The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has strongly condemned the assault on media freedom following the forceful entry of security forces into the headquarters of MM Somali TV on January 6. The IFJ, alongside the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), is calling for the immediate release of the detained journalist, Mohamed Abdi Sheikh, CEO of MM Somali TV, who remains in incommunicado custody.
IFJ General Secretary Anthony Bellanger vehemently denounced the raid as a direct affront to journalism and democracy, adding that he was particularly concerned about reported torture and privacy violations. Bellanger said that he stood in solidarity with Somaliland journalists and the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), calling for an end to the suppression of free journalism.
The raid on MM Somali TV by Somaliland security forces occurred during a televised debate focusing on a controversial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Ethiopia and Somaliland. The MoU, which involves maritime cooperation, has sparked diplomatic tensions with Somalia and has been met with widespread public criticism.
Prior to the raid, Somaliland’s Minister of Information, Ali Hassan Mohamed, warned journalists and media outlets against discussing the MoU. Critics argued that this preemptive measure was an attempt to stifle free speech and public debate.
NUSOJ’s Secretary General, Omar Faruk Osman, reasons that if the Somaliland authorities genuinely believe in the merits of the MoU, it should withstand public scrutiny without resorting to repressive tactics against the press. “By arbitrarily detaining journalists,” Osman notes, “the authorities only confirm that they have something to hide and do not want certain information to become public knowledge.”
The incident has also sparked internal political reactions within the self-declared Republic. Notably, the resignation of Abdiqani Mohamoud Aateeye, a key minister in President Musa Bihi’s government, in protest against the MoU, underscores the internal divisions and concerns regarding Ethiopia’s intentions.
In early January, Ethiopia and unrecognized Somaliland signed a memorandum to secure Addis Ababa’s access to the Red Sea. In response, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, threatened to use all means to prevent Ethiopia from accessing the sea at the expense of territory Somalia considers its own.
The Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland on access to seaports is a window of opportunity for Addis Ababa in both economic and geopolitical dimensions, Mekuria Mekasha, Assistant professor of journalism and communication, Addis Ababa University, told Sputnik Africa.
In the context of the economy, the expert noted that Ethiopia needs access to the sea to foster economic development, highlighting country’s significant population of 120 million people.
“It is a huge population that Ethiopia has, and also it is a huge country. Economically, Ethiopia is developing so it needs ports and also a seaway to develop its economy. For economic development, ports are a very important one,” Mekasha said, adding that not having ports “will hinder” economic improvement. “So this move is a very good move for Ethiopia and also for Somaliland.”
The expert added that Ethiopia needs economic development as it sends a lot of products to Djibouti, Somalia and other countries in the southern Horn of Africa.
In addition, Mekasha noted the cost of Ethiopia’s current use of the port of Djibouti, saying that its utilization costs Ethiopia more than $1 billion, which will be “terrible” for the country.
On the geopolitical dimension, the expert said that the memorandum, which among other things mentions the establishment of a naval force, will enable Ethiopia to patrol ships in the Red Sea from pirates and terrorists and strengthen the country’s cooperation in the region.
“Actually, Ethiopia has many marine ships so, if you have a naval force in that area it is easier to patrol the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden in the Indian Ocean from pirates, and also al-Shabaab* [which] is working in Somalia, a terrorist group. I think this is a good move for the country’s development in the area and the collaboration,” Mekasha opined.
He suggested that Ethiopia’s cooperation with Somaliland could encourage other countries in the region such as Eritrea, Djibouti, Kenya and Sudan to lease their ports to Ethiopia.
“It is an opportunity for Ethiopia and to other neighboring countries if they see this situation very positively,” Mekasha pointed out.
Addressing concerns about potential implications for regional stability, the expert highlighted Ethiopia’s historical commitment to the matter. He emphasized Ethiopia’s active role in fighting al-Shabaab in Somalia and how the collaboration with Somaliland could positively contribute to political dynamics in the region.
“Ethiopian forces were also very successful in fighting the al-Shabaab, no other country is successful in fighting al-Shabaab. If Somalia is against Ethiopia, al-Shabaab will actively work in that region, so it is problematic not only for Somalia, for other countries including major European powers and also America,” Mekasha remarked.
