Abdullahi Hussein, a former head of state-run media and adviser to Ogaden Regional President, Abdi Mohamoud Omar, has been awarded this year’s Anna Politkovskaya Award for smuggling out one-hundred-hours filmed footage from the Somali region of Ogaden,which became the SVT Documentary film of ” Dictatorship prisoners.”, TT-Swedish National News Agency Reported.
Abdullahi Hussein receives National Press Club prize to Anna Politkovskaya’s memory in 2014, with the motivation “With lives at stake, he smuggled out films that expose the dictatorship soul. He showed the world that a single individual’s courage makes a difference,” The Report added.
The video showed how the Ethiopian Security forces committed atrocities against the Somali Ogaden villagers, political inmates in Jail Ogaden and how the two Swedish Journalists, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson were abused by the Ethiopian regime.
Mr. Hussein, who is currently a political refugee in Sweden and living under death threats saved the lives of the two-Swedish Journalists that put their lives at risk by entering the Ogaden region, in part of their job to report on the Ethiopian army brutality in the Somali Region of Ogaden and the foreign oil companies’ impact on the civilians. But unfortunately, Charged with terrorism and entering the country illegally with fake video evidence against them.
He was honored for bravery in another ceremony held on April 10th, a plaque naming him a hero was awarded the prize of Sweden’s civil courage of the year 2014,”Antigone award”.
The award to Anna Politkovskaya’s memory is shared with \ to a journalist whose work distinguished itself in the defense of freedom of expression and press freedom.
For many years, the Horn of Africa has been characterized by wars, anarchy, terrorism, piracy and instability. Amid the chaos and uncertainty in the region, Somaliland managed to maintain cordial relations with its neighboring countries. Somaliland has always accomplished its affairs in accordance with the large interest of the region. Additionally, Somaliland has carefully avoided any action or utterances that may negatively effect on the stability of the region as well as its relations with the countries in the region. Yet, Somaliland’s neighboring states have dithered to grant Somaliland it’s well deserved recognition. Since Somaliland’s immediate neighbors are not willing to facilitate the long-awaited recognition of Somaliland, and are not expanding their diplomatic relationships with Somaliland, this had made it easy for policymakers in the West to defer the issue of recognition and maintain the status quo of the diplomatic limbo-status of the country.
Notwithstanding, this double-standard policy of the regional states, it is the argument of this paper that the current situation offers a window of opportunity to re-assess Somaliland’s diplomatic relations with these countries. This essay seeks to identify the ways that Somaliland can improve its relations with neighboring states and also suggests that Somaliland needs to balance its relationship with these states.
2.CURRENT SOMALILAND’S RELATIONS IN FOCUS
2.1SOMALILAND’S RELATIONSHIP WITH ETHIOPIA:
Ethiopia has the second largest population in Africa, with around 90 million citizens. The ninth largest country in the continent, covering over 1 million square kilometers, it is the only state in the region without a coastline and port. Ethiopia has maintained close relation with Somaliland since its re-emergence in 1991. During the liberation struggle against the Siyad Barre dictatorship, Ethiopia was the base of guerilla movement, (SNM) from which the military campaign against the regime was launched. In addition, Ethiopia was the principal haven to which Somaliland’s civilian refugees fled during the period 1988 – 1991. In 2000, a Somaliland delegation led by the second president of the Republic, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, visited Addis Ababa and signed agreements aimed at enhancing trade and communications. Ethiopia was the first country that established diplomatic relations with Hargeisa by opening a Consulate which issues visas to Somaliland passport holders, while Somaliland also maintains a diplomatic office in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In addition, Ethiopia Airlines flies to Somaliland several times per week.
Nevertheless, even though Ethiopia is considered as being directly supportive of Somaliland’s independence claims, there are no signs that Ethiopia is ready to recognize Somaliland and has Ethiopia has stated several times that it would be the second country to recognize Somaliland. Ethiopia’s disinclination to be the first country to recognize Somaliland is due to a number of factors:
·Given the historical animosity between Ethiopia and the Somali republic, and the subsequent disintegration of the former Somali republic and its support to SNM, Ethiopian government is not willing to be accused of dismembering further Somalia by recognizing Somaliland.
·The absence of a vibrant diplomatic pressure and drastic political bargaining from Somaliland has resulted in the seemingly lack of Ethiopia’s political willingness and enthusiasm in recognizing Somaliland as a de jure state.
Many observers argue that both Somaliland and Ethiopia have been half-hearted in developing an effective relationship with regard to trade and investment. Specifically, Hargeisa was not able to table a convincing trade development program that would influence Ethiopia to invest in Somaliland. Many political insiders contend that the successive Somaliland governments have not invested much time and effort in promoting and developing the Berbera Corridor as a major route for Ethiopia’s imports and exports, and it remain grossly under-utilized compared to its potential. In addition, Ethiopia had succeeded in bringing the hydro-electric power to towns near the Ethiopian-Somaliland border, but the current government in Hargeisa has not taken advantage of this opportunity to extend this into Somaliland.
Nevertheless, it is our firm belief that Ethiopians also need to rethink their political and diplomatic strategy towards Somaliland. Firstly, Ethiopia’s interest lies in peaceful and independent Somaliland with a fully-functioning and responsible state. Secondly, security remains one of the most challenging issues in the contemporary setting and particularly in this highly volatile region. Moreover, Ethiopia shares with Somaliland a long border extending over hundreds of kilometers—that remains secure thanks to the Somaliland government and its people. In this regard, Ethiopia should reconsider the Somaliland’s quest for recognition as a critical and strategic agenda for its security.
