Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Somaliland Dr. Issa Kayd said that it is the duty of every citizen to take his/her role in furthering the cause of the country anywhere and everywhere.
The minister who is on a business trip to France, urged the Somaliland community living in the country to participate in the implementation of the Somaliland cause and on how the country would get the recognition it deserves.
The minister also said that he is very happy to meet the Somaliland community in France and said that they are doing a great job on how to promote Somaliland issues.
Minister Isse Kayd stressed that it is important to bring the issue of Somaliland to every part of the world, whether it is in Europe or the United States, or anywhere such that the country achieves its aspirations that it has been struggling for.
He said he was elated to be welcomed by the Somaliland rep office in France and happy to concertedly work together for the national cause “in advancing our lobbying in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas”.
His visit coincides with a time that Somaliland Diaspora in Europe and elsewhere in the world have stepped up demos to rally support for the nation’s sovereignty and also for the MoU signed with Ethiopia which guarantees the country its international status.
The government of the Republic of Somaliland has called on Western governments to find a solution to the crisis in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden by consulting with the governments in the area, which includes the Republic of Somaliland.
The Minister of Information, Culture and National Guidance, who is the Spokesman of the Government Hon. Ali Hassan Mohamed (Ali Marehaan), said this in a message he broadcasted on his X (Twitter), which was written as follows:-
“Western governments do not provide solutions and do not consult people who know the situation. They also sometimes make the situation worse than it was before.
“The tensions and crises in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden cannot be solved by rocket attacks aimed at random places.
“Countries along the Red Sea, including the Republic of Somaliland, should be consulted if at all there is a sincere solution to the crisis in the Gulf and the Red Sea.”
The Port of Berbera in Somaliland has been making waves in recent years, earning the distinction of being the highest-ranking port in Sub-Saharan Africa according to the Container Port Performance Index (CPPI). This is a remarkable achievement considering that just a few years ago, the port was ranked 144th in the world. Today, it stands as a shining example of what can be achieved with investment, planning, and hard work.
Berbera Port is the only prominent multipurpose port in Somaliland, working as the new integrated maritime, logistics, and industrial hub in the Horn of Africa. It focuses on contributing to Somaliland’s economy and those of surrounding local communities in neighboring countries.
DP World, one of the largest marine terminal operators in the world, has committed to investing up to US$442 million to expand the port. Berbera Port has seen an increase in cargo volumes of 35 percent and vessel productivity of 300 percent since DP World took control of the port’s operations in 2017.
Berbera has undergone a significant transformation in recent years. It is now a major maritime, industrial, and logistics hub in the Horn of Africa.
The port’s strategic location on the Gulf of Berbera (Gulf of Aden) has made it a critical center for international trade, connecting the East African region with the Middle East, Asia, and Europe. This has led to a surge in economic activity in the region, with businesses taking advantage of the opportunities that the port presents.
One of the key factors driving the port’s success is its ability to serve as a regional logistics hub. Berbera is not just a gateway for international trade but also a key entry point for goods destined for landlocked Ethiopia. This has led to a significant increase in trade between Ethiopia and the rest of the world, with Berbera serving as a crucial link in the supply chain.
What makes Berbera stand out is its ability to leverage shared infrastructure among neighboring countries. This has allowed the port to become a key player in the region, offering a range of services to businesses and consumers alike. The port’s modern infrastructure, including state-of-the-art cranes, container handling equipment, and storage facilities, has made it a world-class facility that can compete with the best ports in the world.
Another factor contributing to Berbera’s success is the government’s commitment to investing in the port’s development. The Somaliland government has been actively working to improve the port’s infrastructure, investing in new equipment and facilities to keep pace with the growing demand for its services. This has helped to attract new businesses to the region, creating jobs and driving economic growth.
In conclusion, the Port of Berbera is a rising star in Sub-Saharan Africa, offering a range of services that are critical to the region’s economic development. Its strategic location, modern infrastructure, and commitment to investment and development make it a prime destination for businesses looking to expand their operations in the region. As the port continues to grow and evolve, it is likely that we will see even greater economic benefits for the region and its people.
