The U.S. Congressional Staff Delegation on Thursday visited the University of Hargeisa, Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies Faculty. The delegation had an academic discussion with the university community about Somaliland education and the role it played in state and peace-building processes.
Also, the discussions covered the changing political dynamics of the Horn of Africa, the role Somaliland plays in securing waters of the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, and Somaliland’s strategic importance in an era of emerging New Cold War.
In February 2017, a poem titled “Muddici” (‘Plaintiff’) by Hargeysa-based poet Weedhsame went viral on social media. The poem accused members of Somaliland’s government of corruption and quickly elicited a series of supporting and opposing responses. Together, these poems formed a debate “chain” (silsilad) that became known as Miimley (‘in ‘m’’). Beginning from the premise that forms of popular art both reflect and inform processes of sociopolitical change, this paper explores the poetic and political “future(s)” charted by the content and form of Miimley. Placing Miimley in the longue durée of Somali poetic debate , I specifically consider how the future is implicitly and explicitly evoked in the content of poets’ verse, and how the participatory dynamics of the unfolding of Miimley index and foment emergent forms of democratic engagement. I ultimately suggest that the futures invoked in Miimley balance respect for “tradition” – especially Islam and poetry – with a desire for more just and inclusive politics.
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The Chairman of the National Party “WADDANI”, currently in Burco City, Togdheer region attended a well-organized event where the Aden Madobe community joined the party ranks on Thursday.
During the meetings, Senate & Regional leaders spoke about the need to support the change in Somaliland.
The Chairman of the National Party “WADDANI” political organization, Hon. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan welcomed members of the Aden Madobe community into the ranks of the opposition party.
Hon. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan further thanked the Aden Madobe community for their contributions to the development of Somaliland as a whole, and efforts in supporting a peaceful change in Somaliland.
On the other hand, the chairman of the WADDANI party, Mr. Hirsi Ali X Hassan, and other officials of the WADDANI party held a large meeting in the city of Buro with elders, elders, young scholars, and women from the Togdheer Sool and Sahil regions of the community of Mohamed Yonis, of Habar Jeclo Clan.
He added, “The intellectuals of the community have indicated that they are playing a major role in the change efforts of the WADDANI party, and their voices and their strength are aligned with the leadership of the party so that there will be a change in leadership in the country and the party will win the upcoming elections.
The leaders of the WADDANI party welcomed the leaders and members of the community and thanked them for their support. He pledged that they would take a big responsibility in dealing with the community’s grievances and support development in their areas.
Somalia’s Fawzia Yusuf Adam Resists Pressure to Withdraw AU Chairperson Candidacy
Somalia’s candidate for African Union (AU) Chairperson, Fawzia Yusuf Adam, announced that the Somali government and leaders of four federal member states are pressuring her to withdraw her candidacy at the request of Djibouti’s President, Ismail Omar Guelleh.
Speaking at a press conference in Mogadishu on Thursday, Adam emphasized that she will not give up her candidacy for the Chairperson of the African Union, whose election will be held in 2025. “The government and four federal member state leaders have told me to give up my candidacy. I tried to convince them of the importance of the seat, but it was impossible. They agreed that I should give up the seat to Djibouti, who is also a candidate. I cannot put that responsibility behind me and give up because that compromise has a dark history,” said Adam.
She added that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud excluded her bid for the AU seat in 2026 during his term because Kenya was also contesting for that position. “I have been denied the AU chairmanship twice. I do not know if it is because I am a woman or for other hidden reasons,” she remarked.
Adam’s candidacy was formally announced in February 2024, challenging Kenya’s Raila Odinga. Her bid was supported by Somali national leaders aiming to bolster Somalia’s influence within the AU. In March, the Somali government began lobbying efforts and formed a special committee to support her campaign, underscoring the importance of securing this influential position.
The juxtaposition of Somalia’s leaders privately lobbying Adam to withdraw while publicly supporting her candidacy reveals the power dynamics at play. Despite public displays of support, she claims that Somali leaders have been under pressure from external forces, particularly Djibouti and Kenya, to reconsider her candidacy.