With new leadership in both countries, there is a window of opportunity to develop a closer and more fruitful relationship, particularly with respect to trade and investment.
Interestingly, the foreign policy of Somaliland seems to be improving as it is currently led by a minister with pragmatic capacity, while Ethiopia has a new prime minister as well as a new and energetic foreign minister.
2.2SOMALILAND’S RELATIONS WITH DJIBOUTI:
The relationship between Somaliland and Djibouti has never been successful due to Djibouti’s proverbial antagonistic policy towards Somaliland. Djiboutians had received widespread and sustained support from the people of Somaliland during their struggle for Independence in the 1970s.However, when the Siyad Barre regime initiated its policy of internal war against the people of Somaliland during the late 1980s, which lead directly to the massacre of civilians in Hargeisa and other cities in 1988, the Djibouti government was not receptive to the flood of refugees that poured out of the country seeking shelter and safe haven, and most of the refugees sought asylum in Ethiopia rather than Djibouti.
Djibouti is an important neighbor to Somaliland for several reasons. Firstly, Djiboutians and Somalilanders have common ancestral lineage and geographical tenancy, since the people of Somaliland live both in Djibouti and Somaliland Secondly, most recently, Djiboutian businessmen, especially from the circles of the ruling family, have hugely invested in Somaliland with large scale business projects.
Since the re-emergence of Somaliland in early 1991, relations with Djibouti have been unstable. There have been a number of military confrontations between SNM fighters based at the border and the Djibouti military. The late President Egal tried to establish better relations with Djibouti and he initiated several measures in this regard, e.g. during a visit by Egal to Djibouti in January 1994, President Abtidon requested President Egal that he remove Somaliland forces based at the border between the two countries. President Egal complied and ordered the removal of the Somaliland forces at the border.
Formal diplomatic relations between Somaliland and Djibouti started early in 1999, when President Egal nominated Ambassador Omer Dheere to officially open Somaliland’s diplomatic office in Djibouti, however Djibouti has not opened any diplomatic office in Hargeisa. This low-key diplomatic relationship deteriorated in early 2000, when Djibouti was hosting the Somali Peace Conference in Arta, which the Somaliland government boycotted. The proposal of the Arta Conference was initiated by President Egal, who visited his counterpart, President Ismeal Omar Gelleh, in Djibouti, and proposed in detail a peace plan for Somalia that envisaged a reconciliation conference for the warring factions hosted by Djibouti – the only Somali-populated country that enjoyed international recognition. Egal believed that Djibouti could play a significant role in reconciling the warring factions in Somalia by using its positions at the UN, AU and Arab League to secure the diplomatic, economic and political support of the international community. Unfortunately, however, Gueleh betrayed Egal and invited Somaliland to the Conference as one of the warring factions of Somalia in direct contravention of their private agreement that Somaliland would not participate at the conferences.
The Djibouti government has been deeply engaged in the politics of Somalia and has hosted a number of peace conferences, notably Arta, at which puppet government were established. More recently, Guelleh was the architect of Sheikh Sharif’s transitional government, which was established in Djibouti, however, Djibouti’s peace efforts have all proven ill-advised and counterproductive. During this period, i.e. 2000 until the present, Djibouti’s political position on Somaliland’s recognition has been ambivalent at best and hostile at worst. Djibouti has not supported Somaliland’s quest for recognition at any international forum, e.g. IGAD, AU, and Arab League, while by contrast, Somaliland has cooperated with Djibouti in securing the Djibouti-Somaliland border for some 23 years.
Presently, Somaliland maintains a diplomatic office in Djibouti confined to minor activities, such as welcoming Somaliland delegates to Djibouti. Many political observers argue that Djibouti is very much engaged in thwarting Somaliland’s political maneuvers. For that reason, it is necessary that Somaliland re-assess its diplomatic relations with Djibouti.
2.3SOMALILAND’S RELATIONS WITH SOMALIA:
The people of Somaliland and Somalia share many things which are very unique; they share language, culture, religion and ethnicity. The Somali people that live in these two states also reside in the other Horn of Africa countries such as Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. Somaliland was the first Somali state that has got independence on 26th June 1960. Somaliland and former Italian Trust territory united on 1 July 1960 and became the Somali Republic. It is important to remember that Somaliland willingly and voluntarily surrendered its sovereignty in 1960 without preconditions in the cause of Greater Somalia.The main dream of that union was to bring all Somali speaking people into one state. Unfortunately, that dream had never materialized. On the contrary, the only union of two Somali territories was unable to establish peace and justice between them. The former Italian trust territory (South Somalia) had dominated the politics of the new republic and marginalized the people of former British Protectorate.
The inequity started from the beginning; the president, the prime minister, key ministers, Head of Military and Police and other key posts went to Southern politicians. The only civilian government, which had premier from the former British Protectorate Somaliland, had been overthrown on 1 October, 1969 by the military junta. In response to the marginalization, Somali National Movement (SNM) an organization representing northern clans, although comprising mainly the Isaaq membership, emerged in response to General Barre’s policy of atrocities, summary executions, targeted assassinations, arbitrary arrests, expulsions, freezing commercial activities and mass starvation of millions of nomads whose livestock and water wells were destroyed by the army of dictatorship.