Elections in the Somali state of Puntland were a mixed bag. The vote was peaceful, but it followed an indirect model in which most have no voice. The re-elected president should reconcile with opponents while Somalia draws wider lessons from a failed experiment with democratisation.
Puntland, Somalia’s oldest federal state, held polls on 8 January, an exercise that came off peacefully despite concerns that bitter disagreements over the electoral model would trigger violence. Under considerable pressure, President Said Abdullahi Deni had agreed just a month beforehand to maintain the clan-based indirect model, ditching a planned shift to universal suffrage. It was likely necessary to use the old system, given the deep distrust the proposed change had planted among the opposition, which could have led to violence. Puntland now needs to address pressing problems like fractures in its security forces and tensions with Mogadishu about power and resource sharing. Before any future effort to adjust the electoral model, Puntland’s leaders should consult widely with political parties and civil society to make sure they are on board. The same applies to Somalia on the national level: resistance is bubbling as the government pushes constitutional amendments paving the way for one-person, one-vote elections slated for 2026.
Stability over Change
Puntland had been aiming to make history in January, organising the first universal suffrage elections in Somalia in decades (though Somaliland, whose declared independence the federal government does not recognise, regularly holds such polls). Since Puntland’s establishment in 1998, elections have followed an indirect voting model used across Somalia: elders from its clans have essentially chosen who they want to represent their clans in the state parliament, which in turn chooses the state president. The Puntland government tried to shift away from the clan-based model, drawing pitched resistance from President Deni’s opponents, who saw the way the effort to enfranchise all eligible adults was unfolding as a veiled attempt to entrench him in power. Anger at the proposed change turned violent in June 2023, when clashes between an opposition militia and government forces in the state capital, Garowe, killed more than 25 people.
The effort to move to universal suffrage started at the local level, with one-person, one-vote pilot elections for councillors in three districts in October 2021. In May 2023, Puntland expanded the experiment by organising a vote for councillors in 37 of the state’s districts. Although imperfect − authorities cancelled the vote in three districts for security reasons, given the presence of armed actors opposed to the process there, and attempted to interfere in others, according to local civil society groups − the district elections generated enough momentum for the government to move forward with the plans for a state presidential election. Resistance from opposition groups forced a rethink, however, as the government began to worry that following through would set off a major confrontation. On 6 December, Deni agreed to maintain the clan-based electoral model.
The plans for universal suffrage failed for several reasons. First, the move away from the clan-based model catalysed resistance among a swathe of Puntland’s elites. Significantly, the change would have spelled decreased influence for clan elders, who wield power in deciding who will hold public office.
Secondly, the shift away from a clan-based model would have threatened an unwritten agreement rotating the presidency among the three main sub-clans of the Majerteen/Mohamoud Salebaan, the state’s dominant clan, each election. Some analysts argue that this system underpins Puntland’s stability. Under this framework, a representative of the Isse Mohamud, who reside predominantly in the Nugaal region, where Garowe is located, would take the presidency after Deni, an Osman Mohamud from the Bari region, ended his term in January 2024. Universal suffrage was viewed by the Isse Mohamud as potentially hurting their prospects, as it would have opened the competition by bringing the vote to the people, who would not be compelled to abide by the clan agreement. Partly for this reason, resistance to universal suffrage was strongest in Nugaal. It was there that the May 2023 district elections were cancelled and the June 2023 clashes occurred. In the end, Deni broke the rotation norm anyway, winning the indirect vote, in part because the late switch of electoral models caught the opposition off guard and it failed to mobilise quickly enough.