In May, members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) expressed their support for Adam, boosting her campaign against Raila Odinga. The OIC’s endorsement was significant, signalling broader support from Islamic nations that could sway votes in her favour.
Last year, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud faced heavy criticism for refusing to support Somali lawmaker Marwa Abdi Bashir’s candidacy for the International Parliamentary Union (IPU) presidency. Instead, he backed Tanzania, which eventually won, in exchange for Tanzania’s support in helping Somalia join the East African Community and securing another United Nations seat.
The race for the AU Chairperson seat became more competitive with the entry of Djibouti’s Mahmoud Ali Youssouf in April 2024. Youssouf’s candidacy introduced new complexities to the regional dynamics, altering the balance of power and strategic alliances within the Horn of Africa. Djibouti, with its significant geopolitical influence due to its strategic location and international military bases, challenges both Somalia and Kenya for the AU’s top post. Djibouti’s entry intensified lobbying efforts among neighboring countries and exposed underlying tensions and alliances.
Kenya’s President William Ruto, who seeks to solidify Kenya’s leadership role in regional politics and international relations, also played a pivotal role in the race. According to Kenyan media outlets, Ruto actively lobbied Somalia to withdraw her candidacy in favor of Kenya’s candidate, Raila Odinga.
The geopolitical landscape of the Horn of Africa has witnessed a transformative development with Somaliland and Ethiopia’s announcement of a potential Ethiopian naval base in Somaliland. This strategic move is not only aimed at enhancing maritime security in the Gulf of Aden but also addressing broader regional crises that affect the Red Sea and Suez Canal. This article explores the multifaceted implications of this naval base for regional security, political dynamics, and economic stability, emphasizing the importance of support from key stakeholders such as Egypt.
Background
In January 2024, Somaliland, which has been self-governing since 1991, signed a significant port access agreement with Ethiopia. This agreement allows Ethiopia access to a 12-mile strip of Somaliland’s coastline to develop a naval base. This deal is integral to Somaliland’s strategy for gaining international recognition and diplomatic legitimacy, which it has sought since declaring independence from Somalia. The Somaliland government views this agreement as a pivotal step towards Ethiopia’s goal of regaining maritime access. However, there are differing interpretations, with Ethiopian officials suggesting the inclusion of a commercial seaport, highlighting the complex nature of the agreement.
Strategic Importance
The Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea are critical maritime corridors for global trade, especially for oil shipments. These regions have historically been hotspots for piracy and militant activities, posing significant risks to international shipping. An Ethiopian naval presence in Somaliland could bolster maritime security, deter piracy, and counter Houthi rebel activities from Yemen. Somaliland’s Foreign Minister, Dr. Essa Kayd, has identified three potential coastal sites for the naval base, reflecting the strategic depth and logistical considerations of this initiative. This development enhances Ethiopia’s capacity to project power and influence, aligning with its broader geopolitical and security objectives.
Geo-strategy, Geo-security, and Geo-economic Importance of Somaliland
Somaliland’s geographic location at the crossroads of vital maritime routes lends it immense geo-strategic, geo-security, and geo-economic significance. The region’s stability is crucial for the security of the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. The establishment of an Ethiopian naval base can serve as a critical element in securing these maritime routes, which are essential for global trade. The MOU between Ethiopia and Somaliland is not only beneficial for the immediate region but also for broader international stakeholders, including Egypt. The stability and security of the Suez Canal, a key global trade artery, are directly impacted by the security of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Therefore, Egypt has a vested interest in supporting the Ethio-Somaliland MOU as it promises to enhance regional security and by extension, safeguard the Suez Canal.
Historical Context: U.S. and Soviet Agreements
Somaliland’s strategic significance is not new. During the Cold War, both the United States and the Soviet Union recognized the strategic value of the region. The Berbera military airport in Somaliland was used by the U.S. as a strategic airbase. In the 1970s, the Soviet Union also utilized Berbera as a naval base, demonstrating the long-standing military significance of this region. These historical agreements underscore the enduring strategic value of Somaliland’s location for major powers.
