He decries security threat posed by lifted arms embargo on Somalia
Somaliland Coast Guard have seized rogue dhows, arresting suspect insurgents
By M.A. Egge
The Minister of Internal Affairs Hon. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, ha highlighted the security situation in the Red Sea, and the potential threats posed.
He also cautioned about the insecurity of the countries of the Horn of Africa that can be caused by the arms embargo that the Security Council lifted from Somalia, hence gave details about the operations of the Somaliland Coast Guard in the sea and the security threats they have thwarted and prevented.
The minister also revealed about international and neighboring countries efforts on working together on the security of the Red Sea.
Minister Mohamed Kahin Ahmed gave the details in an exclusive interview he gave to Dawan Newspaper.
Exerpts of the interview went as follows:-
Q: Minister, there are situations that have arisen in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Babul-mandab, how do you intend to deal with the situation that has arisen in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Babul-mandal?
A: As you know, there are situations that have arisen in the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden; since 1990 there has been a lot of tension that has happened in India ocean since there have been a lot of pirates hijacking vessels.
Our sea shore spans 850 km from Lowyado to Qow and we are responsible for its security.
The sea between us and the Gulf is the Gulf and the sea where 80% of maritime trade traffic passes through to Europe, South Africa, East Africa, Asia, they go through that passage to whose security is part of our responsibility.
Due to the uproar, the governments of the South and the North, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, the Gulf region, the Arabian Gulf, and the African countries from the Red Sea, have been creating a council known to operate on its stability but ironically we are not part of it whereas 850 km of the stretch is our sea shore.
It is the government of Somaliland that is responsible for it.
We are in the process of trying to make Somaliland a part of that council with our servicemen taking part duly in defense of its shores and marinetime security as per cue.
Q: Mr. Minister, Somaliland has made various calls to many countries that are concerned about the Red Sea and the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, have you received any response so far?
A: The government of Djibouti, which is a neighbor of ours, cooperates with us, our army and navy hence we train together on the coast, and we cooperate, and we get news from some of them.
A commercial vessel hijacked by unknown assailants remains off the coast of Somalia raising fears of further instability for global shipping as attacks escalate in the Red Sea, maritime security sources said on Monday.
A Spanish navy ship was dispatched at full speed on Friday towards the Maltese-flagged Ruen vessel, which sources said had been hijacked.
British maritime security company Ambrey said the vessel had reached nine miles offshore from Bander Murcaayo in Puntland, Somalia on Dec. 17.
“This was assessed likely to be the first hijacking of a merchant vessel by Somali pirates since the ARIS 13 in 2017. Ambrey assessed the event was likely partly a consequence of political instability in Puntland,” Ambrey said.
“There is assessed to be a possible criminal and opportunist risk.”
The European Union’s naval force EUNAVFOR told Reuters on Monday that the incident was still ongoing and it was in “close collaboration with the Somali local authorities”, adding that it was “coordinating efforts for a comprehensive follow-up and sharing of information”.
The Ruen last reported its position off the coast of Somalia on Monday at 1810 GMT, according to data from ship tracking and maritime analytics provider MarineTraffic.
The vessel’s Bulgaria-based manager Navigation Maritime Bulgare did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
There are industry fears that there could be a spillover in attacks by other groups amid growing attacks by Iran-backed Houthis from Yemen on commercial shipping in the Red Sea in support of Palestinian Islamist group Hamas in their war against Israel in Gaza, shipping sources said.
“When there is instability in Puntland, obviously that gives more room for potential pirates or gangs to operate. And Puntland now has seen a period of instability because of an election dispute,” said Nicolas Delaunay, east and southern Africa project director with the independent International Crisis Group.
“Additionally, the Puntland Maritime Police Force, which was initially trained as an anti-piracy unit, over the years became more of a generic security provider less focused on piracy.”
Reporting by Jonathan Saul; Additional reporting by Duncan Miriri in Nairobi; Editing by Andrea Ricci
The 122nd Session of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Somaliland Approved the 2024 Annual Budget.