After defeating Siyad’s army in 1990, the SNM convened a conference in the town of Burao in 1991 at which all the northern clans/tribes were represented. At this meeting, the representatives of the clans/tribes from the Somaliland British protectorate decided to nullify the un-ratified Act of Union of 1960 and re-established Somaliland’s sovereignty. Since then relations between Somaliland and Somalia have been uncertain due to the fact that the Somali state collapsed and never recovered from its destruction, while Somaliland had experienced a speedy recovery.
Successive governments of Somaliland have considered relations with Somalia as a critical and sensitive matter. Unlike the incumbent government of President Silanyo, all preceding governments were very sensitive and reluctant to commence official or formal relations with Somalia. The main arguments of the preceding governments of Egal and Rayale were twofold:
·That there was no credible, capable and functioning government with which Somaliland can deal and negotiate on the critical issues interested by the two parties,
·That there was no reason for Somaliland to meddle itself with the divergent warring political functions of Somalia.
However, the incumbent government of Somaliland shifted the longstanding policy of abstaining from any “deal with Somalia” and agreed to start talks with Somalia for the first time in 21 years. The first time that Somaliland and Somalia had “official talks” was July, 2012. These talks came about after the “London Somali Conference”— in which President Ahmed Silanyo participated. This conference had a great impact which drove Somaliland and Somalia to participate in subsequent bilateral meetings that were held in Dubai, UK and Turkey respectively. President Silanyo, as the elected Head of State of Somaliland and President Sh. Sharif, as the head of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia signed an agreement that was facilitated by the UAE government in Dubai which provided for further talks and negotiations between the two entities. Interestingly, President Silanyo argued that these talks with Somalia will pave the way for the long overdue recognition of Somaliland. Those opposed to the talks with Somalia argue that it is a waste of time as there is no democratically elected and strong government that has the legitimate authority to negotiate and decide upon the critical and key issue of Somaliland’s independence. One of the key factors such opponents cite to challenge the ongoing dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia is that not a single point of these agreements, understandings and principles that have been so far been reached has been implemented.
In light of this fact, it is the firm belief of authors that Somaliland needs to critically re-examine its relations with Somalia and re-think the ongoing dialogue between the two entities.
3.CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS:
The government of Somaliland has to balance its diplomatic relationship with the neighboring states. Somaliland has to increase its diplomatic efforts in the region—it is of paramount importance that Somaliland brings pragmatic approach to its diplomatic maneuvering in the region. Somaliland’s quid pro quo for offering bilateral security relations in the region has to be international recognition.
Based upon the foregoing review, we would like to mention the following recommendations as a basis for improving the existing Somaliland’s relations with its neighboring countries in the region:
·Strengthen Somaliland’s diplomatic missions in Ethiopia and Djibouti
·Establish special desk in Somaliland’s Foreign Ministry for pursuing effective relationships with these neighboring countries in the region
·Come up with special and critical policy coupled with delivery mechanism on the recently-formed relations with the so-called Somalia government
·In improving its relations with its neighboring countries, Somaliland should not forget the significance of prioritizing the element of “trade, investment and economic partnership”—which can contribute to Somaliland’s economic growth.
·Capitalizing the potential of the academia and the so-far formed think-tanks and intellectual groups in a manner that we can obtain a participatory approach of building vibrant relations capital which Somaliland can resort to regarding the duty of safeguarding its interests.
Mohamed Abdilahi Duale & Saeed Mohamed Ahmed
Mohamed Abdilahi Duale is a political analyst and an independent researcher currently based in Somaliland.
Saeed Mohamed Ahmed is a senior social worker and a youth activist based in Somaliland.
Image 1: Hargeisa monument: an MIG fighter jet which bombarded the city in the late 1980s. The monument acts as a stark reminder for Somalilanders regarding the historical perils of the Union.
Historical background of Somaliland
Somaliland, an unrecognised, de facto country in the Horn of Africa is to many simply an autonomous region of Somalia. Yet this unrecognised state will be celebrating its 23rd Independence Day this coming May 18th in honour of the day when it decided to discontinue the union with Somalia. Somaliland was a former British protectorate which was granted independence on 26th June 1960 and 5 days later Somaliland sacrificed independence in order to unite with the Italian protectorate of Somalia which received independence on 1st July 1960 and both united to form the Somali Republic. The Somali Republic from the offset experienced growing pains, in particular the North (modern day Somaliland), which felt it had been marginalised. For example, although 2 entities united to form the union, the president, prime minister and the capital city (Mogadishu) as well as most of the parliament seats and funds, all went down South. The North felt that it had been marginalised economically, socially and politically and that it was treated as a province rather than as an equal partner in the Union.
