This is a semi-monthly series of insights into the aftershocks of the MoU signed between Somaliland and Ethiopia.
The conversation about the MoU in June shifted from the question of “if” to “when.” We are no longer talking about months but days. The latest verified source is Ethiopian MFA spokesperson Amb @mufti_dina, who told the BBC that they will provide new details in the coming days.
Nevertheless, there are anti-MoU diplomatic efforts by Qatar and Türkiye that even exclude Somaliland from the process. However, these efforts are limited. Many countries have been “rebuilding Somalia” for 34 years without paying attention to what has been happening in Somaliland.
The diplomats from these countries are equally ignorant and arrogant when it comes to understanding the history, geography, and diplomacy behind the MoU.
In this series, my aim usually is to cover the impacts of the MoU, its feasibility, legality, benefits, and the #aftershocks. Today, I make a U-turn and instead discuss the main drivers behind the MoU.
Historical Drivers
This is not the first time that Somaliland and Ethiopia have signed a trade deal.
– In 2018, Ethiopia became a major shareholder following an agreement with DP World and the Somaliland Port Authority. DP World holds a 51% stake in the project, Somaliland 30%, and Ethiopia the remaining 19%.
– In 2005, Somaliland and Ethiopia officially signed the Berbera Corridor Agreement (BCA), allowing Ethiopia to import and export goods through the port of Berbera.
In brief, Somaliland and Ethiopia have a history of striking successful deals and talks, which makes the 2024 MoU a natural step to the next level. Compare this to 12 years of fruitless talks with Somalia that yielded nothing but war and conflict. Meanwhile, the talks with Ethiopia have contributed to Somaliland’s GDP for almost two decades.
Geographical Drivers
A picture speaks a thousand words. Below is the population density of regions within Ethiopia. When people speak about the Berbera corridor, it is not just about linking a port to a landlocked country. It is a chain of the most densely populated cities and regional areas from the coast all the way to Addis Ababa. It is a chain of population hotspots that is rarely found in the horn. Imagine the economic activity that will be fostered once the right infrastructure is in place for this region. That is why Djibouti or ports in Somalia have issues not just with distance but with the disconnections these corridors will make with desert and sparsely inhabited regions.
Diplomatic Drivers
Why has Ethiopia decided to make this move now? The reason could be the recently active diplomacy of the Somaliland government that has gained attention from the UK, United States, Taiwan, and the UAE. Ethiopia has always viewed Somaliland as a neglected place that no one is interested in. The NDAA 2023 has instructed the US government to conduct a feasibility study on Somaliland. The conversation between Hargeisa and Washington shifted to whether the US should have a military base with recognition or no recognition. This is very different from the Somaliland of the late 90s. Ethiopia understood that it would be harder to strike a good deal with Somaliland after a deal with the UK or the US. With Somaliland demanding recognition in the MoU, this also sent a hidden message to the US that there can never be a US base without recognition, following the Ethiopian example. With a Republican president potentially coming soon, this will even be exacerbated as Somaliland has very strong allies in the Republican Party.
So what can Qatar and Türkiye change? Do not forget, all these drivers combined have caused a paradigm shift in the thinking of the youth in Somaliland. The statement “We are more related to Addis Ababa than to Mogadishu” used to be called “hardline” but today it is in songs and shared all over social media in Somaliland. Finally, after decades of fascist ethnonationalism brainwash by dictator Siad Barre, Somalilanders are returning to their ancient existence where Somaliland ports have been mainly doing business with Ethiopia since 1 AD.
I argue that the inhabitants of this land were actually the first globalists, working with all races—a skill that is handy today in the pursuit of international recognition.
On 1st January 2024, the president of Somaliland, Muse Bihi Abdi, and the prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, signed in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, a memorandum of understanding (MoU) which granted Ethiopia access to sea and recognition to Somaliland. Although Ethiopian and Somaliland officials made different statements concerning the matter of recognition, Somalia’s government vehemently opposed the deal, particularly the recognition of Somaliland.
This article is not about whether the MoU between Somaliland and Ethiopia is beneficial or detrimental to Somaliland. Rather, I delve into the intricate complexity of the MoU and the subsequent tripartite dispute, a deeper issue that has been overshadowed by the pro and anti-MoU factions.
Colonial borders: the deeply rooted problem
The Westphalian state system, a relatively new imposition on Africa, came with the colonial rule of the 19th and 20th centuries. The question of territorial borders, a product of colonial powers made without the participation of the Africans, became an existential threat to the newly independent African states. The Europeans divided the continent among themselves in an arbitrary and impractical way. These borders not only broke communities apart but also imposed artificial boundaries, a grave injustice that continues to haunt the continent.