The 122nd session of Somaliland’s cabinet chaired by the President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency Musa Bihi Abdi, endorsed the annual budget for 2024, which was mainly based on bolstering the defense and geared towards electioneering processes of the country.
The 2024 annual budget presented by the Ministry of Financial Development of Somaliland, totals 3,432,316,337,448 (Three Trillion, Four Hundred and Thirty Two Billion, Three Hundred and Sixteen Million, Three Hundred and Thirty Seven Thousand, Four Hundred) and forty-eight) Somaliland shillings;
It consists of;
General government budget
Central Government budget
Local government budgets
Independent Institutions
World Bank projects
According to press circular from the Presidency, the Minister of Finance Development, Dr. Saad Ali Shire presented the budget estimates duly fulfilling the duties of the ministry as per National Constitution Article 55 Paragraph 1 and the Financial Management Act No. 75/2016 article 5, explained the areas and the national budget for the year 2024 to focus on and the areas where the revenue is expected to be collected.
After deliberations the President put it to vote and it was subsequently approved, being the 33rd budget of the nation.
It will be forwarded to the Somaliland House of Representatives.
The 2024 budget is guided and centered on the following points:
Strengthening the country’s immune system,
The cost of elections
Balancing income and expenses,
Inflation control,
Promotion of judicial service,
Product promotion,
Finally, the Law on Real Estate Mortgages for Banks, Act No.XX/2023 was distributed the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Somaliland for their perusal.
The business community in the Horn of Africa has welcomed the move by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to offer debt relief to Somalia.
Coming days after the Horn of Africa nation was admitted into the East African Community (EAC), the business community says the US Dollars 4.5 billion debt (about Sh600 billion) relief from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) will not only strengthen the country’s fledging economy but also promote job creation and attract investment into a region that has long suffered from political, economic and climatic instability.
Leading Africa money transfer company Dahabshiil in a statement welcomed the move by the two international financial institutions saying it will spur business development.
“The US dollars 4.5 million debt relief from the World Bank and IMF will strengthen the economy, promote job creation and attract investment,” said Dahabshiil in a statement.
Dahabshiil added: “We as a company have always stood with financial progress and business development in the region.”
And Dahabshiil Group Chief Executive Officer Abdirashid Duale said, “The region is opening up and the debt relief will not only spur growth locally but also in the East Africa region where there has also been good news regarding the expansion of the EAC. For the business community, the debt relief will open more opportunities for investors and that will in turn create jobs for the thousands of youth in the region and in turn help build the economy,” said Duale.
He added, ‘’The region has a demographic dividend in terms of its young population. Entrepreneurs see this as an important opportunity for business. As Dahabshiil, we have invested sustainably in many countries on the continent and we welcome this move by the IMF and World Bank. Thanks to this, we will now play a big role in the economic growth of the region and the continent”
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA) approved the debt relief on Wednesday. The two institutions said this will facilitate access to critical additional financial resources.
“It has made significant strides in rebuilding its economy and institutions,” said the IMF’s Director for the Middle East and Central Asia, Jihad Azour.
World Bank Vice President for Eastern and Southern Africa, Victoria Kwakwa said. “It has implemented critical reforms in support of pro-poor growth, poverty reduction, better public financial management and debt management.”
The economy has been hugely dependent on remittances from the diaspora community. With the debt relief, it is hoped that the environment will be more conducive to investment and growth, of course fuelled by diaspora remittances.
A study by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in 2021 revealed that 67 per cent of Somalis receiving money from relatives abroad are unemployed.
Members of the diaspora community send approximately $1.3 billion annually to their friends and relatives in the Somali regions, exceeding all humanitarian and development assistance to the country.
This article is a testament to the complexities and challenges that arise when engaging private security companies in conflict zones, urging stakeholders to tread cautiously and prioritize the protection of human rights and stability above all else.