Yet, it was only with the emergence of the late dictator Siad Barre in 1969 that dissatisfaction reached a zenith amongst the Northern Somalis when he began to severely discriminate and marginalise the Isaaq clan who make up the majority of the populace in Somaliland. His military regime was able to do this through emergency rule in the North and draconian measures that led to mass imprisonments, exiles and murders committed by his forces. Indeed, a peculiar scenario occurred in Somaliland whereby it only received one fifth of the national budget allocation despite hosting two thirds of the army. In the North this created the feeling that it was a region under occupation instead of an equal partner in the Union. The masses were already dissatisfied with Barre’s corrupt rule wherein he favoured his own clans for most important government and military positions. This discontent led to the formation of the Somali National Movement (SNM) in the mid-80s in Jeddah and London amongst the mainly Somaliland diaspora and exiles abroad, their aim at the time was simply to eject Siad Barre’s well-equipped and large army from the North. The war in the North preceded any warfare in the rest of Somalia, and by 1988 it had intensified and the SNM emerged victorious through the use of guerrilla warfare with assistance from the Derg regime in Ethiopia, which was fighting its own war with Siad Barre’s regime. The SNM enjoyed popular support in the North and as a result made inroads into the main cities of the North, which led to Siad Barre sanctioning the bombing of his own country and second city at the time, Hargeisa. Hargeisa, the capital city of Somaliland, was bombed to the ground and 50,000-70,000 innocents died, according to Human Rights Watch. Such was the destruction of Hargeisa that it gained the unwanted nickname of the “Dresden” of East Africa. The harsh military measures led to around 2 million people being displaced to Ethiopian refugee camps. In 1991 the SNM finally succeeded in its principal aim of ejecting Siad Barre and his military forces from the North; this was only possible because Siad Barre faced tangible threats from other factions within Mogadishu and they ejected him and his army from Mogadishu in 1991 which led to the eventual collapse and descent into violent war in of Southern Somalia, which would continue unabated for 21 years only somewhat subsiding in 2012.
Initially, the SNM favoured a united Somalia with a federal structure, however, the bloody zero-sum game for power that was played out in Mogadishu in 1991 and the peoples’ calls for independence led to the SNM realigning their philosophy towards outright secession. Then, in a major gathering in the North in 18th May 1991 the Northern populace, the SNM and its leader’s aswell as tribal elders all decided unanimously to repel the Act of Union made with Somalia in 1960 and establish the Republic of Somaliland, which they considered the successor state to the former British Somaliland protectorate that gained independence on June 26th 1960.
Image 2: Somaliland’s current, elected President: Ahmed Mohamoud “Silanyo” addressing Chatham House in London in 2011.
To this day the SNM has gained the distinction of being one of the few victorious, armed rebel movements in Africa to disband in favour of a civilian government. Since 1991, Somaliland adopted a hybrid form of democracy whereby Western parliamentary democracy was fused with traditional Islamic/Somali laws and customs to provide a unique form of government. This democracy was strengthened by bicameral legislatures wherein one house contained the chamber of elected representatives and the other “the House of Elders”, where clan elders were used to diffuse tensions. This distinct form of democracy has survived up until today due to the grassroots, bottom up approach utilized by Somaliland. In contrast Somalia underwent 14 transitional governments since 1991 with immense assistance from the international community, however, analysts have argued that that failed due to a lack of ownership in the political peace process that Somaliland achieved without any external assistance. When observing Somaliland’s history; one political leader usually stands tall; the late leader Mohamed Ibrahim Egal who was a former Prime Minister of the Somali Republic (as it was called from 1960 – 1991) in 1968 and widely considered the modern “father” of Somaliland as it was under his watch that the flag, currency, national army and various government institutions were established in Somaliland. He suddenly passed away in 2003 in Pretoria, South Africa and leaders of Somaliland have usually tried to follow in his illustrious footsteps.
Image 3: Somaliland’s former President Mohamed I. Egal at a ball with President Lyndon B. Johnson on an official state visit to Washington when he was Prime Minister of the Somali Republic in 1969.
Political developments of Somaliland
In terms of its political development and maturity, Somaliland has come a long way, especially when compared to other East African states. Somaliland instituted national elections from 2000 onwards and since then it has experienced 5 parliamentary elections, 3 presidential elections, and several local council elections in its transition to full democracy. Somaliland has even managed to achieve a rarity in Africa; the peaceful transfer of power after an election. This occurred in July 2010 when the former two-term President; Dahir Riyale Kahin made way for the current incumbent President Ahmed Mohamud “Silanyo .This culture of democracy fostered in Somaliland has gained admirers amongst policymakers and international observers who have credited them as free and fair, especially when one takes into account the fact that Somaliland is located in a rough neighbourhood. Somaliland for all intents and purposes is an independent nation as it has its own currency, army, navy, licence plates, ministries, airports, universities, and is in control of its borders based on the 1960 British Protectorate Somaliland borders. However, Somaliland has achieved no recognition whatsoever (apart from de facto recognition from Ethiopia and Djibouti) and the main reason is because the Federal government of Somalia which only controls the capital; Mogadishu still lays claim to Somaliland and is opposed to its de jure independence, although it exercises no influence whatsoever over Somaliland due to its weak nature. This scenario has made it difficult for Somaliland to achieve the same kind of political arrangement that has benefited Eritrea and South Sudan in their split from their “Mother Country” whereby they reached a consensus with their mother state in terms of seceding based on referendums. In fact Somaliland can understandably feel hard done as it too held a referendum in 2001 which was deemed free and fair with over 95% of respondents in Somaliland choosing to secede and become an independent state. Yet, the international community has largely ignored this despite the insistence by some independent observers that the said referendum was free and fair.
