An Egyptian warship has delivered a second major cache of weaponry to Somalia including anti-aircraft guns and artillery, port and military officials said on Monday, in a move likely to stoke further friction between the two countries and Ethiopia.
Ties between Egypt and Somalia have grown this year over their shared mistrust of Ethiopia, prompting Cairo to send several planeloads of arms to Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, after the countries signed a joint security pact in August.
Ethiopia angered Mogadishu by agreeing a preliminary deal in January with the breakaway region of Somaliland to lease land for a port in exchange for possible recognition of its independence from Somalia.
Egypt, at odds with Ethiopia for years over Addis Ababa’s construction of a vast hydro dam on the headwaters of the Nile River, has condemned the Somaliland deal.
The Egyptian warship began unloading the weapons on Sunday, one diplomat said. Security forces blocked off the quayside and surrounding roads on Sunday and Monday as convoys carried the weapons to a defence ministry building and nearby military bases, two port workers and two military officials told Reuters.
Nasra Bashir Ali, an official at Somali Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre’s office, posted a photo on her X account of Defence Minister Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur watching as the ship was being unloaded.
Egyptian authorities either declined to comment, or did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Ethiopia has at least 3,000 soldiers stationed in Somalia as part of an African Union peacekeeping mission (ATMIS) fighting Islamist insurgents, while an estimated 5,000-7,000 troops are deployed in other regions under a bilateral agreement.
Somalia has called the Somaliland deal an assault on its sovereignty and says it wants all Ethiopia’s troops to leave at the end of the year unless Addis Ababa scraps the agreement.
Egypt has, meanwhile, offered to contribute troops to a new peacekeeping mission in Somalia, the African Union said in July, though Cairo has not commented on the matter publicly.
Ethiopia’s government did not immediately respond to Reuters’ request for comment, but has in the past said it cannot stand idle while “other actors” are taking measures to destabilise the region.
Reporting by Abdi Sheikh in Mogadishu; Writing by Hereward Holland; Editing by Ammu Kannampilly and Ed Osmond
In a captivating interview with Al-Arabiya TV, President Muse Bihi Abdi of Somaliland lays bare the transformative vision for his region, capturing the attention of the Horn of Africa and the world. His words carry the weight of history and the fervent hopes of a people who have persevered against all odds. As tensions swell in a geopolitically charged landscape, Bihi’s promise of a sovereign future shines like a beacon, inviting us to witness Somaliland’s remarkable journey toward independence.
A Historical Resolve: The Quest for Recognition
“Why all this effort over four decades to be recognized as a state?” It’s an arresting question, one that Bihi takes head-on, weaving a gripping narrative of Somaliland’s turbulent past. “We were two independent states in 1960,” he recalls, his voice steady yet passionate. “But after decades of conflict and a government collapse, Somaliland rose again in 1991, declaring back its status as an independent entity amid the chaos in Mogadishu, where divisions continue to fester.”
In a region laden with strife and forgotten histories, Somaliland’s journey is not merely about seeking recognition; it’s a relentless fight for dignity, stability, and self-determination. While Somalia has lurched from crisis to crisis, Somaliland has emerged as a unique success story, masterfully building its own institutions, economy, and security forces. With only one terrorist incident reported since 2008, and a commitment to managing its affairs independently, the resilience of Somaliland stands as a striking contrast to its neighbor’s ongoing turmoil.
Groundbreaking Agreements: Somaliland and Ethiopia
As President Abdi confidently unveils the recently drafted memorandum of understanding with Ethiopia, the stakes become even clearer. “This agreement prioritizes our national interests and recognizes our statehood in exchange for granting Ethiopia a sea outlet,” he explains, a glimmer of determination lighting his eyes. “Both parties understand the significance this holds for regional stability and mutual cooperation. It is more than just a paper; it’s a commitment to peace and progress.”
