at destabilization.”
PRIVATIZATION OF VIOLENCE
Non-state groups constitute the main source of physical danger for journalists in a number of countries. The militias fomenting chaos in the new Libya (137th, -5) and Yemeni armed groups linked to Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula are leading examples of this privatization of violence. Al-Shabaab in Somalia (176th, unchanged) and the M23 movement in Democratic Republic of Congo (151st, -8) both regard journalists as enemies. Jihadi groups such as Jabhat Al-Nosra andIslamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) use violence against news providers as part of their drive to control the regions they “liberate.”
Organized crime is a fearsome predator for journalists in many parts of the world, especially Honduras (129th, -1), Guatemala (125th, -29), Brazil (111th, -2) and Paraguay (105th, -13), but also Pakistan, China, Kyrgyzstan and the Balkans. In organized crime’s shadow, it is hard if not impossible to refrain from self-censorship on such sensitive subjects as drug-trafficking, corruption and criminal penetration of the state apparatus. The passivity or indifference often shown by authorities towards crimes of violence against the media, or sometimes even their connivance or direct involvement, reinforces the impunity enjoyed by those responsible and fuels the cycle of violence against news providers.
L’indice annuel de la liberté de la presse, inauguré lors du Classement 2013, confirme une dégradation, à l’échelle mondiale, de la situation du droit d’informer et d’être informé. L’indice passe de 3 395 à 3 456 (+61), soit une augmentation de 1,8 % qui révèle une légère dégradation globale de la liberté de l’information entre l’édition 2013 et l’édition 2014 du Classement mondial.Si l’année 2013 a été moins meurtrière pour les journalistes que la précédente, marquée par une hécatombe pour la profession, les agressions et menaces ont été plus nombreuses. La hausse de l’indice s’explique par l’évolution non seulement des exactions, mais aussi de l’ensemble des indicateurs utilisés pour compiler le classement :
— Pluralism, meaning the representation of different views in the media; — Independence of the media vis-à-vis political, economic, religious and military centres of power; — Quality of the legislation governing the media; — Transparency of the bodies regulating the media; — Performance of the infrastructure supporting the media; — Overall climate for freedom of information.
The indicator is a tool for measuring overall performance. The breakdown of the indicator’s scores by region shows a worsening in all continents except Asia, where it was unchanged. Like last year, the European Union and Balkans obtained the best score (17.6), followed by the Americas (30.3), Africa (35.6), Asia-Pacific (42.2), Eastern Europe and Central Asia (45.5) and finally Middle East and North Africa (48.7).
Annual media freedom indicator: 3456 in 2014 (3395 in 2013)
European Union and Balkans: 17.6 (17.5)
Americas: 30,3 (30,0)
Africa : 35,6 (34,3)
Asia-Pacific: 42,2 (42,2)
Eastern Europe and Central Asia: 45,5 (45,3)
Middle East and North Africa: 48,7 (48,5)
NOTEWORTHY FALLS
In the Americas, the 13-place fall registered by the United States (46th, -13) was more than doubled by Guatemala (125th, -29), which saw a two-fold increase in the number of physical attacks on journalists, including four murders, and was equalled by Paraguay (105th, -13), where the pressure on journalists to censor themselves keeps on mounting. Paraguay had already plummeted last year, following a coup in June 2012, three years after a coup sent Honduras (129th, -1) to the level where it remains in the current post-election chaos.
In Guinea (102nd, -15), journalists found it dangerous and difficult to work during elections marked by many protests. Several journalists were attacked or injured by over-excited demonstrators or by members of the security forces dispersing the protests. Zambia (93rd, -20), which had progressed in recent years, was dragged down by measures to censor and block news websites. Finally, rulers who have clung to power for years and fear change got tougher with the media, resulting in abusive prosecutions in Chad (139th, -17) and several closures in Cameroon (131st, -10).