In July 2013, the current President Ahmed Mohamoud “Silanyo” triumphed in national, presidential elections and was mandated with a 5 year term through his “Kulmiye” (Solidarity) Party which promised economic development and renewal in Somaliland. Silanyo was educated in Britain where he completed his bachelors and Masters in economics at the University of Manchester in the 1960s. He then worked for the Somali Republic as the Finance & Planning Minister under the late dictator President Siad Barre but defected when it became clear to him that the Siad Barre regime was waging a war against the North and its people. He then became the SNM chairman during their guerrilla war with one of the strongest armies in Africa at the time and he oversaw the gradual shift in power and momentum in favour of the SNM under his stewardship.Yet, what is most interesting about the current, ruling administration in Somaliland is its strategic shift towards initiating dialogue with Somalia and their Mogadishu based government. Although in the past year dialogue has been initiated with the new government in Mogadishu as it slowly begins to rebuild both governments’ objectives are at odds. For example, Somaliland led by its elected President; a British educated economist Ahmed Mohamoud Silanyo want nothing short of recognition, whilst Somalia’s new, reformist President Hassan Sheikh expects Somaliland to renounce its independence bid and re-join Somalia in a federal arrangement. Yet, despite its unrecognized status; Somaliland has a robust and extensive foreign policy spearheaded by its dynamic Foreign Minister; Mohamed Yonis, a Harvard educated, former international civil servant at the UN and the African Development bank. In his former role; Yonis acted as the deputy head of the United Nations Mission in Darfur and was in contact with various international leaders & personalities such as; UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and George Clooney, a UN Messenger of Peace in Darfur. Under Yonis ascension to the foreign ministry in late 2013; Somaliland has witnessed a mushrooming of diplomatic relations and various investment deals, no doubt a product of Yonis’ vast diplomatic clout. In recent years Somaliland has instituted formal and informal ties with a host of countries and international players, such as; Ethiopia, Rwanda, the UK, France, Denmark, Norway, Germany, the Netherlands, South Africa, the UAE and Kenya.
Image 5: Current Somaliland Foreign Minister with George Clooney during the UN Mission in Darfur.
Economic development of Somaliland:
However, recognition or not Somaliland has charted its own path in regards to economic development and Foreign Direct Investment. Strategically located in the Horn of Africa at the mouth of the Red Sea, Somaliland is in an ideal location due to its proximity to the Middle East and the ever busy Red Sea shipping route. Yet, investors are all drawn to Somaliland due to its proximity to its neighbour Ethiopia which has a population of over 90 million and is one of the fastest growing economies in not just Africa but the world. Crucially, Ethiopia is the world’s largest landlocked country, a result of Eritrea’s secession in 1993. This in turn has enabled Somaliland to focus on developing its Berbera Port as a key route for Ethiopia’s exports and imports which will enable Somaliland to increase its revenue ten-fold. Recently, according to the Financial Times; Somaliland signed a deal with Bolloré Africa Logistics, a major French company specializing in the port development of Africa. According to reports it aims to invest $677 million in the Berbera Port and the fabled “Berbera Corridor” which is a planned, key road network between Ethiopia and Somaliland which aims to enable Ethiopia to fully utilize the port of Berbera as its main port. As a result of this; Bolloré aims to transform Berbera into a key African port leader and potentially a $2.5 billion logistics hub facing the Red Sea. In addition, Africa has emerged as a recent frontier for the oil and gas exploration and Somaliland is no different as it is potentially situated in an oil and gas rich peninsula. As such; Somaliland’s government has entered into deals with major multinational petroleum companies to explore for oil. Genel, an Anglo-Turkish oil and gas firm co-owned by the controversial former BP CEO Tony Hayward has recently entered the Somaliland natural resources sector and is scheduled to invest over $1 billion in its activities within Somaliland. Economists have predicted that oil and gas production will significantly benefit Somaliland’s economy and populace due to Somaliland’s small population, proximity to regional markets and its relative stability and vibrant democracy, minerals rich. According to observers such economic developments will enable Somaliland to develop rapidly with or without recognition.
In addition, there have been various investments initiated by the Somaliland government with the aim of utilising such investment to transform its economy and recognition prospects. One such crucial form of investment occurred in 2012 when the multinational billion dollar firm Coca Cola chose to build a $17 million modern, state of the art factory in the outskirts of the Somaliland capital, Hargeisa to act as its East Africa regional hub. More than anything this investment served as a stamp of approval for Somaliland’s nascent but yet vibrant economy.
Although unrecognised and relatively new; Somaliland has managed to attract its fair share of admirers from the international community and influential personalities. Somaliland itself amongst its extensive diaspora possesses a roll call of famous daughters and sons who are recognised amongst millions around the world. Such examples include; Mo Farah, the British Olympic double gold medallist who was born in Mogadishu but hails from Somaliland originally. Another famous personality from Somaliland is the world renowned former BBC journalist Rageh Omar who came to prominence during the BBC coverage of the Iraq War in 2003. Closer to home Somaliland can lay claim to its own icon; Edna Aden, a former Foreign Minister of Somaliland and the founder of Edna Aden maternity hospital in a place where 4,000 women die from childbirth each year. She turned a garbage dump site in Somaliland into one of the most modern and developed maternal hospitals in East Africa. Her hospital has delivered more than 14,000 babies, tackled fistula and FGM aswell as trained thousands of nurses and midwives over the past decade. Edna Aden has come to the fore in recent years through the PBS Half the Sky movement and has admirers amongst celebrities such as; Angelina Jolie and Dianne Lane. In particular Edna Aden has been recognised for her work in promoting the rights of women and young girls in a conservative African and Muslim state through her decades’ long campaign to improve the plight of Somali women.
