The Minister of Health of Somaliland, Hassan Mohamed Ali (Gaafadi), who was accompanied by the director general of the ministry, was at hand to witness the rehabilitation of kidney dialysis machines for the Borama hospital during his tour to the region.
The minister conducted a monitoring tour through the hospital and was impressed by the progress made as far as developing the health facility was concerned. He also visited other health centers in the city.
Hon. Gafadi was impressed by the new extension buildings at the vast casualty section and that of the surgical unit.
He noted that of the three kidney filtration machines that were at the hospital, two were not in operation and hence were rehabilitated, with one already finalized and hence activated whilst repair work on the other was on.
Minister Hassan Gaafadi, who spoke to the media on the purpose of their trip, said that they started a monitoring observations tour from Borama and they were to visit all the regions of the country.
Hesaid that there is a big positive change in many aspects in the general hospital in Borama city, whether it is in terms of buildings, equipment, and decoration of the center.
He thanked all the staff of the Borama hospital for their work, and everyone who contributed to the progress made by the hospital.
Africa Intelligence report has revealed Djibouti’s alleged involvement in training anti-Somaliland pro-Somalia rebels to destabilize Somaliland. These rebels are reportedly receiving military training at the Guestir military base, located approximately 50 kilometers south of Ali-Sabieh. Djibouti’s motivation appears to stem from a dispute with Somaliland over the latter’s decision to grant Ethiopia access to a leased land along the Red Sea. By supporting these rebel groups, Djibouti seems to be pursuing a possibly miscalculated strategy to assert influence and undermine Somaliland’s control over the Awdal region.
Somaliland, a yet-to-be-recognized republic seeking international recognition, has condemned Djibouti’s actions as provocative and destabilizing. President Muse Bihi Abdi of Somaliland previously accused Djibouti of hosting a separatist rebel group intending to create chaos in the western regions of the breakaway state. Djibouti, however, dismissed this claim as groundless. The situation raises concerns about regional stability and potential conflict dynamics involving Somaliland, Djibouti, and Ethiopia. Diplomatic efforts and dialogue may be crucial in preventing further escalation.
Envious of the Ethiopia-Somaliland Link-up?
It is clear, however, that Djibouti has unreasonably taken umbrage against Somaliland since the latter signed a memorandum of understanding with Ethiopia on January 1st, 2024 and the publication of the World Bank’s Container Performance Report 2023 which placed Djibouti and Mogadishu at 379 and 166, respectively, against Somaliland’s Berbera ranked at 106.
While the port deal offers economic benefits and supports Somaliland’s sovereignty aspirations, Somalia and Djibouti make it appear as it is an action that intentionally seeks to antagonize regional them which further exacerbates security tensions in the region. President Guelleh’s opposition reflects these complexities and he believes that he is justified to poke the fire with multi-pronged rods – an action that may yet boomerang on him and his overstaying dictatorship.
Observers contend that, inherently, among the many implications and resultant outputs of the Ethiopia-Somaliland deal are significant geopolitical implications and security considerations for the Horn of Africa, namely:
Ethiopia and Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) grants Ethiopia access to Somaliland’s ports, including Berbera.
In exchange, Ethiopia is to formally recognize Somaliland’s
Berbera, an established city with an existing port infrastructure, was chosen over Zeila due to perceived safety and pragmatism.
The deal eases Ethiopia’s landlocked trade and security constraints and secures maritime access.
Al-Shabaab, an Al-Qaeda-linked group, opposes the deal and accuses Somalia and Djiboutian leaders of complicity with Ethiopia and the West.
The group could exploit tensions arising from the agreement to strengthen its position in Somalia.
Somalia’s President called on international bodies to condemn Ethiopia’s actions.
Djibouti-Somalia Crush
President Guelleh has for a long time been showing his hand in blocking Somaliland’s quest for independence. President Guelleh has consistently opposed Somaliland’s pursuit of independence. Notably, he aligned openly with Somalia, a country that does not recognize Somaliland. Djibouti deployed troops to Somalia for peacekeeping and hosted conferences aimed at reinstating a unified Somali government, excluding Somaliland. He made several ill-fated attempts to bring Somalia and Somaliland together clearly advocating for Somalia’s ‘recolonization’ of a Somaliland it looted, bombed, massacred, and blockaded developmentally for over 60 years.