Yet, amidst the optimism, skepticism lingers. The Ethiopian government has been cautious in declaring its recognition of Somaliland, but Abdi assures, “I was there when the deal was made, and both sides agreed to recognize Somaliland as a state.” As the prospect of peace hangs in the balance, the strategic implications of this partnership could redefine the Horn’s political landscape, steering it toward a newfound era of collaboration and trust.
The Voices of a People: Support Amidst Opposition
Amidst whispers of dissent within Somaliland, Bihi stands firm, emphasizing the overwhelming support of his people. “Only one minister resigned over this matter,” he counters strongly, “and the vast majority of Somalilanders aspire to independence.” This is a sentiment that resonates deeply within the hearts of those who have long yearned for freedom, emphasizing a united front against the background of international pressures.
The question of union looms large, but Bihi’s stance is unwavering. “The failed union of 1960 has long been exposed,” he asserts emphatically. “It is no longer a viable path for us. We cannot rebuild what has already collapsed.” His words reflect the collective memory of a people who refuse to be defined by a tumultuous past, but instead choose to forge a path toward a brighter future.
Security Concerns and the Road Ahead
Amid security concerns stemming from regional tensions, Bihi confronts the harsh realities. The closure of the Egyptian cultural library reflects a cautious stance toward external influences that threaten Somaliland’s autonomy. “The struggle for our independence is an internal matter, and outside interference will not be tolerated,” he declares resolutely.
As Somaliland stands poised on the brink of elections in November, Abdi reassures the world of the democratic promises that lie ahead. “Our people will voice their support for independence or union, and I will respect their decision,” he states confidently, emphasizing the democratic process as the ultimate expression of the will of the people.
An Invitation to the World
In closing, President Muse Bihi Abdi extends an urgent invitation for recognition—to the international community, to neighboring nations, and to anyone with ears to listen. “We are not seeking to isolate ourselves; we are striving for a partnership based on mutual respect. Somaliland embodies stability and security within the Horn of Africa, and our aspirations are not merely dreams; they are the will of our people.”
As viewers and readers alike absorb his powerful words, they are left with a compelling call to action: to recognize Somaliland as it truly is—a beacon of democracy and stability in a region riddled with conflict. This is not just a story about politics; it’s about a people, their past, present, and a hopeful future.
The narrative of Somaliland is one that deserves to be spread far and wide, igniting discussions and encouraging a deeper understanding of this resilient nation’s journey.
The Government of the Republic of Somaliland expresses profound concern over the recent supply of heavy weapons to the Mogadishu administration by Egypt which jeopardizes the security of a region already facing complex security challenges
The Government of Somaliland is deeply alarmed by the transfer of these weapons, as the Mogadishu administration currently lacks the capacity to effectively manage or safeguard such a large cache of military equipment. The unchecked proliferation of arms in an already fragile environment heightens the risk of an arms race, with various factions likely seeking to acquire their own stockpiles in order to safeguard their interests. The Government of Somaliland is particularly concerned that these weapons could fall into the hands of extremist groups like Al-Shabaab and other active clan militias, further exacerbating violence and instability in the region.
Given these risks, the Government of the Republic of Somaliland calls on the international community to take immediate and proactive steps to address these growing concerns. Preventive measures are crucial to avoiding a further escalation of tensions, renewed conflicts and bloodshed and to protect the ongoing efforts to promote peace and security in the region. The stakes are too high for inaction.
The Government of Somaliland remains committed to fostering peace, stability, and constructive dialogue and urges all responsible stakeholders to address these escalating concerns before they spiral out of control. Immediate action is essential to avert a broader conflict and maintain the region’s fragile stability.
Cruelty to animals is a moral and ethical issue that transcends borders, cultures, and belief systems. It is not simply an act of violence against defenseless creatures, but a violation of our shared responsibility as custodians of the natural world. The chaining and mistreatment of a wild animal—such as riding a lion as though it were a horse—illustrates the depths of human arrogance and disregard for the wellbeing of other sentient beings. This behavior is not only reprehensible but stands in direct opposition to core values shared by many of the world’s religions, including Islam.