By Yusuf Timacade
In recent years, the United Nations has faced mounting criticism over its decision to allow private security companies to operate in conflict zones where weapon embargoes were once enforced. The UN resolution lifting the weapons embargo in Somalia and permitting engagement with private security entities has sparked concerns. The move has triggered debates on the ethical and humanitarian implications of involving profit-driven firms in volatile regions. The lifting of the arms embargo in Somalia, coupled with the authorization to employ private security firms, created a wave of apprehension among critics. While proponents argue that such companies can bolster security and stability, opponents highlight the risks and unintended consequences.
One of the primary concerns lies in the potential misuse of power by these entities. Lack of oversight and accountability mechanisms could pave the way for human rights abuses and exacerbate existing conflicts. Instances of private security firms operating with impunity have surfaced in various regions, raising red flags about their unbridled authority and the resulting civilian casualties.
Somalia’s scenario is not isolated. Several other nations have grappled with similar repercussions when engaging private security companies:
In Afghanistan, the activities of private security contractors raised serious concerns. Reports emerged highlighting their involvement in illegal activities, including bribery, corruption, and even collusion with insurgent groups. The lack of accountability and transparency contributed to a deteriorating security situation.
3. Latin America:
Several Latin American countries have witnessed the detrimental impact of private security companies. In some instances, these firms have been accused of exacerbating conflicts, fueling violence, and undermining state authority by operating beyond legal boundaries.
While the utilization of private security firms may seemingly offer immediate solutions to security challenges in conflict zones, the long-term repercussions demand urgent attention.
The UN’s decision to lift the arms embargo in Somalia and engage private security companies raises pertinent questions about accountability, oversight, and the ethical implications of profit-driven entities in fragile regions.
Addressing these concerns necessitates a concerted effort from the international community. Establishing robust regulatory frameworks, stringent oversight mechanisms, and ensuring accountability for these entities are imperative steps.
The UN resolution lifting the weapons embargo in Somalia represents a pivotal moment in international security dynamics. The negative precedents set by the unregulated engagement of private security companies in other conflict zones serve as cautionary tales.
Moving forward, a delicate balance between security imperatives and ethical considerations must be struck. The need for comprehensive frameworks to govern the operations of private security firms in conflict zones cannot be overstated.
In the absence of stringent regulations and accountability measures, the involvement of these entities risks perpetuating violence, undermining state authority, and compromising the very stability they aim to uphold. The lessons learned from Somalia and other conflict-ridden regions underscore the imperative for prudence, responsibility, and global collaboration in navigating the intricate landscape of privatized security in conflict zones.
The lifting of the arms embargo in Somalia has sparked widespread concerns about its potential negative implications. The embargo, initially imposed to curb the flow of arms into a region marked by conflict and instability, had been in place for several years. Its removal was intended to support the Somali government in strengthening its security forces, including the Somali National Army (SNA), National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), Somali National Police Force (SNPF), Somali Custodial Corps, and licensed private security companies. However, this decision is not without its downsides and risks.
The primary concern revolves around the increased availability and circulation of weaponry. Lifted restrictions mean a surge in the importation of weapons, ammunition, and military equipment intended for the Somali government and authorized entities. However, ensuring these armaments remain solely in the hands of legitimate forces is a daunting task. History has shown that arms often find their way into unauthorized hands due to corruption, weak oversight, or intentional diversion.
Militant and extremist groups in Somalia have long sought modern weaponry to bolster their capabilities. With a surge in arms importation, there’s a higher probability of these groups acquiring sophisticated weapons. This poses a severe threat to regional stability as these groups can use advanced arms to escalate conflict, launch more sophisticated attacks, and further destabilize the region.
Somalia has grappled with deep-seated clan divisions for years. The increased availability of weapons, coupled with a lack of strong central governance, could exacerbate these tensions. Clan-based conflicts might intensify as rival factions seek to bolster their arsenals, leading to heightened violence and increased humanitarian crises.
The effective regulation and control of imported arms pose significant challenges. Monitoring the distribution and usage of weaponry demand robust oversight mechanisms, which the Somali government may struggle to enforce comprehensively. Corruption, lack of resources, and a fragmented administrative structure could hinder efforts to prevent the diversion of arms to unauthorized entities.