Image 7: British, Olympic, double gold medallist Mo Farah holding up the Somaliland flag (Getty Images).
Although unrecognised and oft ignored, Somaliland is a country built on people power and consensus; it is this that has enabled it to succeed for the past 23 years. Although the international community has consistently ignored the case of Somaliland, it has proven to be a unique and commendable case, a democratic nation and an oasis of stability in a volatile region of Africa.
Nairobi, May 12, 2014-Today, CPJ partnered with Reporters Without Borders and Rory Peck Trust in a joint open letter calling on Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary of Interior, Joseph Ole Lenku, to provide clarity on the government’s refugee policy and to exempt journalists from forced relocation to the refugee camps. On March 25, Lenku ordered all urban refugees to relocate to one of two refugee camps in a bid to tighten security amid continuing violence, including an attack on a church in Mombasa. His order came despite the fact that a similar government directive in 2012 was ruled unconstitutional by the High Court.
Collective research by our three organizations shows that exiled Somali and Ethiopian journalists are not safe in Kenya’s refugee camps, where Ethiopian security agents and Somalia’s Al-Shabaab militants operate-the very same threats that most such journalists fled in the first place. Meanwhile, life for refugee journalists in Nairobi has been made even harder than usual. Kenyan police conduct nightly raids on the homes of Somali refugees, demanding bribes to avoid forceful relocation to the camps, local journalists say.
Somaliland political landscape is about to take a drastic shift and shape, as Kulmiye the current ruling political party braces to advance into a final standoff, of nominating its presidential candidate for the upcoming presidential elections.
Kulmiye party barely managed to wrap up its national party convention, without any change to its leadership. In this convention Kulmiye artistically if not deceptively dodged the bullet of disarray, after engaging in aggressive arm-twisting and behind the scene deals. Eventually the party came out triumphantly through this phase, and with not a single challenge to the incumbent stalwarts. The convention apparently winded-up with maintenance of the status quo.
Following the conclusion of the convention and even before the dust settled, and the excited political junkies could enliven the public with vicarious analysis and predictions, came out the announcement by the Kulmiye chairman Mr. Muse Bihi, sayingcome rain or shine he is resolved to run for the presidential nomination on a Kulmiye ticket. Within no time followed a counter announcement by the Kulmiye government information minister stating that due to public demand, the current president is for sure going to run for a second term as granted by the law.
While the many pundits in the Somali peninsula politics were caught little unaware in the timing of these announcements, the fact remains that if all comes to pass andwith all seriousness political swords are drawn, there is no doubt that political landscape in this part of the world will take a dramatic shift.
I meant to say with all seriousness, as it seems the Kulmiye pro incumbency political architects have many a times proved to be proactively tactful in the art of taming spoilers of their well thought plots. The case of Hassan Gaafadhi vs Mohamed Kaahin is enough to shade some doubts in the seriousness of the brewing confrontations.
While Somali politics and clan alliances are known to be inextricably entwined, in this particular case both the incumbent president and the ambitious party chairman, are in between a rock and a hard place. For one the incumbent head of state, with his incumbency advantage can easily dismiss the challenge and set the stage for the nomination. With the situational advantage the election results would play to his favor. However without the blessings of Chairman Musa. President Silaanyo would have to employ a genius tribal calculus, if at all to maintain or at least free his fate from the traditional Gabiley, Caynabo alliance which is a Kulmiye essential life support for the upcoming general election
Likewise, Chairman Musa is at a critical stage and at a point of no return. With all due respect I see Musa’s situation the same as choosing between the devil and the deep blue see. If Musa goes ahead and challenge the incumbency he surely going to lose, on the other hand if he swallows the pride and let the incumbency have its way, he is likely going to lose the respect and trust from his Gabiley base, not mentioning that his chairmanship position would also be insignificant and vulnerable as well. The final Option for Musa is to jump the Kulmiye ship for one of the other two existing political parties. If for once Musa would have to decide to throw his weight behind his kin, Jamal Ali Hussein of the opposition UCID party, then the unsettled grey area within UCID party needs to be cleared first. This grey area lies with the pioneering founder of UCID Engineer Feisal Warabe, not yet officially signing off the candidacy torch to the youthful intellect. Even if it happens that Jamal would be the candidate, still the Berbera, Gabiley alliance is not as productive and potent enough of a formula, fitting the equation to stir the needed clan calculus to the opposition favor
The other option yet unlikely choice, would be for Musa to side with “Waddani” the last of the political parties, headed by none other than Abdirahman Cirro. This is one move that may account to be a scary situation for the incumbency squad, and would surely cost Silaanyo camp many sleepless nights. It’s unlikely because the option is burdened with lots of uneasiness for Musa. Importantly the lingering shadows of the memorable internal skirmishes in the early periods, after Somaliland declared to dissolve the ill-fated union with Somalia. This was in the early period of the late Ibrahim Egaal administration. In the fracas Musa took a giant role in the crushing of the rebellion led by the Oodweyne block, who are currently solidly behind one of their own, Mr. Abdirahman Cirro of the Waddani political party and at the same time incumbent speaker of the parliament. The issue here is that Musa Bihi was heard employing the Somali quote that goes “Anigoo wax dili Kara duco qaadan maayo”. Albeit the conundrums, Kulmiye incumbency with its all Machiavellian technique, needs to bear in mind the famous Somali adage “Rag ciil, Cadaabta ka dooray, at times desperate situations warrants unpredictable solutions.