Thirdly, Puntland’s government organised the presidential vote and undertook wide-ranging changes to electoral laws without sufficient consultation with important political forces. The opposition cried foul, saying the government was tilting the system in its own favour. It objected to the government’s push in parliament for constitutional amendments cementing the changes, for instance one expanding the number of political parties authorised to participate in elections, seeing the alteration as part of an effort to dilute its standing by introducing more actors into the mix. Two major opposition parties filed challenges to this amendment and others with Puntland’s Constitutional Court, but the court declined to hear the cases before the vote, without providing a reason why. The opposition’s distrust deepened as the government forged ahead without pausing to hear out its critics. Several independent civil society figures echoed the opposition’s complaints in interviews with Crisis Group.
At stake in the amendments, which parliament approved in July 2023, was the nature of Puntland’s political system. A direct vote for the presidency would have, in effect, transformed the parliamentary system to a presidential one, which the opposition worried would concentrate too much power in the executive branch. The government, on the other hand, maintained that the changes aimed at consolidating democracy, depicting the opposition as blocking progress. Both sides deserve blame for their inability to overcome their differences. Clan elders and civil society groups attempted to mediate, but neither side showed much interest in compromise.
Fourthly, the timeline proved too short for the technical preparations necessary for a one-person, one-vote election. In 2022, Somalia held its election for national president, following a protracted struggle. Deni competed in that election, and during that time progress on electoral preparations in Puntland slowed. The distraction meant that by the time Deni turned his attention fully back to Puntland, the clock had run down. The government had only eight months to organise ground-breaking statewide polls between the May 2023 district council vote and the end of its term the following January. The government rushed the logistical work, exacerbating the aforementioned opposition concerns.
Finally, the dispute over the polls split Puntland’s security forces, increasing the danger of violence. Politicians competing in the election controlled different units, and as tensions rose, so did the risk of confrontation. Sources told Crisis Group that the ruling Kaah party has a firm grip on the Puntland Maritime Police Force. The two opposition parties that were most staunchly opposed to changing the electoral system, Mideeye and Horseed, have other forces at their disposal. Mideeye is closely connected through family ties to the U.S.-trained Puntland Security Force based in Bosasso. Horseed, meanwhile, is part of an Isse Mohamud clan network that includes the fledgling Danab militia in Nugaal, which consists primarily of troops who left government forces during the election dispute. The June 2023 clashes in Garowe pitted the Danab militia against the maritime police. These fissures follow a familiar pattern in Somali politics: in times of crisis, security forces tend to give greater allegiance to clans and individual officers than the chain of command.
Moving Ahead in Puntland
The 8 January vote saw Deni win handily over his two most serious challengers, former Somali foreign minister Abshir Hurushe and former Puntland election commissioner Guled Salah. Encouragingly, most of Puntland’s politicians appear to have accepted the outcome, as the array of dignitaries present at Deni’s 25 January inauguration attests. Similarly, Deni’s new cabinet, announced on 29 February, includes a handful of figures from opposition political parties, including Horseed and Mideeye.
The peaceful vote gives the wounds inflicted during the campaign a chance to heal. To be sure, tensions remain, with a smattering of politicians and clan elders loath to accept Deni’s victory. But without the spectre of a looming election, the intensity of intra-elite disputes should subside. After the January vote, the opposition committed to working with the government. In the spirit of conciliation, Deni’s administration should continue to provide opportunities for collaboration. By emphasising accommodation with those who opposed his election rather than restricting his government to a narrow circle of allies, as demonstrated by the diversity in cabinet appointments, Deni can start his second term on a positive note. Should the sides fail to move past the election, the fault lines could threaten Puntland’s long-term stability.
It is crucial in this regard that Puntland’s government build a more cohesive security apparatus. There are two Islamist insurgencies in the state: Somalia’s Islamic State branch, which comprises a small cell based in the mountains around Bosasso, and Al-Shabaab, which is less potent in Puntland than elsewhere in Somalia, but active nonetheless. Both groups could take advantage if fractures caused by the election endure. Unifying the security forces will depend on political reconciliation, as in an atmosphere of distrust, politicians may want to keep men under arms who are loyal to them. The Puntland government should engage the leadership of the units that opposed it in discussions about how to strengthen the chain of command. The government started along this track by pardoning the Danab’s leader and welcoming this militia back into the fold prior to the election. But it will likely have to go further in ensuring that those who left their posts are granted new opportunities, while also taking care that those who remain in the government’s employ regularly receive their salaries.