Ultimately, the lifting of the arms embargo without stringent checks and balances could undermine the legitimacy of the Somali government. Failure to control the flow and usage of weapons may erode public trust and reinforce perceptions of a government unable to ensure security and stability.
The lifting of the arms embargo in Somalia was intended to bolster the government’s capacity to combat insurgency and secure the nation. However, the potential negative consequences loom large. The risk of arms reaching militant groups, exacerbating clan conflicts, and undermining state authority is substantial. It necessitates a careful balance between supporting legitimate security forces and preventing the further destabilization of the region. Strong international oversight, accountability measures, and support for institution-building are crucial to mitigate these risks and ensure that the intended goal of enhancing security is achieved without fueling further turmoil in Somalia.
A grocer counts her money at her stall at the El-Jale camp for Internally Displaced Persons in Beletweyne, Somalia. Photograph: Alamy
As Somalia secures $4.5bn of debt relief from the IMF and the World Bank, the country’s president outlines the decade-long path it took to reach this goal – and looks towards a better, if still difficult, future
Debt relief is just the beginning of real change for Somalia. The country has been suffocating under the huge weight of unsustainable debt for more than three decades. Between 2012 to February 2017, when I led the first internationally recognized government since the collapse of the state in 1991, we realized quickly that we had to re-engage with all the international financial institutions and our bilateral and multilateral creditors to address this crippling impediment to our economic development.
Somalia owed more than $5bn (£3.9bn). And the interest and charges on these debts kept mounting. As a new government in a post-conflict state, fighting international terrorism, but with the ambition to rebuild Somalia, we had to act.
There was no way to repay the debt given the deep-rooted economic challenges facing our fragile country. Accordingly, we embarked on a rigorous but fruitful debt relief journey through the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which required the Somali government to undertake significant and challenging yet strategic macroeconomic and social reforms to address institutional weaknesses, enhance public trust in government, transform the economy and create opportunities for our people.
Somalia’s debt relief journey was no simple task; it took nearly a decade, three different administrations, two presidents and four finance ministers to attain debt relief from the boards of the World Bank and IMF on 13 December.
Ironically, in Somalia’s highly active and competitive political landscape, achieving debt relief was one of the key unifiers of political actors of all persuasions. Furthermore, the process ensured there was a systematic review by the Somali government and people of their own economic history, fiscal borrowing and the socioeconomic destruction of almost three decades of civil war. In fact, most of Somalia’s unsustainable debts is accrued interest payments that could not be serviced during the painful, prolonged period of state collapse.
It is heartening to know that in all the years of implementing Somalia’s economic reform programme, we have not backslid once, despite enormous security and cyclical climate crises. In this regard, it is important to recognise the support of all of Somalia’s valuable bilateral and institutional partners who worked closely with us to provide technical assistance, budget support, advice and even encouraged our progress on the international stage.
For the different political administrations in Somalia that were implementing the tough global programme to rebuild our economy while living with major terrorism and climate disruptions, this was appreciated. A key lesson from Somalia’s debt relief journey is that engaged and supportive international partners who are ready to listen and work with developing nations on their priorities will help to accelerate reforms in any context.
Escaping Somalia’s huge debt burden has many benefits. We have normalised relations with former creditors and can now access new concessional financing where required for development investment, as we continue to strengthen fiscal fundamentals with the reform lessons learned.
We have proven to ourselves and to international partners that we can reform and shift away from the detrimental stigma of “failed state” to a new reality of hope and possibilities. However, despite these clear successes, a key challenge, as for other countries that benefited from debt relief in the past, is debt sustainability and management in this age of global economic slowdown and recurring shocks.
Somalia will still have moderate but sustainable debt levels. We plan to escape a return to the debt trap by utilising our strategic location, young population and vast natural resources to grow our economy. We are focused on attracting investment in all our key competitive areas – agriculture, livestock, green energy and the blue economy – to create opportunities and jobs to build socioeconomic and climate resilience. This is enhanced by our recent membership of the East African Community, which should open new markets.