Throughout history, acts of cruelty toward animals have sparked outrage, but they have also persisted in various forms, from ancient gladiatorial contests involving wild beasts to the inhumane treatment of animals in modern industries. These practices, though often justified as entertainment or tradition, reflect an unsettling aspect of human nature: a tendency to view animals as mere tools or commodities rather than living beings deserving of respect.
The Ethical Argument Against Animal Cruelty
One of the most compelling reasons to oppose cruelty to animals lies in the shared capacity for suffering that both humans and animals possess. This is a principle echoed by numerous ethical frameworks throughout history. The 18th-century philosopher Jeremy Bentham, a leading figure in the movement for animal rights, famously said, “The question is not, Can they reason? nor, Can they talk? but, Can they suffer?”
The idea that animals feel pain, fear, and distress as humans do has gained widespread acceptance, and modern science only strengthens this view. Studies have shown that animals, particularly those in captivity, suffer from severe psychological distress when confined or mistreated. This suffering is not only physical but emotional, with symptoms often manifesting as self-destructive behaviors such as pacing, repetitive movements, or self-harm. The ethical question then becomes clear: if animals can suffer, what moral right do humans have to inflict more suffering?
Compassion in Islam
From a religious standpoint, particularly within Islam, cruelty to animals is unequivocally condemned. The Qur’an and Hadith are rich with teachings about kindness to animals. One well-known hadith recounts the Prophet Muhammad’s praise of a man who gave water to a thirsty dog, saying that Allah forgave the man for this act of mercy. Conversely, the Prophet condemned a woman who was punished in the afterlife for imprisoning a cat without providing it food or water.
These teachings are not just abstract moral guidelines but practical injunctions for daily behavior. In Islamic tradition, animals are seen as part of the broader ummah, or community of beings, with their own purposes in creation. To mistreat them is to violate the natural order and the role that humans have as stewards of the Earth. This sentiment finds parallels in other faiths as well, such as Christianity and Hinduism, both of which have deep traditions advocating for the ethical treatment of animals.
Consequences
History is replete with examples of cruelty to animals that have shaped societies’ views on animal welfare. In Ancient Rome, the infamous gladiatorial games often involved the brutal killing of wild animals for entertainment. Lions, tigers, and other exotic beasts were brought from distant lands, chained, and forced to fight to the death for the amusement of the crowds. These spectacles, while popular at the time, left a legacy of violence that eventually led to their abolition as society evolved and the early Christian church pushed for an end to such barbaric practices.
Another historical example comes from the 19th century when bear-baiting and bull-baiting were common forms of public entertainment in Europe. Bears and bulls were chained, tormented, and attacked by dogs while crowds watched and cheered. It wasn’t until public outcry and the rise of animal welfare movements, such as the founding of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) in 1824, that laws were enacted to prohibit such spectacles.
These examples demonstrate a pattern: cruelty to animals often begins as socially acceptable or even celebrated, but as human ethics evolve, such practices are condemned and eventually abolished. The chaining and riding of a lion may seem like a fringe or isolated example, but it fits into this broader historical trajectory of human exploitation of animals for personal gain or entertainment.
Today, animal cruelty takes many forms, from the illegal wildlife trade to the exploitation of animals in circuses and zoos. The practice of chaining wild animals, especially predators like lions, is particularly troubling because it represents a fundamental misunderstanding of these animals’ nature. Lions are not meant to be domesticated or forced into servitude. They are wild, majestic creatures that require vast territories to roam and behaviors that align with their natural instincts. Confining them to chains for human amusement is not just cruel—it’s a tragic misuse of their power and beauty.
Even beyond the entertainment industry, modern society still struggles with the ethical treatment of animals. Factory farming, where animals are often kept in inhumane conditions, is a widespread practice. Zoos, while sometimes framed as conservation efforts, can also be guilty of keeping animals in environments far removed from their natural habitats, leading to physical and psychological harm. These practices have sparked widespread debate and have led to calls for reform in how animals are treated across industries.