President Deni should also reflect on why democratisation fell short and how the government can revive momentum without reigniting tensions. Puntland made progress with the historic district council elections and should prepare to shift fully from the clan-based model for the next state elections in 2029. Drawing on the lessons from the January vote – preparing the ground well in advance, addressing the question of shifting power dynamics and, most critically, consulting widely – will be key. A particular question is what role clan elders will play in the political system after the transition to universal suffrage. Somaliland, for example, retains a formal role for these elders by reserving its upper house of parliament for them. In the meantime, an important confidence-building measure will be to conclude the council elections in the three Nugaal districts that were cancelled.
Moving on from the divisive election cycle would give Puntland an opportunity to deal with two other challenges. First, it needs to clarify its relationship with the emerging administration in Sool, a region claimed by both Puntland and Somaliland. In early 2023, armed conflict broke out in Sool, when the Dhulbahante clan based there fought off Somaliland’s encroaching forces. The Dhulbahante do not want to be part of Puntland, either, but would prefer to create a new member state within Somalia’s federal architecture. The Dhulbahante are traditionally allocated the vice presidency and seventeen parliamentary seats in Puntland (in addition to ministerial positions), so resolving the dispute also matters for the state’s internal politics. Somalia’s federal government has recognised the Dhulbahante in Sool as an “interim administration”; still, the clan has one foot there and one in Puntland. Puntland and the Dhulbahante should address this inconsistency by outlining the framework of their relationship and how it will develop, as the Dhulbahante administration itself evolves.
Secondly, Garowe needs to mend its frayed ties with Mogadishu. Deni fell out with Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud after allying with him against Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo”, the previous incumbent who lost the 2022 vote. Deni harboured presidential ambitions of his own, and his relations with the victor have been frosty since the vote. Mogadishu and Garowe also spar over how to divide power and resources within Somalia’s federation. Such disagreement between the capital and federal states is common, but takes a stronger tone in Puntland given its institutional development and capacity to stand on its own.
In January 2023, Puntland declared it would operate autonomously, outside the federation, arguing that the Mohamud administration was seeking to concentrate authority. The stalemate has resulted in a suspension of development projects by international bodies like the World Bank in Puntland, given that Mogadishu and Garowe cannot agree on the parameters. The two sides need to sit down to discuss Puntland’s return to the federation. It will be a hard sell, given the depth of frictions. But the prospect of an indefinite suspension of relations hinders progress in both Puntland and Somalia as a whole, as Puntland’s glaring absence also challenges the latter’s attempt to carry out countrywide reforms.
The Struggle for Democracy in Somalia
Puntland’s experience has important lessons for all those who support the idea of shifting toward deeper democratic practices in the state, and in Somalia as a whole, including but not limited to many civil society organisations. The clan-based model, whereby elders select representatives who in turn elect officials, is thoroughly corrupted and relies on a narrow base. Those with the richest backers tend to rise to the top, while politicians are not accountable to the public, which has few means of sanctioning those who do not deliver. There is no guarantee that democratisation will increase the incentives for political leaders to work for the constituencies they ostensibly represent, much less that it will decrease corruption. Nor is it clear how a one-person, one-vote model would work amid widespread insecurity; voters in areas held by Al-Shabaab or where fighting is raging could be disenfranchised. But disgust with the current system is high, generating momentum to put alternatives into practice.
These sentiments notwithstanding, moving away from clan-based politics will be a time-consuming task – one whose delicacy many outsiders underestimate. Without genuine engagement, such a significant shift has every chance of upsetting fragile balances of power, possibly leading to violence. Somalia intended to move to full franchise ahead of both of the last two presidential elections, but abandoned the idea both times, in part due to opposition suspicions that the incumbents wanted universal suffrage simply to extend their stay in power. In 2022, the government pushed insistently for a one-person, one-vote system despite security risks that made such a vote unrealistic. The heightened political tensions contributed to clashes between rival forces in Mogadishu, leading to a fifteen-month delay in the vote.