In an age of interconnectivity and interdependence, fragile states like Somalia should not be left alone to bear the cost of financing global challenges such as the impact of global terrorism and climate change. Addressing these is a global public good and more accessible and predictable financing must be available to facilitate not just immediate short-term stabilisation and mitigation measures, but also long-term, scaled-up adaptation and community responses.
This is the only realistic way to ensure that countries like ours do not constantly have to make trade-offs between investing in vital basic public services and addressing a climate crisis to which we, with our limited resources, barely contribute. If we are to ever achieve sustainable development, there must be serious conversations on equitable burden sharing for financing development internationally.
Somalia has finally reached the debt relief milestone. This is a moment for our government and people to be proud. However, we also know that the hard work of sustaining economic reform and creating progress for our people has just started – amid the most difficult international economic environment.
Introduction and Background: Zeila’s Glorious Past:
Zeila stands as a testament to the ebbs and flows of history. Located at merely 25 KM from the Djibouti border, this coastal town once pulsed with life, bustling with the comings and goings of traders and explorers. Its strategic position on the ancient maritime trade routes made it a magnet for merchants, scholars, and adventurers from distant lands. Zeila was once the seat of the ancient IFAT civilization and later became a crucial city in its successor, the Adal Empire. Under the reign of Imam Ahmed Gurey, the Adal Empire dominated much of the northern Somali, Djibouti, and Afar regions of Eritrea and extended its influence into the Ethiopian highlands.
Zeila, in the late 19th Century
Zeila had been home to one of the earliest mosques from the initial days of Islam when Muslims faced Alaqsa Mosque during prayers instead of Mecca. This mosque was later modified to include a second Qibla, earning it the name “Qiblateyn.” The remnants of this ancient structure still stand today, serving as a testament to Zeila’s rich Islamic history.
In its heyday, Zeila welcomed dhows and ships from Arabia, India, and China anchoring in its harbours, signifying that Zeila was one of the region’s leading ports. The people of Zeila traded leather, ghee, gum Arabic, and ivory from the hinterland while importing items like clothes, dates, iron, weapons, chinaware, and pottery. The renowned Zeila-Harar caravan route facilitated trade with Ethiopia; re-establishing and modernizing this ancient trade route will undoubtedly alleviate poverty for millions in the Horn of Africa.
The celebrated Somali folklore, “Zeili’i,” draws its inspiration and legendary name from the city of Zeila. This ballad vividly depicts Zeila’s illustrious history, recounting tales of ancient sailors, merchants from far-off places, and poets who graced its lively lanes. Through Zeili’s captivating verses, one can imagine a city hub of diverse cultures, where the traditions of Arabic, African, and Asian civilizations intertwined seamlessly. This confluence of cultures transformed Zeila into a centre of commerce, creativity, and knowledge in the region.
However, as with many ancient cities, Zeila’s prominence waned with the changing tides of history. The rise of other trading ports, political upheavals, and shifts in trade routes meant that Zeila’s significance on the global stage diminished over time. As Zeila’s golden era began to wane, many notable inhabitants moved to Djibouti, Borama, and other cities within the Awdal region and neighbouring cities.
During the time of the Adal Empire, Islam acted as the glue that held the community together. Their shared faith empowered them to repel various invaders successfully. However, as the Horn of Africa later grappled with colonial encroachments, the region’s inhabitants wisely forged protectorate agreements with the colonial powers, drawing from their extensive history of resisting foreign aggressors. These agreements emphasized their indisputable ownership of their ancestral lands. This commitment is exemplified by the 1884 Anglo-Gadabursi treaty. This pact contains an unambiguous proclamation which states: “The Gadabursi tribe do hereby declare that they never pledged and found never to cede, sell, mortgage or otherwise give for occupation, save to the British government, any portion of the territory presently inhabited by them or being under their control” In addition to Anglo- Gadabursi treaty, on March 25, 1885, the French government signed a similar treaty with the Gadabursi. The treaty was titled in French, Traitè de Protectorat sur les Territoires du pays des Gadabursi. The treaty was signed by both J. Henry, the Consular Agent of France and Dependencies at Harar-Zeila, and Ugas Nur Robleh. This treaty also affirms the sovereignty of the Gadabursi land and that the French will safeguard the interests of the Gadabursi.