The 13-place fall by Kuwait (91st) reflects the somewhat tougher line pursued by the authorities. A draconian bill was proposed and then abandoned in the spring of 2013. It would have allowed the authorities to fine journalists up to 300,000 dinars (1 million dollars) for criticizing the emir or the crown prince, or misrepresenting what they say, and impose sentences of up to 10 years in prison on journalists who insult God, the Prophets of Islam, or the Prophet Mohamed’s wives or companions.
These spectacular changes should not make us forget the tragic immobility at the bottom of the index where Vietnam (173rd, -1), Uzbekistan (166th, -1) and Saudi Arabia (164th, unchanged), to name but three, continue to tighten their grip on news and information and adapt their methods of radical censorship to the digital era. The cruellest punishments await those of their citizens who have the courage to resist. In Kazakhstan (161st, unchanged) and Azerbaijan (160th, -3), media pluralism is in the process of succumbing to the increasingly repressive tendencies of rulers clinging to power.
NOTEWORTHY RISES
Violence against journalists, direct censorship and misuse of judicial proceedings are on the decline in Panama (87th, +25), Dominican Republic (68th, +13), Bolivia (94th, +16) and Ecuador (94th, +25), although in Ecuador the level of media polarization is still high and often detrimental to public debate.
In Georgia (84th, +17), the 2013 presidential election was less tense that the previous year’s parliamentary elections, which were marked by physical attacks and hate campaigns against journalists. Thanks to political cohabitation and then a change of government through the polls, Georgia has recovered some of the terrain lost in recent years as the Saakashvili administration’s reforming zeal ran out of steam. Media polarization will nonetheless continue to be a challenge in the coming years.
Israel’s 17-place rise must be offset against its 20-place fall in the 2013 index as a result of Operation “Pillar of Defence” in November 2012, when two Palestinian journalists were killed, and the many raids it carried out against Palestinian media. Security needs continue to be used as an excuse to limit freedom of information. The Israeli media are able to be outspoken but media located in “Israeli territory” must comply with prior military censorship and gag orders. Investigative reporting involving national security is not welcome.
Abusive treatment of Palestinian and foreign journalists by the Israel Defence Forces is common, especially during the weekly demonstrations at the Separation Wall. Many photojournalists were deliberately targeted when leaving the demonstrations in November 2013. On 4 December, an Israeli high court endorsed the seizure of equipment from Wattan TV during an IDF raid in February 2012.
Timor-Leste (77th) rose 14 places in the wake of a historic journalists’ congress in Dili on 25-27 October at which a code of professional conduct and the creation of a seven-member Press Council were approved. But continuing vigilance is needed. The media law currently before parliament is the next challenge for media freedom in Timor-Leste.
REGIONAL MODELS IN DECLINE?
The movements of some countries in the index, which are indicative of their approach to freedom of information, has an impact not only on their own population but also on neighbouring countries because of their regional importance and influence and the fact that they are regarded – rightly or not – as models to be watched or followed. South Africa’s 11-place rise to 42nd position contrasts with the performance of other countries regarded as regional models, which have either shown no improvement or are in decline.
The European Union’s members are becoming more dispersed in the index, a development accelerated by the effects of the economic crisis and outbreaks of populism. Greece (99th, -14) and Hungary (64th, -7) are the most notable examples. In Greece, journalists are often the victims of physical attacks by members of Golden Dawn, the neo-Nazi party that entered parliament in June 2012. The government’s actions have also contributed to the fall. By closing the state broadcaster under pressure from the Troika (the European Commission, European Central Bank and IMF), Prime Minister Antonis Samaras seems to be cutting back on democracy to save money.
In Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government gives the impression of having abandoned EU values in its zeal for draconian reforms. As a direct result of the European model’s erosion, the EU is finding it harder to get membership candidates to improve their position in the index. Membership negotiations are no longer necessarily accompanied by efforts to increase respect for civil liberties. Macedonia (123rd), for example, has never been so low in the index.
The western hemisphere’s giants – United States (46th, -13) and Brazil (111th, -2) – have not set an example either. Since 9/11, the former has been torn by the conflict between national security imperatives and respect for the principles of the First Amendment. Thanks to organized crime’s impact, the latter is one of the continent’s deadliest countries for the media, while its media pluralism is handicapped by the phenomenon of powerful politicians who are also big businessmen and media owners, with the result that Brazil has been dubbed “the country of 30 Berlusconis.”