In this vein, the researcher expressed the belief that Somalia, which has signed a law “nullifying” the agreement between Ethiopia and Somaliland, needs to reconsider the situation in light of the country’s current terrorist challenges.
“If things are in a bad situation in this case, if the relation is bad with Ethiopia and also Somaliland, the al-Shabaab group will survive and may even control the Somali government. The Somali government has to rethink again and again, in order to get some benefit from this collaboration,” he concluded.
‘Ethiopia Does Not Intend to Get Lost in Coming African Century,’ Ex-Ambassador Says
Through the Memorandum of Understanding with Somaliland, Ethiopia strengthens its strategic position in the Horn of Africa and legally formalizes its de facto status as the demographic and resource leader of the region, Hassan Daud, former ambassador of Somalia to Russia, told Sputnik Africa.
“Ethiopia has demonstrated a desire to increasingly play a regional leadership role, setting policy on both economic and security issues. This country clearly does not intend to get lost in the coming African Century,” Daud said, adding that the agreement will also allow Ethiopia to build strategic ties with Somaliland’s long-time Arab partners.
The former ambassador added that Ethiopia “is forging an entirely new reality” by restoring Somaliland’s international status “that has been in the shadow of Somalia since 1960.”
He also commented on the position of IGAD, which expressed concern about the memorandum’s “potential implications for regional stability.” Daud called IGAD’s concerns “expected but not entirely fair” and pointed to positive factors in the agreement, such as the development of maritime security in the face of increased piracy and terrorism, and the development of maritime logistics in the region.
“Like ‘Captain Obvious,’ they say things that no one can argue with. But… Politics cannot always be pleasant to absolutely everyone; Ethiopia, like Somaliland, cannot, like the American dollar, please everyone. The question here is different – both Ethiopia and Somaliland are promoting their national interests without infringing on other players in the Horn of Africa,” the former ambassador remarked.
Regarding the law signed by the President of Somalia “nullifying” the agreement between Ethiopia and Somaliland, Daud called it “the basis for aggravating the situation and an absolutely wrong decision from the point of view of international law.”
“A unilateral withdrawal from a bilateral deal will clearly not strengthen trust between Somalia and Somaliland, which, given the constant threat of armed conflict, is clearly a worrying signal,” he said.
On January 2, Somalia recalled its ambassador to Ethiopia, a day after Addis Ababa inked the memorandum of understanding with the breakaway region of Somaliland that granted the landlocked Horn of Africa nation access to the Red Sea.
Somalia’s government is working to rescue the passengers of a United Nations helicopter that was captured by al-Shabab fighters, a spokesperson said on Thursday, but military officers said it would be difficult to access the area where they were taken.
The helicopter took off from the city of Beledweyne and landed close to Gadoon village in the Galgaduud region due to a technical glitch, an internal UN memo seen by Al Jazeera stated.
“The government has been undertaking efforts to rescue the crew since yesterday when the accident happened, and efforts still go on,” Information Minister Daud Aweis told Reuters news agency. He did not provide any other details.
According to the memo, there were nine passengers on the plane, including military personnel and a third-party contractor. At least six of the passengers were reportedly seized by al-Shabab.
Colonel Abdullahi Isse, who is based in the town of Adado, about 100km (60 miles) north of Hindhere, told Reuters that troops in the area had no plans to launch a rescue mission.
“No forces have gone to rescue them. I don’t believe they will escape,” he said. “The area has been controlled by al-Shabab for over 10 years, and even the residents there are pro-al-Shabab.”
In a brief statement on Wednesday, the UN said “response efforts” were under way.
The UN World Food Programme (WFP), the largest humanitarian operator in Somalia, also said the helicopter did not belong to it or the UN Humanitarian Air Service and that none of its personnel was on board.
It said in a post on social media site X that all WFP flights in the area had been temporarily suspended as a precaution.
Al-Shabab, an affiliate of al-Qaeda, has been trying to overthrow the Somali government since 2006 in a bid to establish its own rule based on a strict interpretation of Islam.