Guelleh went on record at the time stating that even if the whole world recognized Somaliland he would be the last to do so.
Guelleh’s efforts to reunite Somalia and Somaliland have been controversial, given the historical conflicts and challenges faced by Somaliland during its development. These actions have strained relations between Djibouti and Somaliland.
Guelleh poses with Las Anod rebel leader to spite and provoke a Somaliland reaction
President Guelleh just concluded meetings with Somaliland’s SSC-Khatumo leader and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud signaling a coordinated effort and a declaration of war against the 34-year-old Republic of Somaliland. ‘Djibouti aims to mediate talks between Somaliland and Somalia, seeking stability and regional dialogue’ was the line Guelleh toted before. However, their actions also serve their interests. These latest actions invite trouble to his doorstep as he fully well knows that opposition to his long-serving dictatorship no longer rests on popular support.
Just a few days earlier, the Djibouti government hosted leaders of a pro-Somalia movement supported by the Diaspora, known as the Awdal State, at the Kempinski Hotel. This group aims to remove Somaliland’s control over the Awdal region. It is widely believed that the Guelleh government provided financial support to them before announcing their ‘deportation.’ The training of armed rebels to be smuggled back into the Awdal region resulted directly from secret meetings held during the rebel leaders’ stay in Djibouti.Despite Djibouti’s denials, the ASM leaders’ stay in Djibouti was very conspicuous with them holding press conferences and making threats against Somaliland, and with them openly engaging in activities supporting their cause for Somalia’s unity and against Somaliland’s control over the Awdal region.
Somaliland Role in Djibouti Independence
During the struggle for Djibouti’s independence, the people of Somaliland played a notable role in supporting their neighboring territory. Djibouti, formerly known as French Somaliland, sought independence from French colonial rule, which was achieved on June 27, 1977. The movement for independence in Djibouti was fueled by a desire for self-determination and resistance against colonial oppression.
The people of Somaliland, sharing cultural, historical, and ethnic ties with Djibouti, provided various forms of support to their neighbors. This support included political solidarity, logistical assistance, and moral encouragement. Many individuals from Somaliland participated in demonstrations, provided refuge to Djiboutian activists, and helped to smuggle information and resources across the border. Women all over Somaliland sold their jewelry to finance the Djibouti struggle selflessly putting their own aside. Men volunteered to lend Djiboutians a hand wherever needed even if it came to losing their own lives. The tousing poetry and songs that curdled nationalism blood to action were largely of Somaliland’s composition and delivery.
The Somali National Movement (SNM), which was primarily focused on the liberation of Somaliland from the Siad Barre regime, also expressed support for Djibouti’s independence efforts. This mutual solidarity highlighted the broader regional desire for independence and self-governance among Somali-speaking populations in the Horn of Africa.
The collaboration between the people of Somaliland and Djibouti during this period underscored the interconnectedness of their struggles against colonial rule and the pursuit of national sovereignty. This shared experience fostered a sense of unity and collective identity among Somali communities across borders, contributing to the eventual success of Djibouti’s quest for independence.
During the 1980s, however, as Siad Barre’s regime intensified its persecution of the Isaaq clan in Somaliland, leading to widespread human rights abuses and massacres, Djibouti succumbed to diplomatic pressure from various sides. The Barre regime sought to ensure that Djibouti would not become a base for opposition groups, such as the Somali National Movement (SNM), which was fighting against Barre’s government. Djibouti, seeking to maintain its sovereignty and avoid conflict with Somalia, took measures to limit the activities of opposition groups within its borders.
Djibouti, under the leadership of President Hassan Gouled Aptidon, generally adopted a stance of political neutrality regarding the internal conflicts in neighboring Somalia.
Somalilanders were not impressed by the so-called neutral stance of a country they fought for without reservation. Djibouti, also, wholly credited Siyad Barre for the attainment of its independence later thus sidelining the colossal support of Somalilanders to the effort.
Today, Djibouti sheds that pretense and is out to wipe Somaliland – as it stands today – off the world map. It is leading a replay of Mogadishu’s genocide drive which failed in the late 80s, according to the street belief in Somaliland cities.
What Djibouti Stands to Lose in Rash Move
Djibouti stands to lose much in the escalation of tensions with Ethiopia and Somaliland that the latter now appears to favor over the players in the region.