Russia (148th) might have been lower in the index had it not been for the stubbornness and resistance shown by its civil society. But the authorities keep on intensifying the crackdown begun when Vladimir Putin returned to the Kremlin in 2012 and are exporting their model throughout the former Soviet Union. From Ukraine (127th, unchanged) and Azerbaijan (160th, -3) to Central Asia, Russia’s repressive legislation and communications surveillance methods are happily copied. Moscow also uses UN bodies and regional alliances such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in its efforts to undermine international standards on freedom of information.
Despite its regional aspirations, Turkey (154th) registered no improvement and continues to be one of the world’s biggest prisons for journalists. The Gezi Park revolt highlighted the repressive methods used by the security forces, the increase in self-censorship and the dangers of the prime minister’s populist discourse. In view of the upcoming elections and the unpredictability of the peace process with the Kurdish separatists, 2014 is likely to be a decisive year for the future of civil liberties in Turkey.
Chine (175th, -1) failed to improve its ranking because, despite having an astonishing vital and increasingly militant blogosphere, it continues to censor and jail dissident bloggers and journalists. This new power is also using its economic might to extend its influence over the media in Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan, compromising their independence.
India (140th, +1) experienced an unprecedented wave of violence against journalists, with eight killed in 2013. They are targeted by both state and non-state actors. Almost no region is spared but Kashmir and Chhattisgarh continue to be the only two where violence and censorship are endemic. Those responsible for threats and physical violence against journalists, who are often abandoned by the judicial system and forced to censor themselves, include police and security forces as well as criminal groups, demonstrators and political party supporters.
The substantial reforms in Burma, which could become a regional model for a transition to democracy, were reflected in a big leap in the 2013 index. As the reform process begins to flag, the “Burmese model” has yet to prove itself.
Several Ogaden Somali officials of the SPDP party accused the Ethiopian government of favoring the Oromia region over their Somali region for development projects and investments. Officials spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals and denounced the “unfair” federal budget distribution between states of Ethiopia.
A Somali delegation recently visited Bishoftu and other Oromia towns to exchange views and discuss regional economic cooperation. The Jigjiga delegation visited an underground tunnel for a subway train under construction and the half-billion dollar six lane Addis-Adama expressway in Oromia, the first tolled expressway in East Africa. According to one Somali Peoples Democratic Party (SPDP) official, “going to Oromia felt like visiting a different country.” He said Oromia is becoming the most advanced state in Ethiopia due to it receiving the highest federal subsidy.
Observers say there is a growing animosity between the SPDP and the Oromo OPDO party since SPDP’s application to join the EPRDF ruling party coalition was rejected.
The imbalanced development has also created more animosity between the two regional states. Oromia is reportedly experiencing “industrial revolution” with several new industrial zones created to tackle the widespread unemployment and overdependence on agriculture. Meanwhile, the new Ethiopian Commodity Exchange (ECX) has been praised internationally for empowering southern and Oromo farmers. According to IMF, the housing boom in Oromia’s “Addis Ababa-Adama Metropolitan Area” is said to be the largest construction boom in Africa.
However, the Somali region remains underdeveloped and unstable. Many somalis have complained about mismanagement of public resources, sectarian clan politics and widespread corruption in the Ogaden-Somali region of Ethiopia.
My fellow citizens of diehard Somalilanders, the long waited KULMIYE Party Conference is due to take place next week after so many delays due to technical and political squabbling within Party senior committee members and grassroots party supporters.
We always anticipated the fact that any Political Party Conference is going to be very controversial and full of exchange of ideas and leadership ambition is …always the main talking point for all democratic Parties.
With Kulmiye leadership challenge has been the number one issue since the formation of Kulmiye Party almost 14 years ago.
Because Kulmiye is a political heavyweight party with hundreds of thousands of supporters inside and outside the country from all walks of life young and old, intellectuals and academics, farmers and ex military chiefs.