It has thousands of fighters, most in its strongholds in the centre and south of the country. A government offensive since 2022 has managed to recapture some territory in central Somalia, but the campaign suffered significant setbacks last year.
Grain from U.S. aid is unloaded from a ship and bagged at the Port of Berbera in Somaliland, Aug. 31, 2021. (AFP Photo)
BY DIDENUR DAŞTAN
Türkiye could act as a mediator should a recent controversial port deal between Ethiopia and the self-declared Republic of Somaliland spiral into a regional crisis, according to an expert in international politics.
The two sides signed a deal on Jan. 1 to grant landlocked Ethiopia commercial and military access to the Red Sea in return for recognition of Somaliland as an independent nation.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s stated ambition to secure access to the Red Sea is a source of tension between the Horn of Africa nation and its neighbors. It has raised concerns of a fresh conflict in the region.
Mehmet Özkan, author and a foreign policy expert currently serving in the Joint War Institute and the National Defense University, doubted the deal would cause a major crisis as feared but pointed out Ankara could employ its good offices to smooth the tension thanks to well-established relations with all sides involved.
“Türkiye already has a Foreign Ministry envoy acting as a mediator in diplomatic negotiations between Somalia and Somaliland and doesn’t want this process to be undermined at any rate,” Özkan told Daily Sabah.
Ankara enjoys a close economic, diplomatic and military friendship with Somalia and Ethiopia.
In Somalia, Turkish nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and companies are extensively active in education, energy and finance. Since President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan visited the country in 2011, Türkiye has built an 80,000-square-meter (861,112-square-foot) embassy in Mogadishu, its biggest embassy in Africa.
Humanitarian organizations helped avert a famine in 2022 when Somalia witnessed one of the worst droughts in four decades. A pair of Turkish and Somali companies are also building a biogas power plant in Mogadishu to be completed by the end of this year.
Türkiye pledged full support to establishing peace and stability in Ethiopia after clashes between federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) broke out in 2020. When the war ended, the Turkish Maarif Foundation immediately opened a school in Tigray. The Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) has also opened its first office in Africa in Ethiopia to deliver humanitarian aid and cultural projects.
After the port deal was announced, Türkiye, Egypt and other allies pledged their support for Somalia. Ankara reaffirmed its commitment to the country’s territorial integrity, emphasizing it as a “requirement of international law.”
“Türkiye naturally took Somalia’s side because it’s what international standards require,” Özkan said. “But also because Somalia stood by Türkiye on many critical issues, including the aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt and the 2017 Gulf crisis between the UAE and Qatar.”
Özkan believes Ankara’s support of Mogadishu will not affect bilateral relations with Ethiopia or Türkiye’s economic and political interests in eastern Africa.
“Currently, Ankara has a clear, legitimate stance in line with international law and this won’t change,” he said.
Access to sea
Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its territory, rejected the New Year’s Day deal that would allow Ethiopia to lease 20 kilometers (12 miles) around the port of Berbera, on the Gulf of Aden with access to the Red Sea, for 50 years for its navy and commercial purposes.
Somaliland, a former British protectorate that seceded from Somalia in 1991, said Ethiopia would, in return, become the first country to recognize it as an independent nation at some point in the future.
The Ethiopian government has defended its decision to sign the deal by saying the agreement with Somaliland “will affect no party or country.”
Ethiopia lost its Red Sea ports in the early 1990s after the Eritrean War of Independence, which lasted from 1961 to 1991 and ended with Eritrea gaining independence from Ethiopia and leading to the establishment of two separate nations.
The separation resulted in Ethiopia losing direct access to the Red Sea and key ports.
Somali President Hassan Sheik Mohamud signed a law nullifying the agreement on Saturday as Mogadishu sees the deal as an assault on Somali territory and has warned it would endanger stability in the wider Horn of Africa region. Mohamud then asked people to prepare for the defense of the country and recalled the ambassador from Ethiopia on Tuesday to hold “deliberations” on the issue.
Abiy said in October that Ethiopia’s existence was “tied to the Red Sea,” adding that if countries in the Horn of Africa “plan to live together in peace, we have to find a way to mutually share with each other in a balanced manner.”