In the 1960s, the post-colonial leaders of the continent made a significant decision. They chose to leave the colonial borders intact, adopting the Uti possidetis principle. This decision, however, has had lasting consequences. Border disputes and intrastate conflicts, inherent to the very foundation of African states, continue to trouble the continent. These issues are among the chief causes of civil wars and interstate conflicts, underscoring the ongoing impact of colonialism on African states.
The Somali people, like many others, were negatively affected by colonial rule. However, the Somalis were arguably the only group that outrightly rejected the colonial borders. In the 1960s, the Somali Republic refused to accept the principle of Uti possidetis. Instead, it enshrined the restoration of unity for all Somalis in its constitution. The Europeans had divided the Somalis in the Horn of Africa into five areas. The French controlled Djibouti. Italy colonised Somalia, and the British controlled the Somaliland British Protectorate, Northern Frontier District, and Hawd and Reserved Area. The latter two became part of Kenya and Ethiopia, respectively, after the British handed them over without the acceptance of the Somalis. The Europeans’ division of the Somali people had a profound and lasting impact on the region. The Somaliland British Protectorate joined a union with Somalia in 1960, after both gained independence from the British and the Italians, creating the irredentist and unionist Somali Republic.
The Somali Republic and Ethiopia engaged in several conflicts, including the all-out war of 1977/78. These wars were rooted in the Somali’s rejection of the colonial borders and their bold attempt to redraw them, bringing all Somalis under the umbrella of the Somali Republic. These conflicts are a stark reminder of the ongoing impact of the colonial borders, which continue to fuel tensions and disputes in the region.
Shattered hope: the Greater Somali Dream
The dream of Greater Somali (Soomaali Wayn), as it was known, was shattered after the military regime of Siad Barre (1969-1991) waged a brutal war against its own people, resulting in mayhem and the collapse of the central government in 1991. Somaliland declared the restoration of independence in that same year, arguing the rescission of the Union of 1960. The military regime committed serious human rights violations in Somaliland in the 1980s, killing tens of thousands of civilians.
The declaration of independence by Somaliland was the very opposite of what the Somalis have been fighting for many decades. Somaliland accepted the colonial borders and almost killed the Greater Somali Dream. Ethiopia, which was the prime target of the Greater Somali onslaught, adopted a policy of divide and rule. Instead of welcoming Somaliland’s decision, it refused to recognise it, but it gave elevated diplomatic engagement that is almost recognition. In Somalia, Ethiopia interfered and supported warlords and corrupt politicians to keep the status quo.
In 2018, Ethiopia changed with the arrival of a new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, who applied a policy different from that of his predecessors. At the time, Somaliland saw the change as a disadvantage because of Ethiopia’s close relations with then-President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo of Somalia, whom Somaliland saw as a staunch opponent and a danger to its dream of recognition.
The bombshell: the signature of the MoU
Everything changed when, on 1st January 2024, President Muse Bihi Abdi signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed. The unexpected move sent shock waves in the region and stirred up a heated dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia. Somalia sees Ethiopia’s move as a threat to its statehood. The reason is that the Somaliland leader said Ethiopia would recognise Somaliland in return for a naval base to be established on Somaliland’s coast by the landlocked Ethiopia. However, Ethiopia repeatedly said it would get access to the sea to build a port and a naval base in exchange for granting airline shares to Somaliland. The MoU is not a public document.
Irrespective of the content of the MoU, it poses serious questions and challenges the status quo. Somaliland has been seeking recognition for three decades. It has not achieved it, which has caused desperation. The international community is supporting Somalia, arming its forces, and working to secure its reemergence. Somaliland sees this as an upcoming threat to its existence. The situation of Nagorno-Karabakh is an example of how fragile the situation could be if Somalia becomes powerful enough to wage war on Somaliland.
Isolation is not the right answer
The African Union and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) have repeatedly stressed the familiar lines of respect for Somalia’s territorial integrity. Respect for the territorial integrity of the UN Member States is enshrined in the UN Charter. However, these institutions seem to understate the situation of the Horn of Africa and that of Somalia in particular. Somalia is not a state with a monopoly of power in Somalia. The Somali state collapsed in 1991. It is a fictitious state with little real meaning on the ground. Since 1991, Somaliland has established an effective state with the attributes of statehood. It has a permanent population, a defined territory and a government. It provides some services to its citizens and carries functions of governance. It issues its citizens national identity cards and passports, and it has its own currency. It is a reality that cannot be ignored. Ignoring Somaliland or downgrading as a Somali problem exacerbates the situation and creates uncertainties. The majority of the people in Somaliland support its independence. It is an idea that has popular support. Therefore, instead of trying to isolate Somaliland, it is better to engage with Somaliland and invite it to forums to express its arguments peacefully. Somaliland is discussed on international platforms without its presence, and this causes anger.