In 2022, Djibouti exported goods worth $306,000 to Ethiopia. The main products Djibouti exported to Ethiopia included Palm Oil ($299 million), Seed Oils ($26.7 million), and Scrap Iron ($2.43 million). However, it’s worth noting that Djibouti’s exports to Ethiopia have decreased over the past five years partly due to the emergence of Berbera port as a formidable competitor.
Ethiopia’s exports to Djibouti have been on the rise, growing at an annual rate of 16.4% over the past five years. In 2022, Ethiopia exported goods valued at $82.2 million to Djibouti. Key export items from Ethiopia to Djibouti included Other Vegetables ($42.7 million), Cassava ($21.1 million), and Dried Vegetables ($3.97 million).
Over 95% of Ethiopia’s import-export trade (by volume) relies on the Addis-Djibouti corridor. The corridor connects landlocked Ethiopia to the port of Djibouti, facilitating trade and economic activities.
In 2010, Djiboutian lawmakers removed term limits, allowing Guelleh to run for a third term in 2011. Since then, elections have been farcical exercises, with no genuine competition. In the most recent “election,” Guelleh claimed victory with over 97% of the vote, facing only a family relative as an opponent. The removal of term limits solidified his grip on power.
Under Guelleh’s regime, human rights and civil liberties are routinely violated. Djibouti ranks 176 out of 180 countries in press freedom, according to Reporters Without Borders. Freedom House consistently rates the country as “Not Free,” citing authoritarian governance. Poor prison conditions, denial of fair trials, and restrictions on freedoms of the press, assembly, and association persist.
On its part, Somaliland has not yet taken any steps to counter Djibouti’s open war against its ‘sovereignty’ and ‘territorial integrity’ or the opposition to efforts to develop its economy and infrastructure. Somaliland, however, is keenly monitoring the situation and may not sit back with folded hands for long. Only, how its reaction will manifest itself is not yet clear.
During a visit to Somaliland, Sir Mo Farah, Save the Children ambassador and four-time Olympic gold medallist, witnessed the severe impact of climate change on child malnutrition.
In Gabiley, he met mothers at a health center who shared how droughts and floods have made feeding their families difficult, leaving nearly seven million people in need of aid.
Farah also met mothers at a hospital who traveled long distances with malnourished children. He praised their strength, calling their choices “impossible.”
Somalia faces extreme food insecurity due to prolonged droughts and severe flooding, with four million people and nearly two million children at risk of acute malnutrition.
Farah highlighted the essential work of Save the Children, which has operated in Somalia for over 70 years, providing vital health, nutrition, and education support. In 2023, they helped 4.7 million people, including over 2.47 million children.
In a grand event, Somtel, Edahab, Dahabplus and Aloog launched a modern electricity bill payment system.
In an event attended by company operators and various guests, the general manager of the company, Ali Muimin Weirah, stated that the company has decided to modernize the billing process for the electricity service in collaboration with Somtel.
The new payment process will eliminate the need for the customer to come to the office.
The director of Dahabshiil Idris Hashi said that the cooperation is benefitable to both the customers of Dahabshiil and Aloog.
This service enables customers in the area served by Aloog to pay their electricity bills easily and modernly, by using the short number 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟖 or the modern DahabPlus service.
The Somaliland issue has turned into a zero-sum dilemma with existential consequences for Ethiopia and Somalia.
Turkiye mediated talks in Ankara between the Ethiopian and Somalian Foreign Ministers over Ethiopia’s MoU with Somaliland, which aims to give Ethiopia military-commercial port access in exchange for formally recognizing Somaliland and giving it stakes in at least one national company. Somalia claims Somaliland despite having lost control over it one-third of a century ago in 1991, after which Somaliland redeclared its short-lived independence from 1960 and still remains firmly outside of Mogadishu’s grasp.
Their joint statement reveals that nothing was agreed upon and that the next talks will take place on 2 September, but that was to be expected since Ethiopia regards reliable access to the sea via Somaliland to be an issue of existential importance while Somalia considers its claims over Somaliland the same way. Monday’s meeting took place amidst worsening bilateral ties as Somalia demanded the withdrawal of Ethiopian anti-terrorist troops by the end of the year, which widened divisions with two of its regions.