In the meantime, the army chiefs of Ethiopia and Somaliland have been discussing military cooperation, further fueling concerns of fresh tension breaking out between Ethiopia and Somalia, which withstood an Ethiopian occupation from 2006 to 2009 during the Somali civil war.
Somaliland is not seeking to be a “banana republic”. It is more like a strategically located haven of stability seeking to secure a place for itself despite being next to a hotspot of unrest. This combination of Somaliland’s strategic location as a Red Sea gateway, Ethiopia’s human, agricultural and water resources and the financial and investment assets of the Emirates, can change the face of the region.
Let us start the discussion with a hypothesis that could have settled current issues: if Somaliland had been an oil-rich country, it would have been an independent country today, and it would not have needed to go through the testing unity with Somalia, a country mired in conflicts from its founding day until now.
There are common historical traits between the Gulf protectorates and the Somaliland protectorate. At roughly the same time, the two regions were politically under British influence at its apex during the rule of the British Empire. Just as influential sheikhs with a deep-rooted history in the Gulf region ruled protectorates that turned into states following independence, Somaliland was ruled by sultans with a long history and a prominent status at home.
Britain dealt with the Horn of Africa, South Yemen and the Gulf as part of its empire in India. The focus on these regions of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula was not fortuitous. Interest in that part of the world preceded the opening of the Suez Canal. But the importance of the Gulf of Aden and its shores rose with the shift of maritime traffic towards the Red Sea then reaching the Mediterranean through the newly-opened canal. The Indian currency, the rupee and paisa, was also that of Somaliland, Aden, the sultanates of Arabia’s southern coast, Muscat and the sheikhdoms of the Gulf. Indian post office stamps bearing the names of these protectorates were at the time an essential part of dealing with the world. The British army did not intend to abandon its positions there, and in fact, fought Italian attempts at expansion.
Somaliland was affected by the first steps of British withdrawal from East of Suez. For ten years, between 1960 and 1970, Britain departed first from Somaliland, then from Aden, the South Arabian region and then from the Gulf. The day it decided to exit Somaliland, it left behind, at least in theory, an independent state with a national council. No less than 35 countries recognised the modern state. Somaliland even received a congratulatory message from the US Secretary of State. But international pressure forced Somaliland’s council to abandon independence and become part of the modern state of Somalia. Within a few months, problems started to emerge between the people of Somaliland and the populations coming from the south. The independence declared by Somaliland in 1991, after the collapse of government in Mogadishu, was a continuation of its position in 1961, the first year of unity. The region was prey to abuses of authority by the late Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre and his relatives.
The civil war in Somalia and the chaos crated by terrorism and piracy from 1991 to date have been destabilising factors. What does Somalia have to offer Somaliland after more than 30 years of civil war? Somaliland is more like a strategically-located haven of stability seeking to secure a place for itself despite being next to a hotspot of unrest. Setting aside historical considerations, are not 30 years of chaos enough for rational forces, in a place that is well-equipped to be geographically independent, to steer away from tragedy?
It suffices to look at the legacy of the last three decades. Many countries with the characteristics of Somaliland were established since the 1990s after artificial political unions became untenable. So is Somalia as a united country more important than the Soviet Union, the heir to the Russian Tsarist Empire in Europe and Asia? Or is it more important than Yugoslavia or Czechoslovakia in Europe? Indeed, is Somalia more important than Sudan, which became two states when coexistence proved impossible? What about Eritrea, which seceded from Ethiopia?
In the Horn of Africa, Somaliland appears more than qualified for independence.
The Ethiopian factor is important in the push for independence. The memorandum of understanding signed between Ethiopia and Somaliland is a preliminary step in a multi-fold political and economic dynamic. The Eritreans are still settling scores with the Ethiopians and will not grant them a convenient sea outlet in the foreseeable future. Despite the calm prevailing over politics in Djibouti, the most this country can offer Ethiopia is a toll-based access to a port, while what Addis Ababa seeks is a sea port with full amenities, both commercial and military.
Ethiopia is an important state with a lot of potential. While countries like Egypt and Sudan were preoccupied with political problems, Ethiopia was engaged in political and economic rebuilding. This construction drive, which has made considerable progress under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has caught the attention of some in the Arabian Gulf, especially in the United Arab Emirates.