Ugas Nur II , King of the Gadabuursi tribe
The mantle of upholding long-standing noble beliefs now rests with the younger generations of Awdalites, who remain steadfast in their dedication to preserving the community’s foundational principles. However, with Somalia fragmenting into smaller domains, Awdal residents faced unprecedented challenges, including economic stagnation and political uncertainty. In the face of these challenges, the Awdal community has been tirelessly working to restore Zeila’s storied heritage, intending to make the city the primary economic hub for Awdal residents. This endeavour entails setting up a functional seaport in Zeila and developing a modern transportation network to facilitate regional connectivity and beyond.
Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Quest for Ports:
The historic Red Sea city of Zeila in the Awdal Region has emerged as a focal point in a recent speech by Prime Minister Dr Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia. In this speech, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed articulated Ethiopia’s bold aspiration to obtain access to a seaport, a move with profound economic and strategic consequences for the landlocked nation. In pursuit of this vision, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed outlined a series of measures to enhance the investment appeal for the Red Sea area. These measures include various economic incentives tailored to entice nations along the Red Sea coastline to collaborate. The incentives proposed by Ethiopia included offering shares of the lucrative Ethiopian Airlines or shares of the large customer base of Ethiopian Telecom in exchange for access to a seaport along the Red Sea. However, amidst the prevailing hopeful sentiment, a remark by the Prime Minister rattled diplomatic communities and residents of countries bordering the Red Sea. The suggestion that Ethiopia might resort to force if diplomatic avenues prove unfruitful was received with astonishment and apprehension. Many opined that such a position could yield far-reaching consequences, possibly upsetting an already delicate geopolitical equilibrium. The Ethiopian Prime Minister should have mastered the decorum and art of making policy announcements through diplomatic means and endeavoured to create a friendly environment to advocate a win-win situation for all. It is very unfortunate for the Prime Minister to allude to King Menelik’s expansionist philosophy and ideology, which still reverberates in the Horn of Africa. Be that as it may, there is still time to take positive steps and win the confidence of the Red Sea nations. We have more in common than differences, and the ball is in his court to make amends.
Simon Mark’s report for Bloomberg News on October 19, 2023, amplified the growing resistance to Ethiopia’s proposal. Key nations along the Red Sea corridor, including Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea, have rebuffed the proposition. Eritrea’s vociferous opposition is particularly noteworthy, given the historically complex relationship between the two countries. During a recent address to the Ethiopian troops commemorating National Army Day, the Prime Minister moderated his stance, retracting his earlier assertion that Ethiopia might resort to force to gain port access. He stated, “I want to assure you that Ethiopia will not pursue its interests through war. We are committed to mutual interest through dialogue and negotiations.” This revised stance was likely influenced by pressures from countries controlling the Red Sea waters and their international allies.
The Horn of Africa, a region rife with historical complexities and geopolitical dynamics, has always been a focal point of discussions and debates. Within this context, Ethiopian ambitions, given the nation’s size and influence, have consistently drawn attention. Since leaders have articulated their visions and aspirations, there has been a flurry of reactions from across the spectrum.
A significant portion of these reactions have come from commentators both within the countries of the Horn and from abroad. These individuals, including scholars, political analysts, and public figures, have offered their unique perspectives on the unfolding narrative, drawing from their understanding of the region’s history, politics, and socio-cultural dynamics.
Amidst the unfolding geopolitical saga involving Ethiopia’s aspirations to access a seaport and the consequent reactions from surrounding nations, the voices of the Awdal community have been overshadowed. Considering these circumstances, the people of Awdal noted the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s potential interest in securing port access at Zeila. Like many Somalis, the Awdal community hereby unequivocally dismisses and strongly rejects the land swap or appropriation for the shares of Ethiopian Airlines, the Ethiopian Telecom, or the Renaissance dam.