In this light, technical election preparations are secondary to preparing the ground for change politically, through inclusive, transparent dialogue. This process takes time but is vital to avoiding conflict during election cycles. Failure to engage in it means that those feeling threatened by change can mobilise themselves in opposition. While some may paint them as resistant to progress, the wider point is that governments also must manage change in such a way as not to undermine stability. Political leaders must also ensure their personal ambitions are not baked into systemic reforms, lest they wind up sowing additional distrust.
Herein lie the lessons of Puntland’s electoral cycle for the rest of Somalia ahead of state-level elections in November and national elections in 2026. The modalities for member state elections are still uncertain, despite the need for clarity and consensus well in advance of the polls. At the national level, the government is pushing for universal suffrage in 2026. By way of far-reaching constitutional amendments, it seeks to extensively alter Somalia’s political system, including proposing a direct presidential election and limiting competition to two political parties, ostensibly to check clan-based competition. It will encounter familiar obstacles: the opposition is already pushing back. The government should tread carefully to ensure it obtains widespread support – broad consensus throughout Somalia’s regions and in its political class, as well as among the public – for any major change so that choosing an electoral model does not in itself create conflict.
Ethiopia’s newly appointed Foreign Minister, Taye-Atske Selassie, told state media that “direct access to the sea is a matter of our stability and national security,” adding that Ethiopia’s quest for seaports is “very legitimate.”
The international community is well informed about Ethiopia’s aspiration to access the sea following extensive diplomatic engagement in the subject, the report cited FM Taye as saying. Extensive diplomatic works to inform the reality have been carried out during the past six months.
As a sovereign state, Ethiopia needs “solid economy that is supported by stable transactions”, the reported cited FM Taye, adding that Ethiopia’s quest for sea access is not against factual settings. “Ethiopia should not be holder of undue burdens and it should not be a victim of other countries’ internal burden,” the report further said.
FM Taye also highlighted Ethiopia’s readiness to engage in additional negotiations over its seaport aspiration, and on the Abbay Dam [#GERD]. “We had been in negotiation with Egyptians for four rounds. Similarly, we are ready to resume the negotiation whenever they want.”
“Ethiopia has no history of embracing foreign commands and dictations. But, it will negotiate in some cases for the benefit of all,” FM Taye further said.
The Somaliland diaspora communities in the UK have shown great support for the agreement between Somaliland and Ethiopia in London by underscoring it in a picketing demo held in London.
Thousands of people that included young people, women, children, intellectuals, and scholars of all ages from all the cities in the UK demonstrated on Saturday.
The purpose of the picketing organized by the Somaliland embassy in the UK and diverse British communities was to underpin to the British government and by extension the whole world that the existence and independence of Somaliland is not negotiable, and that the international community ought to acknowledge the fact.
Some of the people who participated in the demonstration who spoke to the media said that their country (Somaliland) was an independent nation that already has agreements entered with foreign nations and would continue doing so as necessitated by its sovereign interests.
“The agreement between Somaliland and Ethiopia as concerns their reciprocated interests was imperative to be implemented and not Somalia nor any other country or entity may hinder it.
Ambassador of Somaliland to the UK Abdi Abdillahi Dayahweerar who addressed the multitude who participated in the demos called on them to redouble their support for the sovereign independence of their country, Somaliland.
The demonstration was also attended by members of the British Parliament who greatly support the cause of Somaliland’s independence, who notably included MP Gavin Williamson.
The gathering is expected to further strengthen the efforts of the Somaliland government and the resolve of the community to achieve its aspirations and have the nation join the international communities as deserved.
The Republic of Somaliland reaffirms its unwavering dedication to nurturing amicable ties with nations that share its unwavering commitment to peace and stability in the volatile Horn of Africa region.
Grounded in democratic principles and the rule of law, Somaliland places importance on diplomacy and dialogue as the bedrock of international relations.