The UAE competed with Turkey and Qatar in Somalia, then became convinced that Somalia is a region of instability not worth the investment. It turned its attention to Ethiopia via Somaliland. What began as a port development contract turned into a vast project extending from the coast of the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea, to deep into Ethiopia’s agricultural lands.
This combination of Somaliland’s strategic location as a Red Sea gateway, Ethiopia’s human, agricultural and water resources and the financial and investment assets of the Emirates, can change the face of the region.
This is a region exhausted by civil wars, conflicts, piracy and terrorism, where many opportunities have been squandered. No need to imagine how Somaliland could end up if what one sees now in Mogadishu also spreads there.
The objections expressed by Somalia’s authorities, its government and the warlordscouncil, will fall on deaf ears in Hargeisa or Berbera. If there were anything worth saying, it would have been said since 1991, and even since independence in 1961.
If there were other alternatives, Addis Ababa would have sought them without risking a crisis with a neighbouring country. Can someone like Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki be trusted? We all remember how he turned against Arab countries which backed Eritrea’s independence, rushing to establish relations with Israel right after independence. Can Ethiopia compete with a French base in Djibouti? Is there a sane person who would invest in Somalia today?
Ironically, fragile states are described in the West as “banana republics”. Until the late 1980s, one could find Somali bananas in the country’s markets. But Somalia’s warlord state destroyed even banana cultivation and trade and deprived the country of its revenues.
Somaliland did not enjoy the oil fortunes that would have allowed it to shield its independence in the 1960s. But today it seeks to shield itself from neighbouring chaos and it refuses to become a “banana republic.”
Mogadishu had its chance. Now, Hargeisa and Addis Ababa have theirs.
The Ministry of Information Culture and National Guidance of the Republic of Somaliland strongly denounces the recent statements made by the government of Somalia, which undermine the existence of Somaliland. The accusations made by Hassan Sheikh and his government, alleging that the Republic of Somaliland government intends to harm journalists and protesters, are baseless and without merit.
Furthermore, we express concern over the actions taken by Somalia’s security agency, NISA, who have been targeting individuals of Somaliland origin or with a Somaliland dialect, under the guise of compassion. These actions are clearly aimed at sowing discord and division among the people of Somaliland. Given the historical injustices perpetrated against Somalilanders from 1961 to 1991 by various Somali administrations, this tactic is seen as an aggressive act against Somalilanders worldwide and an attempt to undermine our unity.
Most recently, Abdibasid Mohamed Gani, a Somalilander expressing support for the Memorandum of Understanding signed between Somaliland and Ethiopia, was attacked during a live social media broadcast by two NISA officers, who in addition, seized the contents of one of his shops, forcing him to close his businesses and return to Hargeisa. These incidents highlight the alarming actions taken by the Somali government against Somalilanders.
It is regrettable that Hassan Sheikh’s government perceives the fundamental freedoms exercised by the people of Somaliland, including their right to express support for the agreement independence, as treacherous. Instead, they should embrace the ideals of unity and denounce the agreement, echoing the sentiments of the Banadir administration. The people of Somaliland remain steadfast and resilient, driven by unwavering love for their cause, which they have fought for despite great sacrifices. Today, they stand poised to see their flag represented on international platforms.
We strongly urge the Somaliland community and the media to be vigilant and recognize the trap set by our adversaries against Somaliland. Similarly, we call upon Somalilanders residing in Hamar to be cautious of the threats posed by the Somali security forces (NISA) and to closely monitor the actions of the Somali government, which is actively targeting the citizens of the Republic of Somaliland in that region.
Field Marshal Birhanu Jula (L) , Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, meets with Major General Nuh Ismail Tani (R), Chief of Staff of Somaliland, in Addis Ababa on January 8, 2024. (Credit: ENA)
The army chiefs of landlocked Ethiopia and the self-declared Republic of Somaliland have been discussing military co-operation as concern grows over a deal that could give Ethiopia a naval base on the Gulf of Aden.
The two sides signed a deal on 1 January to give Ethiopia commercial and military access to the sea.
Somalia called it an act of aggression.