It is a fact that Kulmiye Partyis very popular among Somaliland youth, women’s groups andmore importantly the local business and enterprize sector, as well asamongst traditional elders.That is why the party faithfuland donors always try to engage and participate in the party’s policy and political structure – which I really respect and admire. This reflects the true valuesand ideals of the democratic, grown up politics taking shape in the Horn of Africa.
My overwhelmingandheartfelt support for the incumbent president Ahmed M.M. Siilanyowho has done so much for nation building and restoring hopeand confidence for the most disadvantaged in our society.Especiallyamong minority groupsin Somaliland. Have a say in the political process!Everyone inside and outside Somaliland is enthusiastically waiting with excitment about the outcome of Kulmiye Party Conference 20014.
The head of the ruling party organizing committee (KULMIYE) Mr. Abu Baker Hamud Jibril speaking to the press said, “The organizing committee had set a date for the Third party central committee convention of which set to begin on the 28/04/2014.
All Central Committee and party delegates in the country and abroad are expected to be at the party’s headquarters no later than 28/04/2014.
The head of the ruling party organizing committee (KULMIYE) added, “We are kindly requesting all party members to observe time and party delegates’ country wide to come to the party’s headquarters no later than 25th so as to attend the party’s which will begin on the 28th of April 25, 2014.
A high stakes chess game is playing out in Hargeisa with former RAYS Presidential Favorite Hassan Gaafaadhi demanding to be elected for the Party’s vice chairmanship.
The ruling party lacks a clear and definitive party nominee who would replace the current President in the Future.
Sudanese Defense Minister, Abdel-Rehim Hussein, told Parliament last week that the Sudan lodges a complaint with the U.N. every year regarding its dispute with Egypt over the Halaib Triangle, an area of land on the Egypt-Sudan border which has been under Egyptian control since 1995. Sudan claims that Halaib is part of the Sudan. After a visit to Cairo in February this year, Hussein said the dispute would be resolved through dialogue.
The leader of the Sudan opposition Popular Congress Party, Hassan Al-Turabi, has said his party has agreed to an unconditional dialogue with the ruling National Congress Party, called for by President Omar Al-Bashir, in order to unify Islamic forces and maintain the cohesion of the country.
The rebel alliance of the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) on Sunday (April 13) reiterated its rejection of President Al-Bashir’s call for a national dialogue, claiming the government was escalating military operations rather than declaring cessation of hostilities and taking confidence-building measures. It claimed that the SRF did not reject dialogue but it must be based on a clear roadmap to “move from war to peace and from totalitarianism to democracy”.
A one day Information seminar on Quality Control Mechanisms for Quality control specialists sometimes referred to as quality assurance or quality engineer technicians, design, test and which are in compliance with local and international norms.
Head of Quality control Board Mr. Bikalo speaking bat the function said, “Quality control inspectors or engineers work in the manufacturing industry to reduce the potential for errors in making a product. They monitor quality standards for almost every manufactured item during each stage of the manufacturing process. Through formal education and on-site training in quality control, applicants gain the necessary tools to improve products.
The Director General in Ministry of Industries M., Abdi Gurey addressing the participants taking part in the quality training program said “Quality control employees must possess strong math and communication skills, mechanical abilities and hand-eye coordination. They also need to know how to interpret blueprints, manuals and other data-based specification.
Dissemination seminar on quality assurance mechanisms which was held today and which attracted private sector workers attended by officials from the Ministry of Industries and quality control board representatives who were given detailed information about the seminar and recommendations for the improvement of research quality management both at the institutional and national level and with a Special focus of the presentation whose purpose was on research quality assurance.
Many quality control employers require candidates to be familiar with the specific industrial trade or workshops where quality control technicians can learn about safety and environmental impacts and regulatory changes.