However, as the rhetoric shifted from aggression to cooperation, the residents of Awdal are keen on crafting a seaport investment agreement by using a concession contract such as design, build, operate transfer (DBOT) involving Ethiopians, Somalis, and interested parties, including international port developers. Leasing this currently unproductive asset will bring significant financial resources to the Awdal Region. The development of Zeila port will increase trade between Awdal and Ethiopia, recreating the old trade routes (Caravan Routes between Zeila and Harar), reduce transport costs, and enhance and strengthen the local economy, thus creating employment opportunities for local communities as well as the whole region.
Map of Trading Route
In this regard, the broader Somali community, particularly those in the Somali Region of Ethiopia, must rally behind and support the inhabitants of this region in their aspirations to develop the port of Zeila to foster strong trade and port infrastructure connecting the Somali region and other regions of Ethiopia with Awdal. The potential for economic growth and prosperity that will accrue from this mutual collaboration is immense and could lead to transformative development for the people of Awdal and their neighbours. The people of Awdal, cognizant of the strategic geographical location of Zeila, recognize the potential benefits that partnership with countries like Ethiopia can bring, given Ethiopia’s massive population and burgeoning economy. Such alliances can catalyze transformative change, unlocking economic opportunities and fostering sustainable growth for both sides.
The federal government’s response to the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s speech was in line with other neighbouring countries, though somewhat milder in tone. That being said, the Federal Republic of Somalia is the only internationally recognized government for Somalia, and as such, it’s the only entity that can agree with the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia concerning the investment of Zeila port based on a concession contract DBOT (design, build, operate transfer). International agreements are generally complex and demand a structured framework best overseen by a central governing body. Entering contract agreements with foreign nations involves many considerations, from economic terms to security implications, and this is where the Awdal community believes that the Federal Government of Somalia, with its established legal and diplomatic apparatus, can play a critical role by ensuring that any negotiated agreement with Ethiopia provides the most significant social, economic benefits to the community, and in line with international protocols and the nation’s broader strategic interests.
Conclusion:
Given the economic benefits that will stem from the development of Zeila Port, the Awdal community welcomes all potential investors, including Ethiopia, who wish to invest in developing the infrastructure of Zeila Port. The strategic location of Zeila, coupled with the deep-rooted historical trade relations between Zeila and Ethiopia, such as the Zeila- Harar Caravan Route, make it an ideal candidate for port-related investments.
Such an initiative could breathe life into an area historically sidelined city, harnessing its potential as a trade conduit between the Horn of Africa and the broader global markets and has the potential to drastically elevate the region’s economic status and foster economic ties with Ethiopia, giving access to a market with a population of more than 120 million inhabitants and the second-largest economy in the region Notwithstanding this, the sovereignty and territorial rights of Somalia must remain unassailable.
Moreover, the recent approval of funds by the African Development Bank for the initial phase of the Loyado-Borama roadway construction further emphasizes the growing interest of the Awdal people in Abiy Ahmed’s proposal. The combined effect of these potential developments could be transformative for Awdal and the neighbouring regions. By incorporating Awdal into East Africa’s broader economic framework, these initiatives might result in a spike in job opportunities, enhanced infrastructure, and elevated trade volumes. Economic momentum can also effectively tackle the pervasive poverty in many border areas.
By: Adal Institute
info@adal-Institute.org
This article is a collaborative effort by members of the Adal Institute, a group of dedicated Awdalites including Qamar Xudhoon, Mohamed Dahir Adam, Mohamed Ahmed Barre, Rashed Egeh Gulaid, Sareeye Maal, among others. The Adal Institute is a non-profit organization committed to catalyzing economic development, fostering social cohesion, and enhancing human capital in the Awdal Community through knowledge exchange.
The USA Senate finally passed the NDAA 2024, which included the Somaliland Partnership Act.
The Partnership Act stipulates that Somaliland and the United States cooperate in countering Chinese influence in the region.
Various issues of cooperation between the two countries include preventing China’s influence in the conflict in the Sool region.
The NDAA includes the following clauses on Somaliland;
SEC. 12__. REPORT ON UNITED STATES PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF
AFRICA AND RED SEA REGION.