Political Ramifications
The agreement has stirred significant controversy, particularly from the Somalia national government in Mogadishu, which considers Somaliland part of Somalia. Mogadishu’s objections highlight the contested nature of Somaliland’s status. Despite this, Somaliland maintains that the naval base is a pathway to increased regional stability and international recognition. Interestingly, Mogadishu has shown some openness to negotiating terms for an Ethiopian commercial port, indicating a potential area for diplomatic engagement. This nuanced position reflects the complex interplay of sovereignty, security, and economic interests in Somalia-Ethiopia relations.
Security Implications
Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi has highlighted the security benefits of the Ethiopian naval base. In an interview with the Financial Times, Abdi suggested that an Ethiopian naval presence could help contain the Houthi threat in the Gulf of Aden. The Houthis, an armed group in Yemen, have disrupted shipping routes and contributed to regional instability. A robust Ethiopian naval base could serve as a deterrent to these militant activities, ensuring safe passage for commercial vessels and strengthening the overall security architecture in the Gulf of Aden. This development aligns with broader international efforts to stabilize the region and secure vital maritime trade routes.
Conclusion
The establishment of an Ethiopian naval base in Somaliland represents a significant shift in the geopolitical dynamics of the Horn of Africa. It holds the potential to enhance maritime security, deter piracy and militant activities, and contribute to regional stability. The support of key stakeholders, particularly Egypt, is crucial for the success of this initiative, given its implications for the security of the Red Sea and the Suez Canal. As the region navigates these dynamics, the ability of the involved parties to manage their divergent interests and collaborate towards shared security objectives will be critical. The unfolding developments in Somaliland will be closely watched by regional and international stakeholders, given their far-reaching implications for security and stability in the Gulf of Aden and beyond.
Editor’s Note: Hamidi Jama is a maritime security commentator and analyst. He can be reached at hamidijama8@gmail.com
The Chairman of the UCID Party, Faysal Ali Warabe, said that no one at all can dispute the identity and essence of Somaliland.
Faysal Ali Warabe also made it clear that Las Anod cannot be cut off from Somaliland hence that the integral borders of the nation would be duly secured.
He gave the sentiments over the week.
He said, “The essence of Somaliland cannot be cause of controversy hence those who are purporting that it will never be recognized are controversial, the men who own Somaliland today will not be recognized are mere naysayers”.
He pointed that he was a presidential candidate who stood with integrity hence sought voters from the whole nation and did not align with clannish tendencies hence never flashed money around.
He was convictional that the elections would be held since he averred that all stakeholders are solidly united about it.
Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG) Celebrates Somaliland Independence Day: June 26th, 1960
On the eve of 64th year since the Somaliland’s independence, its time for Re-recognition of the Republic Somaliland
The eagerly awaited and anticipation Ethiopia/Somaliland MoU Finalization is on the horizon of being reality. SAG encourages SomaliLanders to celebrate and support the MoU
SL-SAG is an advocacy group based in the United States of America, we urge the international community to do right thing and Re-recognition of SomaliLand. It’s passed time to drop the failed one Somalia policy. As Somalilanders, in US we stand shoulder to shoulder with our fellow Landers, we send them a congratulatory message to the people of SomaliLand.
On the 64th anniversary of Somaliland’s independence, the Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG) proudly celebrates this historic milestone and calls for international Re-recognition of Somaliland. As we reflect on our nation’s journey, we also look forward to the finalization of the critical Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Ethiopia and Somaliland, which promises to further solidify our progress and partnerships.
Historical Significance
June 26th marks a pivotal moment in our history, commemorating our independence from British rule in 1960. This day symbolizes the resilience, determination, and achievements of the people of Somaliland. As we honor our past, we also renew our commitment to a future where Somaliland is Re-recognized as a sovereign state by the international community.
Call for Re-recognition
SL-SAG urges the international community to acknowledge the undeniable progress Somaliland has made in democratic governance, economic stability, and human rights. The time for Re-recognition is now. Somaliland has demonstrated its majority, a capacity for self-governance and has established a stable, democratic, and prosperous society. Recognizing Somaliland’s sovereignty will not only honor our accomplishments but also contribute to greater regional stability and cooperation.