At its core, cruelty to animals reflects a deeper moral failure in human society—a failure to recognize the intrinsic value of life beyond our own species. Whether it’s chaining a lion, as in the example mentioned earlier, or engaging in more widespread forms of exploitation, the consequences are the same: unnecessary suffering inflicted on creatures who share our world.
The ethical and religious teachings that condemn such cruelty are not just abstract ideas but a call to action. Compassion for animals is not a luxury or a fringe concern; it is a reflection of our humanity, intrinsic values, and innate personality as it is a test of our moral integrity. If history teaches us anything, it is that cruelty, no matter how justified at the time, is eventually recognized for what it is—a grave injustice. It is time to recognize that the treatment of animals is not just about them; it’s about us, and what kind of world we choose to create – what kind of legacy and reputation we want to be associated with.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi, on Saturday received at the Presidency the Special Representative to the region from the Secretary General of the United Nations, SR-SGUN Ambassador James Swan.
They had a meeting that focused on the general situation in the Horn of Africa region, the upcoming elections in the country scheduled to be held on the 13th of November this year and the cooperation between the Republic of Somaliland and the international community.
The President was flanked by the Minister of Interior Hon. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, the Minister of Planning and National Development Hon. Ahmed Mohamed Diriye (Toorno) and the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Hon. Rooda Jama Elmi.
On the other hand, Ambassador Swan was accompanied by officials from his office that included Obinna Okamgba, Nikolai, Dana Palade, Ahmed Qalinle, Dahir Mohamed Dahir and Mustafa Khaire.
The government of Somaliland has clarified the fact that its move to summarily close the Egyptian Cultural Library in Hargeisa was mainly due to the fact that it veered from activities meant for its purpose and indulged in sinister motives.
The state also unequivocally underpinned the fact that another re-union with Somalia is extremely impossible and a mere pipedream.
The state re-affirmed to the international community and especially to the Arab world that the nation of Somaliland’s re-assertion and regaining of its independence and sovereignty over three decades ago was a foregone conclusion that would not be overturned owing to the peoples’ resolve.
The statements were expressed by the Minister of Information, Culture and National Guidance Hon. Ali Mohammed Hassan, popularly Ali Marehaan, as he spoke on the international Arabic world television channel Al-Arabiya, a major Arab Gulf media house.
The minister who happens to be the official government spokesperson reminded the world the reasons of how and why the union first entered in 1960 when Somaliland and Somalia were two different nations collapsed.
He was convictional that there was no way whatsoever a similar reunion may take place since the populaces resolutely decided the path of the nation and their aspirations, never wanting to return to making the same mistake again.
“The union we entered into with Somalia was a big failure and it is not possible for us to reunite with them ever again”, said the minister.
He said the country had already turned its page hence its resolve to join the international community as a peer with a de-jure stature.
On why the Government closed the Cultural Library of Egypt in Hargeisa, he responded that the closure of the Cultural Library was based on the fact that its operators were indulging in completely different sinister acts that veered from the original purpose of the center.
The Hargeisa Municipal Council has revealed that the construction of the 13km Road 150 which cuts through four precincts in the city would cost 19 million US dollars.
They made the revelations at a meeting that saw the civic officials meet with the local entrepreneurs, elders, and members of the clergy and invited eminent personalities.
Following the meeting, a press release from the Town Hall noted that:-
“The local government of the capital of Hargeisa has called together some of the scholars, businessmen and traditional elders of the capital, members of the local council to present to them the plan for the construction of the Road 150 which is 13-km long, which would cost a total of 19 million dollars.
“This road crosses four districts of the capital namely Ma’alin Haroun, Ga’an Libah, 26june and Ibrahim Kodbuur.
“It would be effected through the concerted cooperation of the central government, the local government, business fraternity, the residents, the members of the clergy of the country and the international community”.
Following the announcement by the local government the residents of the concerned areas that the road passes through were elated and enthusiastically expressed their happiness.
There were a lot of hues and cries from the concerned residents on the state of the road which impeded their moves in recent days.