Central to Somaliland’s foreign policy ethos is the promotion of good relations built on mutual respect and collaboration, not only among neighbors but also within the wider global community.
Therefore, in adherence to this pledge, Somaliland stresses the imperative of sidestepping conflicts and proxy confrontations that imperil regional stability and progress.
The Government of Somaliland unequivocally rejects coercion in its many forms, especially those, against its national interests or sacrosanct desire for full sovereign rights.
Somaliland recently signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Ethiopia, aimed at nurturing bilateral cooperation and reciprocal gains for both parties.
While Somaliland extends a hand of welcome to constructive engagement from the international community, it remains vigilant against any attempts by certain nations or organizations to exploit this agreement for their own national agendas.
It is imperative to underscore that Somaliland views with profound apprehension any nation or organization seeking to inject themselves into this process, under the false pretense of upholding Somalia’s false claims of sovereignty, to further their self-serving national interests.
Such actions not only subvert the ethos of collaboration but also pose an existential and destabilizing threat to regional peace and we ask kindly, such parties to refrain from perpetuating further, their malignant activities.
As Somaliland charts its trajectory towards progress, it remains resolutely committed to upholding its obligations as a responsible nation, championing the principles of democracy, peace, stability, and mutual respect.
Somaliland is a sovereign state committed to democratic governance, with an unyielding commitment to fostering peace, stability and prosperity in the region. And more importantly, SL has, with minimal international support or interference protected for 20+ years, the safety of the important Gulf of Aden maritime trade waterway, that connects the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea, against terrorism and piracy.
He tells the international community that when it comes to Somaliland’s sovereignty it is non-negotiable
By M.A. Egge
The President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi on Saturday noted that this year was one of holding the presidential and political parties’ elections and the country come November 2024.
He appealed to the people of the nation to make sure that the electioneering processes are successful and that they are held and go on without incidences.
The Head of State reiterated the need to see to it that the efforts seeing to it that the aspirations of the people and the nation of Somaliland in achieving international recognition is fully realized and that the country joins the global community as a sovereign country.
The President reminded the populaces of the need to uphold unity and solidarity especially during the electioneering year.
He gave the sentiments as the nation joined the international community in observing the 123rd year since the International Women’s Day which was incepted in March 1911, with it’s this year’s theme being “inspire Inclusion”.
It is usually celebrated on the 8th of February every year.
The President stressed the need to have the elections go on without incidents given that the nation has many enemies that would not like to see the country prosper.
He emphasized that the main priority of the nation and the people of Somaliland was to see to it that the country achieves and realizes its aspirations of being a sovereign country that is fully recognized internationally.
He told the international world community that “when it comes to the issue and matter of the aspirations of the nation of Somaliland the country will not tolerate any impediments from any quota and would assume those undermining its aspirations as outright enemies”.
He was quite categorical that the issue of sovereignty of Somaliland ic completely non-negotiable.
He made it clear that the nation will not entertain any entities, be they individuals, institutions or countries that would seek to undermine its endevours.
He was emphatic that the nation would continue its path to chart its future and that it was sure that it would indeed triumph.
“As for the efforts towards achieving our aspirations we will do whatever necessary to realize it”, he said.
President Musa wondered why when it comes to the rule of the sacrosanct nature of the colonial borders that of Somaliland is not respected.
He said that it was ironic that in the latest agreement reached by the governments of Egypt and that of Kenya, they both “accepted and agreed on the sacrosanct nature of the colonial borders whereas they do not acknowledge that of Somaliland”.
Earlier on the morning the Head of State had signed the amended comprehensive laws of elections Bills, both Act 91/2024 and Act 14/2024 hence enacting them into law.
The Chairman of the National Elections Commission Hon. Musa Hassan Yusuf declared that the NEC is ready to hold the expected elections.
He was giving his comments following media probs after the election laws were enacted on Saturday.
He explained that as far as the NEC was concerned all aspects related technical and administrative matters incumbent upon the elections institution was well in place.