Since the MoU was agreed to, Ethiopia has remained largely stable notwithstanding the low-intensity conflict in its Amhara Region, while Somalia has further “Balkanized” as a result of newfound tensions with Puntland and those two previously mentioned regions rejecting the aforesaid withdrawal demand. Mogadishu’s acknowledgement of Somaliland’s independence could thus inadvertently lead to the complete unraveling of this rump state, hence why it’s a clear red line for that country’s leadership.
Nevertheless, instead of continuing the status quo of no such formal recognition of its former region’s independence while accepting that it has zero influence there, Mogadishu hyped up its claims to Somaliland right after the MoU was agreed to as part of an ultra-nationalist distraction by its leadership. This exacerbated regional tensions between Ethiopia on one hand and Somalia, Eritrea, and Egypt on the other, though the Horn has thus far evaded a descent into inter-state warfare over this issue.
Turkiye is uniquely positioned to mediate between Ethiopia and Somalia since it has excellent relations with both, having ramped up military-commercial ties with the first during the height of its NorthernConflict despite Western pressure and recently clinching a maritime security deal with the second. It intends to present itself as a responsible extra-regional stakeholder in the Horn, which is aimed at bolstering its reputation while also competing with the UAE for influence in this part of Africa.
For as noble as these efforts are, however, they’ll likely be fruitless. Somalia can’t officially recognize Somaliland’s independence for the reasons that were already mentioned, while Ethiopia can’t depend on terrorist-afflicted and politically unreliable Somalia for access to the sea. The reason why that’s so important for Ethiopia is because its economic stability, and therefore political stability and thus physical security, depend on maritime logistics routes that it can’t directly defend or access at present.
Somaliland has proven itself to be much more reliable of a partner than Somalia so it wouldn’t make sense to ditch their deal in exchange for sea access via one of the latter’s ports, plus Ethiopia would destroy its reputation if it abandoned the MoU after all the political capital that it invested into it. This makes the issue a zero-sum dilemma with existential consequences for both, but the second aspect didn’t have to enter into play had it not been for Somalia hyping up its claims after the MoU was signed.
The best-case scenario is therefore that the status quo remains indefinitely, albeit punctuated with rabid rhetoric from Somalia for self-interested political reasons, instead of Somalia plotting a conventional and/or hybrid war against Ethiopia and/or Somaliland (possibly in collusion with its regional partners). That outcome can’t be taken for granted though since such rhetoric could lead to domestic pressure to do something tangible in support of these claims, which could lead to a regional war by miscalculation.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) lashed out at the Somali government for “refusing to engage in dialogue” to put an end to the diplomatic tensions that have marred relations between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa over the last six months.
During his address to Parliament on July 4, 2024, the Prime Minister said that the dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia, which arose following a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) he signed with Somaliland President Muse Bihi in January, is easily solvable if only Somalia’s leaders were willing to sit down for talks.
“It would take an hour-long flight to sit and discuss. If only Somali leaders were willing to sit for talks instead of going from country to country accusing Ethiopia,” said the PM.
During the address, he highlighted the critical importance that sea access holds for Ethiopia’s burgeoning population and economy. Abiy told MPs the deal with Somaliland was signed after Mogadishu refused to partake in talks with his administration.
“We respect Somalia’s sovereignty. Access to the sea is essential for Ethiopia’s growing economy and population,” he said. “The MoU we signed with Somaliland came after all neighboring countries, including the Somali government, rejected our requests. In fact, the Somali government refused to engage in dialogue with us.”
He assured lawmakers that his administration has no intention of harming Somalia, asserting instead it has “empowered Somalia as a nation.”
“Ethiopia respects Somalia’s sovereignty. However, any deal between Somaliland and Ethiopia is not Somalia’s business,” said the PM. “If Somalia is concerned about the MoU, it can be resolved through a one-hour discussion. But Somalia has chosen to spread lies.”
Abiy criticized Mogadishu for seeking international support in its stance against the deal instead of resolving the problems through direct talks. He suggested the funds spent on the efforts could have been put to better use on development projects in Somalia.
The PM emphasized the mutual benefits of regional cooperation, noting that Ethiopia’s prosperity would positively impact its neighbors.
During the MoU signing ceremony on January 1, 2024, Abiy highlighted the agreement as a crucial diplomatic success that would provide Ethiopia with vital access to the sea. However, the deal has not made much progress since and regional tensions have escalated as Mogadishu rejects the agreement as a violation of its sovereignty.