Tensions between Egypt and Ethiopia have escalated in recent days. Relations between the two African countries, already strained since 2011 due to Ethiopia’s construction and filling of the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Blue Nile—a project Egypt views as a majorthreat to its water and food security—have further deteriorated. The recent downturn comes after Egypt forged closer ties with Ethiopia’s rival, Somalia.
On August 27, Egypt sent two C-130 military planes carrying weapons and ammunition to Mogadishu—the first military aid from Egypt to the Horn of Africa country in more than four decades. The move irked Addis Ababa and provoked a stern rebuke from Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who warned that Ethiopia would not stand idle while other actors take measures to “destabilize the region.”
Two weeks earlier, on August 14, Cairo signed a defense pact with Mogadishu that would see Egypt send five thousand soldiers to Somalia by the end of the year to participate in thenew African Union-led Support and Stabilization Mission (AUSSOM) that will replace the current African Union Transition Mission (ATMIS), which has been in Somalia since 2022. The planned dispatch of troops to Somalia will be Egypt’s first contribution to African Union (AU) peacekeeping missions in the country. The new mission will implement peace-building measures such as institutional reforms and capacity building for Somali civil servants. Under the security agreement, Cairo reportedly plans to dispatch five thousand more soldiers to be deployed separately. It remains unclear whether the Egyptian forces will, in fact, replace the approximately ten thousand Ethiopian troops whom are part of the ATMIS. While the remaining seven thousand are stationed in several regions under a bilateral agreement between Ethiopia and Somalia, Mogadishu will likely reject a future Ethiopian contribution to the AUSSOM once ATMIS ends its mission as it has already threatened to expel the Ethiopian troops.
In addition to sending troops, weaponry, and ammunition to Somalia, Egypt plans to conduct joint military exerciseswith the country. The planned exercises—which will include ground, air, and naval forces—are perhaps intended as a show of force to send a warning message to neighboring Ethiopia over the dam filling, as Hassan Nafaa, political science professor at Cairo University, told me.
“It is not surprising that Egypt would seize the opportunity to deploy troops in Somalia,” Nafaa said. He noted that Cairo hoped the deployment of Egyptian soldiers along Somalia’s shared border with Ethiopia would serve as “a deterrent” to pressure Addis Ababa to reconsider its position vis-à-vis Egypt and refrain from harming Cairo’s interests. “It will also give Egypt a privileged position in the event of a confrontation erupting should Ethiopia make any further moves to harm Egypt or if the flow of the Nile is disrupted.”
Why Addis Ababa is concerned
Egypt’s cozying up to Somalia has alarmed Addis Ababa, which is at odds with Mogadishu over a maritime deal that Ethiopia sealed with Somalia’s breakaway region, Somaliland, on January 1. The agreement gives landlocked Ethiopia access to the port of Berbera on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden for commercial purposes and leases 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) of its coastline for fifty years to Ethiopia to set up a naval base. Somaliland authorities hope that, in return for the use of its port, Ethiopia will recognize Somaliland as an independent state, thus becoming the first United Nations (UN) member state to do so since the breakaway province declared its independence in 1991. Unsurprisingly, Ethiopia’s controversial maritime deal sparked anger in Somalia, which slammed it as an “act of aggression” and prompted Mogadishu to recall its ambassador from Addis Ababa.
Seemingly emboldened by Egypt’s support, Somali authorities have gone further, threatening to support armed groups fighting against the Ethiopian government if Addis Ababa goes ahead with its port agreement with Somaliland. Talks mediated by Turkey to resolve the dispute between the two neighboring countries have thus far failed to reach a breakthrough despite Ankara declaring that notable progress has been achieved. A third round of negotiations slated for September 17 has been postponed by Somalia, dashing hopes for the easing of tensions anytime soon. No official reason has been given for the cancelation, but Borkena, an Ethiopian online news site cautioned “Egyptian political and military moves to exploit the tension between Somalia and Ethiopia might further complicate the Ankara-initiated talks.”.