Internal factors
Of course, not everything concerning the MoU is an external factor. There are also internal dynamics. President Muse Bihi Abdi is facing a re-election contest. His record does not look good. The unsuccessful operation in Las Anod and the poor shape of the economy are stressful for him. The opposition is exploiting them and waging an early election campaign. He needs something to tell the voters, and securing recognition from Ethiopia seems to him a good shot. He wants recognition from Ethiopia now. Ethiopia’s economic and political dynamics also play a role in the timing of the deal.
The MoU is not public. This lack of transparency, which is not expected in a democracy, raises questions internally in Somaliland. The main opposition party demanded that the government share the document with the public and the parliament, which has not yet been fully informed.
The MoU cannot be isolated from the broader Somaliland issue
Every state has the right to conclude an agreement with another state. The MoU between Somaliland and Ethiopia generated tension because the former is not recognised internationally as a state but has all the attributes of statehood. Somaliland has effective control over the territory Ethiopia wants to access. Instead of dealing with the issue of the MoU in isolation, the right course of action for the international community is addressing Somaliland’s limbo situation. The MoU dynamics cannot be divorced from the elephant in the room, Somaliland’s contested status.
African problem that needs African solution
The African states and the African Union failed to solve the lingering case of Somaliland. Somaliland cannot be held hanging because it is growing, ambitious, and strategically situated in an important location. Its issue is not a Somali problem but an African problem that deserves African attention. Its status quo is a result of colonial legacy and needs to be seen for what it is.
As he inaugurates the modern multi-storied Somaliland National Museum building
-All Somalilanders regardless of political inclinations are united in defense of the nation, he adds
-He chides Somalia for naive entitlement and celebrating 26th June, a day that concerns them not
By M.A. Egge
The President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi has expressed his utter disgust that the Somalia Government of Mogadishu would always celebrate Somaliland 26th June independence that does not concern them at all hence happens to be the day the nation earned its sovereignty from the British Empire.
Somalia was, on the other hand, colonized by the Italians. He took a swipe for the Mogadishu government and its leadership for insinuating that the re-assertion and re-establishment of the entity of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Somaliland is tantamount to terroristic action.
The Head of State gave the sentiments as he inaugurated the new ultra modern seven stories twin buildings that house the Somaliland National Museum.
He reminded the nation and the world at large that Somalia leader Hassan Sheikh was publicly quoted as seeking and soliciting terror support from the like of al Shabaab in a move to thwart the country’s aspirations.
The President also said that the nation of Somaliland would not be intimidated nor cowed by a group of insurgents grouping in Djibouti on a mission to subvert the country.
He chided the Mogadishu government for exuding naivety in its guise of entitlement given that it is a different country altogether.
He gave a recap of the struggles for the independence and how the museum would aid in rendering the journals of history immortal.
He reiterated the country’s resolve to continue its aspirations undeterred in charting its future path of development and progress.
The president was joined at the event by several cabinet ministers, esteemed personalities and hundreds of city residents who witnessed the inauguration.
The Director General of the Presidency Mr. Mohamed Abdi Bile who was personally charged with the task of overseeing the construction gave a detailed speech that highlight the works that was on for about three and a half years.
He paid tribute to the Head of State who mooted the idea of the museum and saw it through hence hailed all the architects and the constructors who built the structure impeccably.
He said that of the twin buildings one section was the administrative offices which has already be furnished and the other is the museum section which will display the archive for artifacts and assorted natural and contemporary historical dossiers etc.
Indeed the museum will be a legacy the Head of State H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi will have bestowed the nation and would be remembered for by the nation’s posterity.
The Hargeisa General Hospital has expanded and modernized the blood department of the hospital which plays an important role in saving lives.
The blood department of the Hargeisa General Hospital is a place that works for people in emergency capacities, those who are suffering from anemia (whatever the causes) since it is indeed where the patients can get immediate blood transfusions timely and swiftly.
Its centrifugation and associated separation blood plasma fractionation needs have been equipped with modern appliances and facilities to cater for the swift and tentative services at higher skills and levels.
A press release from the office of the Hargeisa General Hospital has detailed the expansion and modernization of the blood department and it reads as follows:-
“We have expanded and modernized the Blood Bank Department of Hargeisa Group Hospital.
The Blood Bank is the country’s largest blood bank serving the community of Hargeisa and its surrounding areas.
It is a place to serve patients suffering from anemia and those who need blood transfusions.
It is the only blood fractionation centrifugal storage facility”
In recent times, the hospital has been undergoing renovation and modernization of all its various departments and its capacity buildings.
The Minister of Youth and Sports of Somaliland Hon. Abdirisaq Musa Farah has scoffed at the naysayers who insinuate through the social media that the peaceful scenario in the country is jeopardized.
He said that the government of Somaliland has vouched for and guaranteed the safety and security of its people and that is one of the main reasons that foreigners are contented to come and work in the country.