It considers Somaliland as part of its territory and has vowed to defend its sovereignty.
Somaliland, a former British protectorate, seceded from Somalia in 1991 but is not internationally recognised as an independent state.
Ethiopia’s Field Marshal Birhanu Jula spoke with Somaliland’s Maj Gen Nuh Ismael Tani about “possible ways to work together” at a meeting on Monday in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s military said in a statement.
No further details were given.
Somaliland agreed to lease part of the coast to Ethiopia for a naval base in the 1 January Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that they signed, according to statements from both sides.
Somaliland has said that in exchange Ethiopia would agree to recognise it as independent at some point in the future.
Ethiopia has not confirmed this and instead talked about making “an in-depth assessment towards taking a position regarding the efforts of Somaliland to gain recognition”.
Somalia sees the MoU as an assault on its territorial integrity. On Sunday, its President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud asked people to prepare for the defence of the country.
The African Union and the US have both moved to try and calm tensions.
Somalia’s allies, including Egypt and Turkey, have pledged their support for Somalia.
As the military men from Ethiopia and Somaliland were meeting in Addis Ababa, Mr Mohamud was in Eritrea holding talks with his counterpart in Asmara, Isaias Afwerki.
Official statements made no direct mention of Ethiopia’s deal with Somaliland, but it is likely that the issue came up.
Eritrea said the two leaders agreed to work together “with patience and constructive spirit while refraining from a re-active posture to various provocative agendas”.
On Monday, President Mohamud’s office said the two leaders would “discuss issues of mutual benefit”.
The deal granting Ethiopia access to Somaliland’s coastline has raised the ire of Somalia, which considers Somaliland as part of its territory.
The recent agreement struck between Ethiopia and Somaliland continues to reverberate across the region, while Somalia, which claims Somaliland as part of its territory, reaches out to regional countries to mobilize support.
Last week, landlocked Ethiopia and the breakaway region of Somaliland reached an agreement that would give Addis Ababa access to the Red Sea through the port of Berbera in exchange for their recognizing Somaliland’s independence.
The deal was widely condemned by Somalia, which deemed it a violation of its territorial integrity. Even within Somaliland, a split within the government has come to the open about the agreement. On Sunday, Somaliland’s defense minister Abdiqani Mohamud Ateye resigned to protest the deal.
“Ethiopia remains our number one enemy,” Ateye said in an interview.
Landlocked Ethiopia, for its part, defended the agreement.
“No party or country will be affected by this memorandum of understanding. There is neither a broken trust nor any laws infringed due to the memorandum of understanding,” the Ethiopian government said in a statement last week.
Background
In 1960, the former British protectorate of Somaliland merged with the former Italian protectorate of Somalia to form the Republic of Somalia. In 1991, Somaliland declared its independence after years of civil war and the fall of Siad Barre’s regime in Somalia.
Although not recognized internationally, Somaliland has a functional government and an elected parliament.
The 177,000-square-kilometer territory lies on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden, a strategic waterway that connects the Arabian Sea to the Red Sea.
Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country with a population of more than 123 million, has sought access to the sea ever since losing its Red Sea ports after Eritrea declared independence in 1991. Since then, Ethiopia has relied on a vital trade corridor with neighboring Djibouti, with more than 95% of its imports and exports passing through this main conduit, according to the World Bank.
Ethiopia pays around $1.5 billion annually to Djibouti in port fees, proving costly for the country, one of the poorest in the world, with a per capita gross national income of $1,020, per the World Bank.
Somalia’s reaction
Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud signed on Saturday a law nullifying the agreement between Somaliland and Ethiopia.
“This law is an illustration of our commitment to safeguard our unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity as per international law,” he said in a post on X.
On Tuesday, Mohamud concluded a two-day visit to Eritrea, where he met with his Eritrean counterpart, Isaias Afwerki, to discuss regional developments.
Speaking to Eritrean state TV after his meeting with Afwerki, Mohamud said that “Eritrea has been in support of preserving the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Somalia.”
One day before embarking on his Eritrean visit, Mohamud hosted an Egyptian delegation dispatched by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in the capital of Mogadishu.