The Ethiopian federal experiment was both a political necessity and the expression of the Ethiopian peoples’ desire to close a chaotic chapter of poverty and conflict and start a peaceful and prosperous new journey. The federal system that Ethiopia adopted in 1995, labeled then as over-ambitious and impractical, has withstood the test of time with achievements far greater than originally anticipated. The adoption of the Federal constitution was intended to break with an imperial and centralizing tradition of government in 12 Ethiopia dating back to the second half of the nineteenth century and indeed far longer. In particular the federal system would redress the multi-national and regional imbalances that had become acute during the ‘Imperial’ regime of Haile Selassie and the ‘Marxist’ military regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) opened a new and different chapter of political history for the nation. It laid down the human and democratic rights of the Ethiopian nations, nationalities and peoples for the first time in their history. The preamble of the FDRE constitution starts with the phrase: “We, the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia”. It recognizes, in fact, that the nations, nationalities and peoples are the real owners and beneficiaries of their own constitution; and that they are strongly committed, in the full and free exercise of their rights to self-determination, to building a political community founded on the rule of law and capable of ensuring lasting peace, guaranteeing a democratic order, and advancing their economic and social development and that of Ethiopia. Devolution of power from the highly centralized unitary state to the periphery also fulfilled one of the pillars of the constitution, that is, the recognition of the right to self-determination of the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia. Ultimately designed to make the numerous Ethiopian nations the owners of their own political and economic destiny, the federal structure has been successful in providing a functional system of conflict resolution, governance institutions fit for the exercise of the political autonomy reserved for the nations and nationalities, and provision of the resources to pursue their economic aspirations. One of the most pressing imperatives for the adoption and implementation of a federal structure as the government system in 1995 was the multi-national diversity of the Ethiopian state. That fact alone made it necessary to have a political system, that not only accorded the various ethnic groups the necessary administrative autonomy to determine their own fates, but also to provide a platform for the sharing of political power. The political and state restructuring that came about through the federal arrangement created, for the first time in Ethiopia, the constitutional foundations for ethnic equality across the entire political spectrum. Ethno-linguistic groups previously at the margins of state power were able to become active participants and stakeholders in political deliberations and in the decision-making processes. The successful devolution of power from the center to regional governments, and the empowerment of the various ethno-national groups implied in that devolution, has also brought highly visible results in developmental terms as well. Granting the regional and local governments the political power to prioritize and articulate their own needs and desires, in tandem with their respective local realities and cultural and historical values, has made substantial improvements possible in their living conditions. Equally, it has to be noted that establishing the Ethiopian federal system and the associated economic and social developments, including granting historically marginalized groups the requisite political autonomy to decide on their own fate, and the right to self-determination, was not just a matter of efficacy. It also provided an answer to the question of adequately addressing the desire for unity in diversity. Ethiopia’s federal experiment, with its successful implementation of federalism to meet its political, social and economic needs and aspirations, has captured the attention of a number of other countries, not least when it successfully hosted the 5th International Conference on Federalism in December 2010. Although federalism is not always a panacea for ethnically and culturally diverse states and countries endowed with different languages, religions, beliefs and traditions, several countries with a history of conflict have shown interest in learning from Ethiopian experiences of the effectiveness of its federal system in encouraging development and prosperity. Recently the Speaker of the House of Federation, Kassa Tekleberhan, visited Sudan at the invitation of the Sudanese government to attend an experience-sharing forum to provide insights into the federal system of Ethiopia and its achievements. An intensive discussion was held following the presentation of papers on “Federalism and State Building in Ethiopia”; “Constitutional Framework and Implementation”; and “Democratic and Economic achievements registered”. According to Speaker Kassa, the visit successfully explained the origin of Ethiopia’s economic growth, which lay in the inclusive economic participation of the people and the effectiveness of the federal system. It provided the Sudanese government with a concrete example of achievement that could be used as an input into the constitutional reforms that the Sudan is considering. Most recently, a 50-member delegation from the Yemen, comprising members of parliament, academic