Ethiopia’s port agreement with Somaliland has also ruffled feathers in Egypt. “Cairo is worried about Ethiopia having a naval base in Somaliland that would likely bolster its influence in the Horn of Africa; the port deal would give the rival country Red Sea access, which constitutes a threat to Egypt’s national security,” Nafaa explained.
It is no surprise that Egypt has thrown its weight behind Somalia in its ongoing dispute with Ethiopia, not least because of the North African country’s widening rift with Ethiopia over the GERD. Cairo has exhausted all avenues in its efforts to dissuade Ethiopia from unilaterally filling the dam, which it sees as an existential threat. Negotiations with Ethiopia have failed to gain traction despite US and World Bank-led mediation between 2019 and 2020 under the Donald Trump administration and South African mediation thereafter. Egypt has also raised the issue at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), sending a letter to its head on September 1 in which it accused Ethiopia of violating international law by continuing to fill the dam without agreement from downstream countries. It also accused Addis Ababa of lacking the political will to resolve the dispute.
Ethiopia, in turn, rejected the accusations as “a litany of unfounded allegations” from Cairo in a letter it sent to the UNSC in response to the Egyptian complaint. Addis Ababa also urged Cairo to”abandon its aggressive approach” toward the hydroelectric dam which will generate much-needed electricity and, therefore, is crucial for Ethiopia’s development. Still, Egypt’s 116.9 million-strong population relies almost entirely on the Nile for its freshwater needs. With Ethiopia having completed its fifth filling of the dam in mid-August, Cairo’s concerns are growing that the filling of the dam will disrupt the flow of Nile waters, undermining Egypt’s essential water supplies.
What Egypt is concerned about
Egypt’s long-standing dispute with Ethiopia over the GERD is not the only reason behind the warming of ties between Cairo and Mogadishu. “Somalia is a member of the League of Arab States (while Ethiopia is not); as a Muslim country, it has more in common with Egypt than Ethiopia,” Nafaa noted.
Religion aside, Egypt has strategic interests in Somalia. Major General Samir Farag, senior strategist at the Security and Defense Advisory Board of Egypt, told me that securing the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, located north of Somalia and at the southern entrance of the Red Sea, is ”a national security priority” for Egypt as the waterway secures the Suez Canal, which is significant for Egypt. Farag lamented the losses incurred by Egypt as a result of the Houthi attacks on commercial ships in the Red Sea in the wake of the Hamas-Israel war which have forced shipping companies to seek alternate—albeit longer and costlier—routes around Africa, leading to a significant reduction of more than 50 percent in Suez Canal revenues.
Farag added that Somalia’s security and stability are an important pillars for the security of the entire region. He cited piracy incidents off the coast of Somalia as posing ”an ominous threat to global trade during times of conflict and instability.” Armed Somali pirates have taken advantage of the instability in the Red Sea to make a comeback in recent months, seizing ships and hijacking their crews for ransom. This occurred after NATO-led international naval forces that had patrolled the Gulf of Aden moved their ships toward Yemen in the wake of the Houthi attacks on commercial vessels, leaving a security vacuum for the pirates to exploit.
“Under the defense pact signed by Egypt and Somalia, Egypt will train and help strengthen the Somali army to enable it to counter terrorism in the country,” Farag said in reference to the threat posed by al-Shabaab, the al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamist group based in Somalia and which has also been wreaking havoc elsewhere in East Africa.
Over the last decade, the Egyptian military and police have battled against Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS)-affiliated militants who had sought to establish an Islamic state in the Sinai Peninsula; the authorities have also cracked down fiercely on members of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic group that rose to power in an election after President Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down in 2011. Since the ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Morsi by military-backed protests in 2013, tens of thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members and supporters remain behind bars in Egypt; hundreds of others have been killed with impunity or forced into exile. President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi’s regime, which sees itself as a bulwark against Islamists, believes it can help the Somali government rid the country of al-Shabaab, whose goal is to overthrow the central government and ultimately establish an Islamic state in accordance with its strict version of Sharia.