“We hope that the elections will go on as planned”, he said.
“The commission’s task is to conduct free and fair elections in the country, and we are ready for it. I am instructing the stakeholders and the community to cooperate with the commission so that the elections will be held smoothly”, he said when probed on their diligence.
Press Release
The Electoral Commission of Somaliland is welcoming the signing of the Somaliland Election Act, marking a significant milestone in the country’s democratic journey.
The Somaliland Election Act, signed by the Somaliland President HE. Musa Bihi Abdi, underscores the commitment to upholding democratic principles and ensuring free, fair, and transparent elections in Somaliland. This legislative framework sets the stage for the conduct of elections in accordance with international standards and best practices.
“We welcome the signing of the Somaliland Election Act as a crucial step towards strengthening our democratic institutions and processes. This Act will serve as the cornerstone for conducting credible elections that reflect the will of the people of Somaliland.” said by Musa Hassan Yusuf; Chairman of the Electoral Commission.
The Somaliland Election Act encompasses provisions aimed at safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process, ensuring equal participation of all eligible voters, and promoting accountability and transparency throughout the electoral cycle.
The Electoral Commission remains committed to working closely with relevant stakeholders, including political parties, civil society organizations, and international partners, to implement the provisions of the Somaliland Election Act effectively.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency Musa Bihi Abdi on Saturday 09/03/2024 issued officially enacted the Bills on the general laws of elections into law after signing it.
A circular from the Presidency to the effect, that reached our desk, confirms the enacting of the Bills that saw comprehensive reviews and amendments to both Act 14/2023 and 91/2023.the press release on the Presidential Decrees went as follows:-
Presidential Decrees
Presidential Decrees to implement two laws:- Implementation of Amendments and Supplements to the General Law of Elections and Voter Registration; Regulation No. 91/2023. And Implementation of Amendments and Supplements to the Organization System and Political Parties Act No: 14/2023.
The Presidential Decrees are as follows:-
Implementation of Amendments and Supplements to the General Elections and Voters Registration Act; Regulation No. 91/2023.
After seing: Articles 75, 77 and 78 of the Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland;
Given that: The text of the House of Representatives with the symbol GW/JSL/10/68/2024, dated 19/02/2024, for the purpose of submitting a decision approving amendments and supplements, to the General Law of Elections and Registration. Entry of Voters, Law No: 91/2023; (Decision No. GW/KF- 7/01/2024);
Given that: The resolution of the Constitutional Court with Ref No MSD/DDL/01/2024, dated 07/03/2024 by which the Court annulled the 5th and 6th Clauses of Article 93 of the Amendment and Supplement to the General Law of Elections and Registration of Voters, Law No: 91/2023;
When I saw: The resolution of the Constitutional Court Ref No MSD/DDL/02/2024, dated 07/03/2024 by which the Court canceled the word “Hundreds” in Clauses 2, 3 and 4 of Article 93 of the Constitution. -Amending and Supplementing the General Law on Elections and Voter Registration, Law No: 91/2023;
I thus order;
This circular to disseminate the Implementation of Amendments and Supplements to the General Law on Elections and Voter Registration in Law No. 91/2023 and the annexes:
– Resolution of the Constitutional courtRef No MSD/DDL/01/2024, dated 07/03/2024, and
– Resolution of the Constitutional Court Ref No MSD/DDL/02/2024, dated 07/03/2024.
Implementation of Amendments and Supplements to the Law on Organizations and Political Parties Law No: 14/2023
As per: Article 90 of the Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland;
As per: Articles 75, 77 and 78 of the Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland;
Given that: The text of the House of Representatives with the symbol GW/JSL/10/68/2024, dated 19/02/2024, for the purpose of submitting a decision approving amendments and supplements to the Law on Organizations and Political Parties. No: 14/2023, (Decision No. GW/KF- 7/02/2024);
I order that;
This circular broadcast the Implementation of Amendments and Supplements to the Law on the System of Organizations and Political Parties in Law No: 14/2023.