He said that the nation of Somaliland had all along been enjoying peaceful stability that it continues to maintain and safeguard.
The minister gave the sentiments during the Hargeisa International Half Marathon competition event that was held on Friday.
He noted that even the participation of various athletes from different nations in the event attested to the stable and harmoniously peaceful security prevalent in the country.
In contrast to Somalia, the minister pointed out, the athletes would not dare participate in similar events in Mogadishu owing to persistent insecurity turmoil.
Saying that Somalia’s illusions of holding sway over Somaliland was a pipedream hence observed that Mogadishu could not service its budget without comprehensive foreign funding unlike Somaliland which charts out its own path funds itself without much ado hence dispenses public services applicably.
Taiwan and Somaliland officials discussed energy and mineral exchanges as well as potential cooperation during Somaliland Minister of Energy and Minerals Abdi Abdillahi Farar’s visit on Thursday, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
In a statement, MOFA said Abdi highlighted Taiwan’s crucial role as an international development partner for Somaliland and the African country’s abundant energy and mineral resources during a banquet on Thursday night.
He expressed hope that the Taiwan-Somaliland energy and minerals meeting will boost Taiwanese business recognition of Somaliland’s investment potential, fostering long-term, mutually beneficial relations.
MOFA Vice Minister Chen Li-kuo said that Taiwan and Somaliland signed an energy and minerals cooperation agreement in 2022, followed by an inaugural joint working group meeting on energy and minerals in Somaliland in 2023.
Abdi’s visit to Taiwan aims to further deepen cooperation in exploring and developing oil, gas, and strategic minerals, Chen said.
Chen also highlighted the shared commitment to freedom and democracy between both sides, noting that Taiwan and Somaliland have closely cooperated since establishing representative offices in 2020.
The parliament has endorsed and passed the Financial Bill of the year 2024 on Saturday. The bill was first dispensed with earlier in March but was not assented to and was returned to the parliament by the Presidency owing to amendments made.
However, after reflection the lower House of the Representatives dealt duly with it on 29th June dispelling fears that its failure would have disrupted appropriations and government administrative services, especially given the fact that this was a crucial elections year.
With attendance of 58 MPs, 35 voted to endorse the bill in its entirety, that had nine members abstaining, and by thus, the nation and the people sighing in relief at last.
Initially the state hand approved it in the council of ministers’ cabinet meeting in its 122nd Session on the 28th of December 2023.
The Finance Bill this year was mainly based on bolstering the defence and geared towards electioneering processes of the country.
The 2024 annual budget presented by the Ministry of Financial Development of Somaliland, totals 3,432,316,337,448 (Three Trillion, Four Hundred and Thirty Two Billion, Three Hundred and Sixteen Million, Three Hundred and Thirty Seven Thousand, Four Hundred) and forty-eight) Somaliland shillings;
In a glance it consists;
General government budget
Central Government budget
Local government budgets
Independent Institutions
World Bank projects
The 2024 budget is guided and centred on the following points:
The former chairman of the Somaliland National Electoral Commission Mr. Abdirashid Mohamud Ali Riyo-Raa’ has wondered why the opposition fraternities are against the use of optical biometric identification system whereas they had once embraced its introduction and use.
He averred that the said system was instrumentally quite appropriate in enhancing and achieving a very free and fair election.
The former chair made his sentiments in the wake of ping pong arguments either for and/or against the use of the optical identification system in the upcoming presidential and national political parties’ and organizations’ elections due in November.
He said it was an important tool for the nation and a progressive development in the electioneering processes especially given the past elections that the country has gone through.
He recalled that when he headed the NEC they had opted for that same system and had then consulted with the political parties who indeed embraced the idea.
He wondered why the same political fraternities are making an about turn and rejecting it whereas it would have been a a plus for the achievement of the efforts of thee realization of a totally free and fair election.
He described the use of the equipment in the country as a step that the Somaliland would have reached before the rest of the world.
Ethiopians abroad can now send money directly to M-PESA wallets following Safaricom’s partnership with Dahabshiil.
In a move that will simplify sending money to Ethiopia, M-PESA by Safaricom has partnered with the leading money transfer service Dahabshiil. This exciting collaboration allows members of the Ethiopian diaspora to send funds directly to the M-PESA mobile wallets of their loved ones back home.
This new partnership streamlines the process, offering a faster and more convenient way to support family and friends in Ethiopia.
The Director General of the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Mr. Mohamed Abdullahi Duale in the course of the week opened a three days workshop at Maansoor Hotel in Hargeisa.
The workshop, entitled “Empowering Local Governments through Advocacy for Climate Adaptation and Sustainability,” was attended by representatives from six local governments in Somaliland.
The principal aim of the workshop was to enrich the knowledge and comprehension of the participants regarding climate change, its impact on local communities, and the significance of climate adaptation and sustainability within the framework of local governments in Somaliland.