If at all Chairman Muse manages to join the Waddani ship and convince his base to recalibrate the traditional alliance of Gabiley, Caynabo alliance to Gabiley, Oodweyne alliance the political landscape is sure to take a dramatic shift in a big way. The equation may look something like this.
This is just but my opinion I might be dead wrong in my analysis but all in all I would like to leave the following quote for Chairman Musa to ponder.
“There are two ways to be fooled. One is to believe what isn’t true; the other is to refuse to believe what is true.”
• #SaveAbdullah campaign launched to hospitalize and save life of hunger striking journalist
• Human rights activist calls for release
•TV anchor says the case is doing harm to Egypt
Prominent Egyptians have begun to call for the release of Al Jazeera’s journalists detained in their country.
The interventions come as Abdullah Elshamy was moved by the Egyptian authorities to an unknown location. Earlier his lawyer had asked the authorities to transfer him to hospital within 48 hours amid growing concerns for his life. He has been on hunger strike since 21 January 2014.
Hoda AbdelMoneim, head of AlHorreya Observatory for Detainees Rights, said today, “Abdullah Elshamy is asking for his rights in a fair trial. He is detained unlawfully and no charges have been filed against him, although Article 10 of the Declaration of Human Rights states that every individual has the right to be submitted to a fair independent court.”
She also urged civil society, in a press release today, to pressure for the release of Elshamy to save his life after he exceeded 110 days of hunger strike.
Tests on Elshamy’s blood and urine conducted in a private laboratory have indicated his life is in serious danger. Medical experts state that he is now suffering kidney dysfunction, severe anemia and low red blood cell count.
After the results, his family tweeted: “Put @abdallahelshamy in your prayers. He’s between God’s hands and could lose his life anytime.”
“Abdullah is running out of time. We demand that he is admitted to an independent hospital immediately. With experts saying he may die in few days, every journalist, every organization and every human has to do something to save this 26-year-old journalist,” said Al Jazeera spokesperson Osama Saeed.
Al Jazeera English’s detained trio are meanwhile due back in court on Thursday, 15 May 2014. In recent days, TV presenter Amr Adeeb called for the release of Al Jazeera’s staff, saying that press freedoms have to be upheld. Adeeb hosts a daily talk show “Al Qahera Al Youm” (Cairo Today) on the “Al Youm” (Today) channel. Speaking live on his show, he said, “I am against jailing any journalist based on his work, regardless of what he reports. And this case is causing us embarrassment globally. In every interview with any Egyptian official on a foreign platform, a question about it is asked. I am totally against this attitude, because if I approve of it, I might be doing some work in Doha and get arrested and can’t say a word. Whatever was being reported and sent by these guys [Al Jazeera’s journalists] – and I know many of you will be against what I am saying, and you also know that I have never been on good terms with Al Jazeera – but there are regulations all over the world: journalists and reporters have immunity, even if you do not like what they report or find it harmful. And if journalists are being jailed because they report in a way that does not appeal to governments, you would find half the journalists of the world in jail!”
I dedicate this short piece to all the men and women who lost their lives in the liberation of Somaliland from tyranny. To the brave heroes who perished and to those who are still alive; to those who were injured and those who still suffer from Post Traumatic War Syndrome. We neither hear their names nor do we pause to reflect on the magnitude of their sacrifice as millions enjoy the peace and stability that is synonymous with our Motherland. Today, I salute those who are alive and pray for those suffering and the martyrs.
Once again it is that time of the year. The air is abuzz with excitement and the social media is chattering away; the websites are filled with colourful posters depicting entertainers, local and from abroad. This is the month that the Somaliland flag is most revered. Somalilanders’ Facebook profiles carry the flag, and patriotism is high on everyone’s list. One can’t escape being asked if they are going to the Somaliland “party,” and, if affirmative, followed by “which one”? See, there have been two in Toronto in the past several years and this year is not different. Then, on the day—or rather the night—of May 18, patriots, young and old, congregate in the designated venues and wave the red, green and white flag singing “calanyahow ha dhicin, ha dheeliyin, weligaa dhisnoow.” How joyous the moment is! Everyone’s face is light, and the love our people have for their homeland becomes obvious.
This is all good, however, we need to step back from all the hoopla—the music, the beautiful diracs, the lovely venues, the greetings and laughter—and pause to reflect on the magnitude of this day. May 18 should not be about people’s inflated egos, clan/political affiliations, or how many people will attend any given event. It should be about love for the country and for those less fortunate.
On that fateful day on May 18, 1991, those known to the people of Somalia as “qaldaan” took their fate in their hands and reclaimed their hastily given-away independence. On that day, in the city of Burco, the people of the former Northern Somalia spoke with one voice, had one vision, and swore never to be marginalized again. They spoke as a nation under one flag. That same voice, unity, and that same good will, should govern how May 18th is celebrated. It should reflect on the cohesiveness of the country and should be rejoiced in one venue with one purpose. Unfortunately, this day has been turned into an egotistical event by two competing groups. Neither group has the interest of the Motherland at heart. Each is obsessed with who will put on the grandest show, while the importance of the day is lost in this quest.