Anticipation of Ethiopia/Somaliland MoU,
We eagerly anticipate the finalization of the MoU between Ethiopia and Somaliland. This agreement is expected to:
• Enhance Diplomatic Relations: Strengthen ties with Ethiopia, foster greater diplomatic and economic cooperation.
• Promote Economic Growth: Create new opportunities for trade and investment, benefiting both nations and enhancing regional prosperity.
• Improve Security: Encourage collaboration in security and defense, contributing to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.
One Somalia Does Not Work
SL-SAG reaffirms that the concept of “One Somalia” does not reflect the realities on the ground. Somaliland’s distinct culture and history, political stability, and democratic achievements sets apart. The international community must recognize that a unified Somalia is not feasible and that Somaliland’s sovereignty is a legitimate and necessary acknowledgment of its unique status.
SL-SAG Message
“We celebrate our independence with pride and a clear vision for the future. The international community must recognize the progress and stability that Somaliland has achieved.
The finalization of the Ethiopia/Somaliland MoU is a significant step forward, but true progress requires acknowledging our sovereignty. ‘One Somalia’ is an outdated concept that does not work in the current context,” stated a representative of
SL-SAG.
Conclusion
As we celebrate this historic day, SL-SAG remains steadfast in our pursuit of international
Re-recognition for Somaliland. The anticipated MoU with Ethiopia marks a new chapter in our history, filled with promise and hope for a brighter future. It is time for the world to recognize Somaliland for the sovereign nation it truly is.
SL-SAG
The Republic of Somaliland and the United States of America congress officials held a meeting and discussed security issues and the democratic process in Somaliland after it regained its independence.
A large delegation from the United States of America, who came to Somaliland for an official visit, had a meeting with Somaliland’s Minister of Interior Hon. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed and top military commanders on security and elections issues.
A statement from the interior ministry disclosed that wide-ranging issues were discussed in the meeting that also gave a recap of the three decades of the country’s developments since the nation re-asserted its sovereignty.
“The Minister of Interior Hon. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, together with the commanders of the different forces of the Republic of Somaliland, the Director General of the Ministry of Interior and the Director General of Security in the ministry Mubarak Ahmed Ali, held a wide meeting with a delegation from the United States, who are on an official visit in Somaliland”, read the statement.
The bipartisan staff delegation from the United States Congress came to Somaliland to find out about the progress of the Republic of Somaliland and the peace that has been implemented in Somaliland in the last 30 years since the country regained its independence.
The visit of the officials to come to Somaliland was facilitated by the US Congressional think-tank which advises it on a cross board of issues, the HDI and the AGI.
HDI organizes and implements visits by Members of the United States Congress and their staffs to countries around the world. Since 2012, HDI has organized more than 30 delegations to every region of the world. These trips give Congressional decision makers the opportunity to learn firsthand about vital issues which impact the United States and to discuss important issues with governmental, academic, business, and cultural leaders and the international community in country.
The text is secret and the deal might yet fall through. But the memorandum of understanding signed by Ethiopia and Somaliland on January 1st has sent shock waves through the Horn of Africa. Somaliland, which declared its independence from Somalia in 1991, says that Ethiopia will become the first country to grant it recognition. In return, it will give its landlocked neighbour access to the sea.
The deal has outraged Somalia, which describes it as an act of “aggression”. In April it expelled the Ethiopian ambassador. Now it is threatening to do the same to more than 8,000 Ethiopian soldiers who are stationed on its soil to fight al-Shabab, a jihadist group linked to al-Qaeda. But in Somaliland, a de facto state with its own government, flag, army, currency and courts, the mood is very different. “We are struggling for our independence, as every other country in the continent…has done,” says Muse Bihi Abdi, the president of Somaliland, speaking to The Economist in Hargeisa, the capital.