(a) Sense of Congress.–It is the sense of Congress that–
(1) increased United States engagement in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea region has presented an opportunity to build and strengthen security cooperation with key partners in that region;
(2) the Red Sea region includes a strategic maritime choke point, the Bab-al-Mandeb Strait, which connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, and is essential to support United States national security interests, including countering the flows of Iranian lethal aid to Yemen and facilitating the free flow of commerce;
(3) security cooperation in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden region is critical–
(A) to maintaining a de facto ceasefire in Yemen; and (B) to furthering a political resolution to the Yemeni conflict.
(4) Somaliland, which has a port and an airfield in
Berbera–
(A) occupies a pivotal geographic location in the Horn of Africa;
(B) is adjacent to strategic maritime routes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden; and
(C) could contribute to United States military objectives
given the evolving security situation in the region; and (5) utilizing the port of Berbera as an access point to the
Horn of Africa would provide flexibility with regards to the delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Horn of Africa region and beyond.
(b) Defined Term.–In this section, the term “appropriate congressional committees” means–
(1) the Committee on Armed Services of the Senate;
(2) the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate;
(3) the Committee on Armed Services of th House of Representatives; and (4) the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives. (c) Report.–Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense, in consultation with the Secretary of State and the heads of
other relevant Federal departments and agencies, shall submit a classified report, along with an unclassified summary, to the appropriate congressional committees containing an
assessment of the extent to which a sustained United States Government presence in Somaliland would–
(1) support United States policy focused on the Red Sea corridor, the Indo-Pacific region, and the Horn of Africa, including the promotion of conflict avoidance and resolution; (2) improve cooperation on counterterrorism and intelligence sharing, including by–
(A) degrading and ultimately defeating the terrorist threat posed by Al-Shabaab, the Islamic State in Somalia, and other terrorist groups operating in Somalia; and (B) countering the malign influence of the Iranian regime and its terror proxies;
(3) enhance cooperation on counter-trafficking, including the trafficking of humans, wildlife, weapons, and illicit goods;
(4) support trade and development in the region;
(5) facilitate the distribution of humanitarian assistance in the Horn of Africa; and
(6) counter the presence of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the region, including by detailing–
(A) the PRC’s interest in access to port facilities in
Djibouti, Mombasa, Massawa, and Assab;
(B) the PRC’s role in fomenting unrest in the Sool region of Somaliland; and
(C) the role played by the Republic of China(Taiwan) in checking the PRC’s engagement with Somaliland.
Officials of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Somaliland participated in a conference meeting in Ethiopia to discuss crimes perpetrated at the sea.
The delegation of Somaliland led by the Deputy Minister of Justice Hon. Mahdi Osman Buri participated in the meeting.
The meeting, which was organized by the EU and UNODC, took place in Addis Ababa and discussed how to address the crimes that occur in the seas such as illegal fishing, human trafficking and smuggling, illegal weapons, and drugs.
The meeting was attended by delegates from countries such as Djibouti, Ethiopia, Yemen, and Somaliland.
The region is wary of the disruption of the smooth flow of international maritime traffic in the area.
The ruling party KULMIYE has signed agreements on many aspects with the ruling African National Congress, the ANC, of South Africa following a meeting they held at the headquarters of the KULMIYE party in Hargeisa.
The Chairman of the ruling party of KULMIYE Hon. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed who is also the Minister of Internal Affairs received at the headquarters of the Kulmiye Party in Hargeisa high level officials from the ruling party of South Africa ANC, who are on an official business trip to the country.
The meeting was attended by members of the cabinet of Somaliland and some top officials of the Kulmiye party.
Hon. Kahin and the leader of the high-level officials from the ANC and the South African government jointly signed a cooperation agreement in many areas, such as investment, fishing, mining and energy.
The two parties of KULMIYE and ANC are led by men who have fought independence struggles and they are two parties that have a lot in common, hence both parties expect to cooperate on various bilateral aspects.
Officials from the ruling party of South Africa arrived earlier in the week where they were warmly welcomed Hon. Kahin himself.