The government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has repeatedly condemned the deal, declaring it “null and void” and sought international support to contest its terms. Mogadishu has also reached out to various international organizations, including the AU, UN, and the Arab League, to mediate and address the issue.
Earlier this week, the Turkish government took the lead in facilitating talks between the governments of Somalia and Ethiopia.
In the initial round of discussions held in the Turkish capital, Ankara, on July 01, 2024, Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister, Taye Atskeselassie, and his Somali counterpart, Ahmed Moalim Fiqi, agreed on the need to resolve their ongoing diplomatic disagreement.
Following the talks, Turkiye’s Foreign Ministry released a joint statement saying that the Somali and Ethiopian ministers had “reiterated their commitment to the peaceful resolution of differences, and expressed their gratitude to Turkiye for its mediation efforts and constructive contributions.”
According to the statement, both national representatives agreed to continue the ongoing dialogue with the aim of resolving their issues and ensuring regional stability.
A statement from the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicates the ministers will meet for a second round of discussions in Ankara in September following “open and friendly talks” in the first round.
Given the latest developments, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud remarked that there is no sign Ethiopia is rescinding the contentious MoU with Somaliland.
“[There are] no indications so far that they [Ethiopia] are turning back from that path,” he said.
The President of the Somali State of Ethiopia Mustafa Muhumed Omar, popularly known as Agjar, has called on the people of Ethiopia to welcome and defend the memorandum of agreement between Somaliland and his country.
While speaking to the Ethiopian media on Thursday, he made it vividly clear that “the interests of the Somalis and the general people of Ethiopia are embedded in the MoU to have access to the sea, and as such it is the duty of everyone who is of Ethiopian origin to defend the accord with Somaliland”.
President Mustafa said that the people of Ethiopia should shun hullabaloos of what he termed as ‘Enemies of Ethiopia’ who oppose the economic development of their country.
President Mustafa said that this MoU is an exchange or cooperation between the two governments of Somaliland and Ethiopia to develop their economy and trade relations between them.
The President of Somaliland H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia signed a memorandum of understanding in January of this year which contains cooperation in various fields, and notably, Ethiopian access to the seashore.
One of the provisions of the agreement allows Ethiopia to obtain leased land to operate its Navy, and in return, Ethiopia would be the first country to recognize the Republic of Somaliland as an independent country since it re-asserted and re-established its sovereignty first earned on 26th June 1960 by dissolving its ill-fated union with Mogadishu 33 years ago in 1991.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi has pardoned on Saturday convicts who had been incarcerated for minor crimes in an amnesty gesture traditionally extended in every new lunar year.
The Head of State has in this case on the occasion in the eve of the new Lunar Year of the Islamic Calendar 1446 extended an amnesty hence granted general amnesty to 377 prisoners who had been jailed for minor crimes of misdemeanours.
The order specifies clearly that capital punishments and those of civil ones shall not apply.
The order was contained in Presidential decree that exercised executive Powers as per Article 90 Clause 5 of the constitution.
Somaliland rep in the UK has also sent congratulatory message to Premier Starmer on the occasion of his election to lead the country
By M.A. Egge
The Government of the Republic of Somaliland has lauded the just elected new Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Sir Keir Starmer for his triumph, in which the Labour party trounced the Tories’ Conservatives at the polls.
In the congratulatory statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Somaliland that reached our news desk that welcomed the stewardship of the new premier, the government of Somaliland said that it expected that Sir Keir Startmer will promote and steer further the relationship between Somaliland and the UK and the traditional cooperation between the two sides.
On the other hand, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Somaliland, Dr. Issa Keyd Mohamud sent a congratulatory message to MP Gavin Williamson who was re-elected to his position as a Member of Parliament after retaining his seat.
Minister Issa Keyd described MP Gavin Williamson as a great friend of the nation who has been supporting the cause and independence of the Republic of Somaliland for a long time, having maintained in international forums and in his country that Somaliland has both the legal and moral rights in its aspirations and deserves to be internationally recognized as a bona-fide sovereign state.
In essence, the new Prime Minister of the British Empire is expected to continue and improve hence strengthen the traditional relationship and friendship between the UK and Somaliland.
The new premier has already named his cabinet and was scheduled to hold their first meeting on Saturday morning.