During the meeting on Sunday, the delegation reiterated Cairo’s unwavering support for Somalia’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, a statement issued by the Somali presidency said.
The delegation also conveyed an official invitation to Mohamud to visit Egypt.
People stand next to the Independence Monument, depicting a hand holding a map of the country, in the city of Hargeisa, Somaliland, on September 19, 2021. (Photo by EDUARDO SOTERAS / AFP) (Photo by EDUARDO SOTERAS/AFP via Getty Images)
Egyptian-Somali relations have steadily grown since Mohamud’s election in June 2022. Cairo sought Mogadishu’s support in its dispute with Addis Ababa over the latter’s Grand Ethiopian Dam.
At the same time, Egypt has maintained balanced ties with Somaliland, and officials from both parties have exchanged visits in the past years.
What’s next
The controversial deal has raised concerns of its impact on the already volatile region. The US, European Union and African Union have all called on the concerned parties to exercise restraint and resolve their disputes through dialogue.
Just a week after the deal was struck, the military leaders of Ethiopia and Somaliland met in Addis Ababa on Monday to discuss military cooperation, according to a statement by the Ethiopian military on Facebook.
The Supreme Court Chief Justice Adan Haji Ali Ahmed who is also the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Somaliland administered the oath of office to the newly appointed seven members of the National Human Rights Commission in front of the President of the nation at the Presidency.
The swearing-in ceremony witnessed the members of the National Human Rights Commission being sworn in one by one and would occupy the office for a tenure of five years.
Upon swearing them the Chief Justice gave them words of advice and wished them the best in their undertakings while urging them to perform their duties efficiently hence doing a commendable and just service to the members of the public.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency Musa Bihi Abdi, on his part, addressed the newly appointed members of the National Human Rights Commission with brief words of guidance and advice and urged them to fulfill their duties responsibly.
He congratulated the new members of the Human Rights Commission and said that their commission is among the most important institutions in the country.
He noted that theirs carried the onerous tasks of dealing with human rights and justice and hence stands out from other institutions.
The government of Somaliland has taken a strong stance against the infringing of its affairs and the flouting of the country’s territorial integrity by the Mogadishu government of Somalia.
The latest development has been underscored by the House of the Representatives of Somaliland’s National Assembly who scoffed at the Mogadishu naïve act of purporting to render null and void the recent MoU agreement that the government of Somaliland struck with the Federal Government of Ethiopia over their bi-lateral relations.
The parliament moved a motion that was expressly endorsed unanimously to make it clear to both the Somalia government and the international community of nations that Somaliland has always been an entity as a nation quite separate from that of Somalia.
It reiterated its rights as having won its independence from Britain and that it did not secede from Somalia but simply severed its ill-fated union that factual history has well documented it.
The motion made it vividly clear to all concerned that Somaliland was a country with all the trappings of nationhood that charted and cruised its own course as a quite independent and sovereign a state as any other may be as per the aspirations of its people.
It termed the innuendoes emanating from Somalia of purporting to hold sway over Somaliland as a blatant infringement of the country’s territorial integrity and internal affairs.
While citing several legal clauses enshrined in Somaliland National Constitution, the parliament further reiterated its right as a national institution which is obligated to oversee the legalities entailed whenever the country enters any international agreements with any foreign country, multi-national institutions or whatever collaborative entity thereof, since Somaliland is an independent entity as a nation.
The motion took a swipe on the purported claim and action made by Somalia to assume that Somaliland was part of its territory.
It is worth noting that since Somaliland severed its ties and dissolved its ill-fated union with Somalia over three decades ago and reverted to its nation-hood status, the only times that the two former unions had discussions were through the initiatives of Somaliland-Somalia Talks whereupon both entities were at a round table as separate nations.
Somaliland has never been, nor is not, part and parcel of the regional government of Somalia as largely assumed.
It all rests at the essence of Territorial Integrity and Sovereignty of States, which Somaliland is holding its sway in, as an independent nation.
Unlike Somalia, Somaliland’s electioneering processes has for the past two decades perfected that of universal suffrage from the councilors level at the grassroots all the way to the parliamentarians and office of the president itself, with yet another (sixth) forthcoming national elections around the corner later this year.