Sitting stiff-backed in his presidential palace, Mr Bihi rehearses the arguments for Somaliland’s statehood. The territory it claims was once ruled by the British; the southern part of Somalia, with its capital at Mogadishu, was under Italian control. The two former colonies united in 1960, but the marriage was an unhappy one. Rebels from Somaliland rose up against a dictatorship, which killed tens of thousands of civilians and bombed Hargeisa into oblivion—a trauma that explains support for separate statehood today. When Somalilanders unilaterally declared independence in 1991, they said they were dissolving a union between states, not starting a breakaway country from scratch. “We are not secessionist,” says Mr Bihi, a former soldier who has held office since 2017.
Even so, the idea of breaking up a state unnerves other African governments, many of which face separatist movements of their own. None has recognised Somaliland, a land of 6m people, which has now ruled itself for longer than it was ever governed from Mogadishu. Hence Mr Bihi’s bargain with Ethiopia, which lost its own coastline in 1993 with the secession of Eritrea. “They need the sea as we need recognition,” he explains. “We are ready.”
Map: The Economist
Mr Bihi says that Ethiopia will lease a strip of coastline between Lughaya and Bulhar, some 20km by 20km, on which to build a naval base (see map). Ethiopia has said that it will consider its position on Somaliland, but has not given a public guarantee of recognition. A full agreement is still being hashed out.
Even if Ethiopia recognises Somaliland, others may be reluctant to follow. Foreign governments have weighed in to support the sovereignty of Somalia, which was voted in as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council on June 6th. Egypt, which is already irked by an Ethiopian dam on the Nile, has pledged to defend Somalia. White House officials are concerned that the fallout could disrupt the fight against al-Shabab. “Why are the Americans against this?” asks Mr Bihi in exasperation. “They never explained to me.”
Mr Bihi also has critics at home. His defence minister resigned after the deal was announced, saying that Ethiopia is an enemy. Plain-clothes security officers in Hargeisa raided a TV station and detained journalists who were hosting a live debate about it; a pop star was arrested after questioning the agreement in song. (The government says neither arrest was related to the deal.) Moustafa Ahmad, a researcher in Hargeisa, says that popular feeling is “very mixed”, combining excitement about recognition, concern about transparency and scepticism about whether Ethiopia will honour its side of the bargain.
Meanwhile, in the eastern town of Las Anod, the push for statehood faces its biggest challenge since the formative years of the 1990s. People there have long felt ambivalent about independence, which they say has disproportionately benefited the majority Isaaq clan. Last year leaders in Las Anod declared they wanted to be part of Somalia instead. Mr Bihi tried to shell the city into submission, as more than 100,000 people fled from their homes, only for his army to have been forced to retreat last August. That was “a humiliation”, says Mahmoud Adam Jama (known as Galaal) of the opposition Waddani party. “[Somaliland’s] argument was that we control the territory,” he sighs. “Now we don’t.”
Mr Bihi swats away suggestions that he has been too heavy-handed, saying that internal strife is “a stage that all countries go through”. His argument is unlikely to win over critics ahead of the elections in November. In its short history, Somaliland has done better than many nations at forging a degree of consensus and stability. But as it chases recognition abroad, there is still hard work to be done at home.
Dahabshiil Company celebrated the International Family Remittance Day which is celebrated every year on June 16 worldwide.
“Today, June 16th, we celebrate International Family Remittances Day” was published Dahabshiil Instagram account.
In a statement issued by the Department of diaspora Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it stated that the Somaliland diaspora in the world sends funds of two billion dollars a year, apart from other funds for the activities of donations and disasters that they participate in, as stated by the Governor of the Central Bank of the Republic of Somaliland.
According to a World Bank report, Somaliland is the largest recipient of remittances in Africa.
The theme of the 2024 Family Remittances campaign is “Digital remittances towards financial inclusion and cost reduction,” highlighting the positive effects of digitalization in reducing costs, improving access, and advancing financial inclusion.
IFAD’s Resolution Proclamation of an International Day of Family Remittances Approved by 176 Member States of IFAD’s Governing Council on 16 February 2015.
It is worth noting that for the past two decades the remittances has gone up five fold globally, hence its costs has duly been going down annually, becoming the cheapest and swiftest means of such services.