The appointments see the firebrand former Labour leader come back to lead the plum energy docket and Barrister Shabana Mohamoud saddles in the sensitive justice docket.
The 30 House of Commons MPs who are in the cross-party Friends of Somaliland forum, with Gavin Williamson being at the forefront, have reportedly been said to have recaptured their seats of their constituencies.
Addis Abeba – Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed told lawmakers today that it was not necessary for the government neighboring Somalia to go around other countries to accuse Ethiopia when issues between Ethiopia and Somalia due to the former’s attempts to secure direct access to the Red Sea, can be settled with “one hour flight and one our discussion with us.
“It is very simple because we have no fight with the Somali government,” PM Abiy said, but instead, the Somali government “chose to go around and accuse us.”
“My advice is don’t waste money; we spend money when we go around countries,” he said in a direct message. “There is no need to go around other countries to accuse us when it is possible to come to us in Addis Abeba. We are ready for a discussion, he said, adding that the money can be better spent on “building a one km walkway, or one school in Mogadishu; the people will benefit” from that, he said.
Ethiopia follows neighbor-centered and friendly foreign policy approach and the people of Somalia and the various Somali clans “live within us; we have sacrificed for peace in Somalia and the ruling party is showing its respect to Somalia and its people “more than any other government,” PM Abiy said, Ethiopia has “empowered” Somalia, and that the Ethiopian government “has no question about Somalia’s unity.”
Speaking about the 01 January Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, Abiy said it was signed after Ethiopia “had tabled the question to all our neighbors and received no response; after we begged [and] asked all, not because we have questions about Somalia’s unity.”
The Premier also pushed back against accusations that his government is working to dismantle Somalia. “Ethiopia doesn’t want the disintegration of Somalia; it would not have sacrificed its children” if it wanted that.
“… Ethiopia has a question, it is difficult to be landlocked with an economy of this size. This is a national interest issue.”
Pm Abiy Ahmed
Sticking to his initial argument on gaining direct access to the sea, Abiy repeated the Ethiopian government’s request is “access to the sea. This is a legitimate question. Just like any other commodity it should be addressed peacefully and with discussion. Ethiopia is ready to accept that”.
He mentioned countries in the Horn of Africa, such as Somalia and Djibouti, that have access to the Red Sea but are not producing as much as Ethiopia does. “we have better land, better water, energy…there is no problem if we give avocado and share the [see access] that is trade. It is good to cooperate and march together, both for the region and the future of our children.”
Ethiopia’s legitimate question for sea access is therefor “not a question you can suppress by demanding for it not to be asked.”
He addressed the people of Eritrea, Djibouti, Kenya, Sudan, and Somalia “they are our brothers and we want no ill for them. We want to live in peace; this is a big country that has a big army, big people” and Ethiopia is like a big brother and a shield for all these countries that will be there in their times of need, not a force of destruction.
“But Ethiopia has a question, it is difficult to be landlocked with an economy of this size. This is a national interest issue.” Ethiopia wants to “reconcile this without lives lost; without insulting each other and without wasting money traveling to [other] countries. If there is a win-win approach for common benefit, the Ethiopian government is always ready to work together. It can’t be a shame when it is Ethiopia’s interest and correct when it is others’ interest,” he said.
On 01 July, the foreign ministers of Ethiopia and Somalia were in Türkiye for a discussion and decided to hold a second round talk in Ankara on 02 September. According to the joint statement, the ministers engaged in “candid and forward-looking exchanges concerning their differences, with Türkiye acting as a mediator.”
In a resolution issued in January this year, the members of both the Executive and the Central Committee, the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) said that the party has decided to bring the Memorandum of MoU “to a practical agreement” while simultaneously giving attention to the principles of give and take to secure additional options to port access with other neighboring countries.
President Guelleh has for a long time been showing his hand in blocking Somaliland’s quest for independence. President Guelleh has consistently opposed Somaliland’s pursuit of independence. Notably, he aligned openly with Somalia, a country that does not recognize Somaliland. Djibouti deployed troops to Somalia for peacekeeping and hosted conferences aimed at reinstating a unified Somali government, excluding Somaliland. He made several ill-fated attempts to bring Somalia and Somaliland together clearly advocating for Somalia’s ‘recolonization’ of a Somaliland it looted, bombed, massacred, and blockaded developmentally for over 60 years.