institutions, senior officials, and representatives of different political parties and civic associations, as well as women and youth associations, paid an official visit to Ethiopia with the aim of sharing the experience of the federal system and political administration in Ethiopia. The delegation was briefed by members of the House 13 of Federation on the structure of the Ethiopian federal system, on the country’s constitution and the structure and duties of the House of Federation itself as well as the operation of federalism in practice, the distribution of wealth within the system and on the operation of conflict resolution. The delegation visited Ethiopia just as Yemen endorsed the idea of introducing a federal system in Yemen, and one of the obvious options is to use the Ethiopian example as a model. Speaker Kassa told the delegation that Ethiopia today was in a far better position than it had been in 1991 because of the introduction of a federal system which was specifically based on the country’s nations, nationalities and peoples. Since every Ethiopian took part in the process of adopting the Constitution, he stressed, the country was able to achieve faster and greater growth and promote internal peace. Yemen, he suggested, needed to focus on issues that could offer the prospect of unity regardless of religious, political, cultural or gender differences. The Speaker underlined that it was the introduction of federalism that allowed this, ensuring the unity and peace of the country and thus bringing about economic growth and peaceful coexistence among its peoples. If Yemen aspired to build effective federalism, he said, it must be prepared to accommodate all parties in the adoption and implementation of the process. Ethiopia’s federal system, he said “is based on democratic order, the rule of law and socio-economic advancement; and nowadays, all Ethiopian nations, nationalities and peoples enjoy equal rights as stipulated in the Constitution.” The Speaker added that Ethiopia and Yemen in many respects shared a common history, culture and other links; and Ethiopia would fully support and assist the Yemeni people in moves towards democratization and federalism. Members of the delegation indicated that the curren
t situation in Yemen in many respects resembled that of Ethiopia in 1991 when there were a number of armed factions and groups raising the issue of secession and threatening to plunge the country into crisis. They noted, however, that once the Ethiopian constitution was adopted and federalism introduced, the country managed to resolve its crises and resolve the various demands of the people. They saw those achievements as a useful and appropriate lesson for Yemen, as it was currently faced with similar challenges to those Ethiopia went through on its way to introduce a federal system. The delegation suggested the two countries could work together in development and in building a democratic and federal system. Ethiopia’s federal system, they said, was an exemplary model for Yemen as it ensured the rights of all nations, nationalities and peoples fairly and equally. The Yemeni delegation has visited a number of other countries as well as Ethiopia on a similar mission, but they felt that the lessons offered by Ethiopia were more appropriate and important for Yemen because of the geographic, historic and cultural bonds between the two states.
by Goth Mohamed Goth
The Ethiopian federal experiment was both a political necessity and the expression of the Ethiopian peoples’ desire to close a chaotic chapter of poverty and conflict and start a peaceful and prosperous new journey. The federal system that Ethiopia adopted in 1995, labeled then as over-ambitious and impractical, has withstood the test of time with achievements far greater than originally anticipated. The adoption of the Federal constitution was intended to break with an imperial and centralizing tradition of government in 12 Ethiopia dating back to the second half of the nineteenth century and indeed far longer. In particular the federal system would redress the multi-national and regional imbalances that had become acute during the ‘Imperial’ regime of Haile Selassie and the ‘Marxist’ military regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) opened a new and different chapter of political history for the nation. It laid down the human and democratic rights of the Ethiopian nations, nationalities and peoples for the first time in their history. The preamble of the FDRE constitution starts with the phrase: “We, the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia”. It recognizes, in fact, that the nations, nationalities and peoples are the real owners and beneficiaries of their own constitution; and that they are strongly committed, in the full and free exercise of their rights to self-determination, to building a political community founded on the rule of law and capable of ensuring lasting peace, guaranteeing a democratic order, and advancing their economic and social development and that of Ethiopia. Devolution of power from the highly centralized unitary state to the periphery also fulfilled one of the pillars of the constitution, that is, the recognition of the right to self-determination of the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia. Ultimately designed to make the numerous Ethiopian nations the owners of their own political and economic destiny, the federal structure has been successful in providing a functional system of conflict resolution, governance institutions fit for the exercise of the political autonomy reserved for the nations and nationalities, and provision of the