In comments made during a January 21 press conference in Cairo with his Somali counterpart, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, Sisi reiterated his country’s readiness to defend Somalia against any threats.
“We will not allow anyone to threaten Somalia,” Sisi said. “I am saying this very clearly, don’t test Egypt and try to threaten its brothers, especially if our brothers ask us for support.”
Ahmed responded with veiled warnings to Egypt and Somalia that there would be “a severe retaliation” if any country attempted to invade Ethiopia. At a ceremony marking Ethiopia’s Sovereignty Day on September 8, Ahmed said that Addis Ababa has no intention of creating conflict. Still, he warned that his country would “humiliate” any nation that threatened its sovereignty—without naming a specific country—though his threats were clearly directed at Egypt and Somalia.
While it is doubtful that Ethiopia would wage war directly on either of its rivals, some analysts have warned that deploying Egyptian troops along Somalia’s border with Ethiopia could lead to a proxy conflict between Cairo and Addis Ababa, with Somalia as the battleground. However, Farag dismissed the speculation and ruled out any prospective use of force against Ethiopia. He affirmed that Egypt would continue to pursue all legitimate channels, including diplomacy, to protect its interests.
That remains to be seen, especially as Sisi has declared that Egypt’s water share is a national security issue and a red line that cannot be crossed. In an address to mark the launch of the national megaproject Haya Karima in 2021, Sisi said, “Cairo has various options to protect its national security.” Still, he did not rule out the military option—hinting at the possible use of force against Ethiopia should the circumstances require military intervention.
Nevertheless, Egypt’s intervention in Somalia—intended to promote regional peace and security—has instead inflamed regional tensions. It does, however, signal a shift toward a more assertive role for Cairo in African affairs and diplomacy after decades of Egypt turning its back on Africa following a failed 1995 assassination attempt against Mubarak in Addis Ababa by gunmen allegedly supported by elements in the Sudanese intelligence under the Islamist-backed Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. Egypt might just be flexing its muscle to pressure Addis Ababa to reach an agreement on the GERD. What is certain is that Egypt is seeking to thwart Ethiopia’s Red Sea access, which Cairo views as a national security threat and fears could furtherdestabilize maritime trade in the vital waterway. For Egypt, which is in the midst of a profound economic crisis, taking these significant foreign positions means averting default and getting back on its feet.
The Committee on Natural Resources, Environment, Production and Energy of the House of Representatives held a meeting on Wednesday with the Minister of Mines and Energy.
The committee led by the chairman of the committee Hon. Suleiman Mohamed Faarah (Gooh), were present, MP Bashir Hussien Hirsi, MP Abdihakiin Hugur Abdi, MP Yahye Abdilahi Amin (Ararse), the adviser of the committee Mustafe Mohamed Hassan and the secretary of the committee Faarah Seed Arab.
They met with Minister of Mines and Energy Hon. Abdilahi Farah Abdi who was accompanied by Director General Mohamed Osman Said and numerous departmental directors and advisers of the ministry.
The meeting focused on how both sides would step up their interworking relations for the good of the accountability of the sector.
The meeting ended in mutual agreement in all the factors under discussions.
A delegation of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) led by the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission Mr. Muse Hassan Yusuf has left for Aynabo in Saraar region in a bid to survey satisfactorily ample locations for polling stations in the pastoral lands.
The elections are due on November 13th this year.
He was accompanied by the electoral implementation committee that comprises the NEC and officials drawn from both the political parties and organizations.
They are to gather information which would aid them in earmarking the best places and locations in preparations for the elections.
On the other hand, the delegation of the National Electoral Commission held meetings with the Security Committee of Sarar Region led by the Deputy Governor of Sarar Region and the sectional commanders of various forces, where they discussed the strengthening of security and how to ensure the safety of the elections at the places where the elections would be held.
Meanwhile, a similar NEC elections implementation group led by the Deputy Chairman of the National Electoral Commission, Mr. Ahmed Osman Hassan and Commissioner Ibrahim Ma’alin Adan made a trip to both Awdal and Selel regions for the same kind of tasks.