As a fellow Somalilander and one who is guilty by association, it is my belief that the schism in the community has damaged our image in this city. Two posters both boasting “Xaflada Somaliland ee Toronto” adorn walls in areas in the city hostile to the existence of Somaliland. It is time the elders and the community leaders in this city take this matter into their hands and appoint a new committee for the commemoration of this historic day. It is too late this year, but, maybe, next year, the community can celebrate in one venue.
This article would be incomplete if I did not call on Somalilanders to remember and support the surviving veterans as well as the orphans and widows. Many are without the basic necessities of life and the funds raised in these events would fulfil many of their needs. For history not to repeat itself and to learn from the lessons of history, it is imperative to collect and document all materials pertaining to this significant era.
Somalia Ambassador to Kenya Mohamed Ali Nur was recalled for reasons beyond the recent arrest of a diplomat. It was earlier revealed that Ambassador Nur was recalled to Mogadishu last month following the arrest of diplomat Siyad Mohamud Shire in Nairobi.
However, it has now emerged Mogadishu was offended by the latest overtures Nairobi has been making towards Jubaland and Somaliland, the two main self-proclaimed independent states within Somalia “without involving the leadership of the Somalia government”.
Kenya has already named consuls to the two autonomous regions, a move that has reportedly enraged the Hassan Shiekh Mohamud-led government. Somalia’s leadership has always been opposed to the existence of the autonomous regions.
According to Somalia media reports, Prime Minister Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed has written to Kenya “demanding respect”.
However, Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad, a Horn of Africa analyst with Southlink Consultants saysKenya’s interest in Mogadishu “is limited”, a scenario that may explain Nairobi’s uneventful response to the withdrawing of the ambassador. “Kenya has its interests largely in Kismayo. Kenya has its soldiers in this region.
The importance of Mogadishu is fast-dwindling, if you ask me,” he says. “Nairobi may not be bothered much about Mogadishu. They have Kismayu under different administration.” He says Kenya has no clear foreign policy on Somalia.
“The two countries have no policy which can be relied on in case of a tiff like this one,” he told the Star. Kenya has appointed Hillary Kyengo as the consul to Kismayu, the capital of Jubaland.
A high-powered delegation led by senior officials from the Foreign Affairs ministry was also sent to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland to lay the ground for the opening of the consulate.
Efforts to reach Foreign Affairs Secretary Amina Mohamed and PS Karanja Kibicho for comment failed. Other officials declined to comment due to the “sensitivity of the matter”.
On Monday, Ambassador Nur was summoned by a special meeting in Mogadishu to brief the cabinet on the “poor bilateral relations” between the two countries.
In an interview with the Christian Science Monitor, Ambassador Nur suggested that KDF withdraws from Somalia. “There is no cordial relationship between the two countries. I don’t see why the forces should stay in the country in the name of keeping peace,” Nur is quoted as saying.
Abdisamad says Mogadishu cannot order the withdrawal of soldiers under Amisom, but can only sanction the African Union whose mandate KDF in Somalia falls under.
On Monday, more than 100 MPs signed a petition to oust President Mohamud, among other domestic reasons, for “failing to resolve the tainted diplomatic relations with Kenya”.
In the petition, the MPs also want the Somalia embassy in Nairobi closed “due to the persistent mistreatment of Somalis in that country”. Jubaland is led by Ahmed Mohamed Islam Madobe, a former warlord and ex-Ras Kamboni brigade leader. Somaliland is led by President Ahmed Silanyo.
Elders, youth, Diaspora, Intellectual and chiefs came together in Hargeisa today to jointly condemn and demand the immediate release of the proprietor of Haatuf and Somaliland times Mr. Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and his Chief Editor Mr. Ahmed Egge a day after a court in Hargeisa remanded the Haatuf duo for seven days.
In a Statement read during the Press conference held at hotel Haraf today by the Gadiid community stated as follows:
“We the Elders, youth, Diaspora, Intellectual and tribal chiefs of the Gadiid Community while respecting and safeguarding the good relations between our community and other communities in Somaliland deplore the nature in which the prosecution used in while trying the Haatuf duo.
The constitution of Somaliland states clearly that Press Law shall be applied in this case contrary to the application of the outdated and general law on this case is contrary to article 130(5) of the Constitution. The article clearly states that the pre-constitution laws are only applicable if they do not conflict individual rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the constitution.
The article further stipulates that after promulgation of new laws, the previous laws shall not remain in force. The Gadiid community therefore is concerned by the prosecution intentions to continue to sideline the of the Press Law and the criminalization of the press.
StockMarketWire.com – Sterling Energy said completion has occurred under the Farmout Agreement with Jacka Resources Somaliland Ltd for the acquisition of an additional 15% interest in the Production Sharing Contract for the Odewayne Block, located onshore Republic of Somaliland.
The holders of the PSC are now:
– Genel Energy Somaliland Limited (Operator) – 50%
– Sterling Energy (East Africa) Limited – 40%
– Petrosoma Limited – 10%
At 8:03am: [LON:SEY] Sterling Energy PLC share price was +0.63p at 30.13p