resources to pursue their economic aspirations. One of the most pressing imperatives for the adoption and implementation of a federal structure as the government system in 1995 was the multi-national diversity of the Ethiopian state. That fact alone made it necessary to have a political system, that not only accorded the various ethnic groups the necessary administrative autonomy to determine their own fates, but also to provide a platform for the sharing of political power. The political and state restructuring that came about through the federal arrangement created, for the first time in Ethiopia, the constitutional foundations for ethnic equality across the entire political spectrum. Ethno-linguistic groups previously at the margins of state power were able to become active participants and stakeholders in political deliberations and in the decision-making processes. The successful devolution of power from the center to regional governments, and the empowerment of the various ethno-national groups implied in that devolution, has also brought highly visible results in developmental terms as well. Granting the regional and local governments the political power to prioritize and articulate their own needs and desires, in tandem with their respective local realities and cultural and historical values, has made substantial improvements possible in their living conditions. Equally, it has to be noted that establishing the Ethiopian federal system and the associated economic and social developments, including granting historically marginalized groups the requisite political autonomy to decide on their own fate, and the right to self-determination, was not just a matter of efficacy. It also provided an answer to the question of adequately addressing the desire for unity in diversity. Ethiopia’s federal experiment, with its successful implementation of federalism to meet its political, social and economic needs and aspirations, has captured the attention of a number of other countries, not least when it successfully hosted the 5th International Conference on Federalism in December 2010. Although federalism is not always a panacea for ethnically and culturally diverse states and countries endowed with different languages, religions, beliefs and traditions, several countries with a history of conflict have shown interest in learning from Ethiopian experiences of the effectiveness of its federal system in encouraging development and prosperity. Recently the Speaker of the House of Federation, Kassa Tekleberhan, visited Sudan at the invitation of the Sudanese government to attend an experience-sharing forum to provide insights into the federal system of Ethiopia and its achievements. An intensive discussion was held following the presentation of papers on “Federalism and State Building in Ethiopia”; “Constitutional Framework and Implementation”; and “Democratic and Economic achievements registered”. According to Speaker Kassa, the visit successfully explained the origin of Ethiopia’s economic growth, which lay in the inclusive economic participation of the people and the effectiveness of the federal system. It provided the Sudanese government with a concrete example of achievement that could be used as an input into the constitutional reforms that the Sudan is considering. Most recently, a 50-member delegation from the Yemen, comprising members of parliament, academic institutions, senior officials, and representatives of different political parties and civic associations, as well as women and youth associations, paid an official visit to Ethiopia with the aim of sharing the experience of the federal system and political administration in Ethiopia. The delegation was briefed by members of the House 13 of Federation on the structure of the Ethiopian federal system, on the country’s constitution and the structure and duties of the House of Federation itself as well as the operation of federalism in practice, the distribution of wealth within the system and on the operation of conflict resolution. The delegation visited Ethiopia just as Yemen endorsed the idea of introducing a federal system in Yemen, and one of the obvious options is to use the Ethiopian example as a model. Speaker Kassa told the delegation that Ethiopia today was in a far better position than it had been in 1991 because of the introduction of a federal system which was specifically based on the country’s nations, nationalities and peoples. Since every Ethiopian took part in the process of adopting the Constitution, he stressed, the country was able to achieve faster and greater growth and promote internal peace. Yemen, he suggested, needed to focus on issues that could offer the prospect of unity regardless of religious, political, cultural or gender differences. The Speaker underlined that it was the introduction of federalism that allowed this, ensuring the unity and peace of the country and thus bringing about economic growth and peaceful coexistence among its peoples. If Yemen aspired to build effective federalism, he said, it must be prepared to accommodate all parties in the adoption and implementation of the process. Ethiopia’s federal system, he said “is based on democratic order, the rule of law and socio-economic advancement; and nowadays, all Ethiopian nations, nationalities and peoples enjoy equal rights as stipulated in the Constitution.” The Speaker added that Ethiopia and Yemen in many respects shared a common history, culture and other links; and Ethiopia would fully support and assist the Yemeni people in moves towards democratization and federalism. Members of the delegation indicated that the curren