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Unskilled workers in Berbera lose jobs to foreigners

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Since mid-June, Abdirahman Ibrahim Mohamed’s family of 10 has struggled to eat a meal once a day after he lost his construction job in Berbera, in Somaliland’s Sahil region, where he had been working for several years.

He is one of hundreds of construction workers who have become unemployed as construction companies started hiring foreign workers to replace them.

Abdirahman explained that the loss of his job has affected his family in all aspects of life, leading them into uncertainty. Currently, they rely on occasional $50 remittances from relatives abroad, which is a far cry from the amount he used to earn.

“For the past three months, I have only worked for 10 days. I managed with what I earned during those days, and for the rest I had to either borrow or find other means of survival. This is all due to the lack of work. You can see how tough things have become now,” he told Radio Ergo.

Abdirahman was in construction for 24 years and had no alternative plan in place. His earnings, which ranged between $300 and $450 monthly, were enough to sustain his family.

As the sole breadwinner of his family, he feels increasing anxiety, particularly as he visits construction sites daily hoping to find work but usually returning empty-handed.

“The difference between night and day is stark. Previously, I had work, and I could provide for my family and even help others. But now, I can’t give anything to anyone, not even my dependents,” he complained.

He has been unable to pay for the education of seven of his children in middle and high school. He used to spend $80 a month on their education, but now his father has stepped in to cover these costs.

Abdirahman attributed the loss of local jobs to the influx of foreign workers from Kenya, Uganda, and Bangladesh, who are hired because they accept lower wages.

“There is no special skill they have over us. The only difference is that one person can do several tasks—being a carpenter, electrician, and metalworker all at once—while here, three local citizens, each specialising in one of these skills, are needed. The companies opt for one foreigner who can do it all, and sometimes have to lay off four locals who were doing the same job,” he observed.

Abdirahman and his family were pastoralists in Togdher region until he moved to Berbera 33 years ago after drought and disease decimated their livestock. With no other skills, manual labour in the city became his only option.

The unemployment issue has affected most casual workers for construction companies in Berbera. Many say their job opportunities have declined over the last two years, with 2024 being the worst year yet.

Diriye Abdi Jama, who also works in construction, shared a similar story. For the past three months, his family of eight has faced severe food insecurity. Diriye’s monthly income ranged between $300 and $400, which provided adequately for his family.

“This situation has hit my children the hardest. I have six kids and a wife, and we live in a rented house. The water tank costs $70 per refill, and the children’s school fees are $80. Rent is $60. It has caused so much stress that I have started getting grey hair early. Every day I wonder where to find something for my family,” Diriye told Radio Ergo.

He fears eviction because he has been unable to pay his rent for several months and owes $300.

Diriye explained that this year alone, they have taken their issue to the government four times but have received no response. He used to work over 20 days a month, but now he only works two or three days.

Mubarak Aydid, an engineer at the local Daar Construction Company, said they prefer to hire citizens but often turn to foreign workers since many locals don’t meet their job expectations.

“The foreign worker arrives with multiple skills. He can handle several tasks, whereas some of our workers waste time due to distractions like chewing khat and other habits. We expect eight hours of work, but they sometimes only give us four or five,” Mubarak explained.

Director of Somaliland’s Ministry of Employment for the Sahil region, Farhan Mohamed Hassan, stated that around 3,200 foreign workers were employed in Berbera’s construction sector, while approximately 10,000 to 12,000 locals worked in the same industry.

“The demand for skilled workers in Berbera’s large-scale projects led to the influx of foreign workers. We are aware of the concerns from local workers, and we are working on a solution. Locals have a right to these jobs, as per our labour laws and constitution,” Farhan said.

He emphasised the need for Somaliland’s labour force to improve their skills, suggesting that each worker should be able to perform at least two different tasks to reduce reliance on foreign workers and alleviate local unemployment.

The Last Will and Testament of a Dictator: Djibouti’s Precarious Transition from Guelleh and Its Global Reverberations

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As Ismaïl Omar Guelleh’s once-iron grip on Djibouti loosens, the Horn of Africa teeters on the brink of upheaval. Whispers of the president’s failing health have begun to circulate through diplomatic channels, lending an air of urgency to discussions about the country’s future. While such rumors are often exaggerated in the world of geopolitics, they serve as a stark reminder of an immutable truth: Guelleh, like all mortals, will one day depart the stage. This inescapable reality casts a long shadow over Djibouti’s political landscape, forcing regional and global powers to confront the implications of a post-Guelleh era.

The potential power vacuum left by Guelleh’s eventual exit threatens to unleash a perfect storm of domestic instability and international power plays that could reshape the geopolitical landscape far beyond Djibouti’s borders. Guelleh’s regime, while repressive, has maintained a delicate balance between ethnic factions, foreign interests, and economic pressures. However, Guelleh’s failure to craft a coherent succession plan—a political testament—has left Djibouti exposed to chaos. This oversight leaves the nation vulnerable to chaos and opportunism in the wake of his departure, whether through natural causes or political upheaval

In the aftermath of Guelleh, both the U.S. and China will likely vie to install their favored proxies at the helm of the government. Yet this power struggle will only serve to exacerbate Djibouti’s already volatile domestic situation. As these giants compete for influence, the country risks descending into political fragmentation, economic stagnation, and potentially, civil unrest. The U.S., having focused solely on maintaining military dominance without investing in local governance or economic resilience, could find itself marginalized in Djibouti’s next chapter. China, with its calculated approach, may exploit this vacuum, tightening its grip on the region.

The fragility of Djibouti’s political system cannot be overstated. Guelleh’s iron-fisted rule has systematically eroded the country’s institutions, leaving them ill-equipped to manage a transfer of power. The judiciary is a tool of the regime. The electoral commission is a mere rubber stamp. Even the military, traditionally a stabilizing force in many African nations, is a wild card. Guelleh has cultivated personal loyalty among its leadership, raising the specter of factional infighting or even a coup in his absence.

Lurking beneath the surface are simmering ethnic tensions. The majority Issa and minority Afar communities have a history of conflict, kept in check by Guelleh’s calculated balance of power. His exit could reignite these divisions, plunging the country into unrest. The stakes extend far beyond Djibouti’s borders, threatening regional stability and global trade routes.

Djibouti’s escalating debt to China, now over 70% of its GDP, has shackled the nation to Beijing’s economic will, placing it on the brink of economic collapse. Despite IMF warnings, Guelleh’s borrowing spree continues, playing into China’s ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ through projects like the Doraleh Port. This strategic asset could fall under Beijing’s control, granting China unprecedented leverage over one of the world’s most crucial maritime chokepoints. The ability to monitor or potentially interfere with maritime traffic at the mouth of the Red Sea would be a strategic coup for China, shifting power dynamics not just in the Horn of Africa, but across the Middle East and beyond.

Meanwhile, the U.S. now stands on the verge of strategic obsolescence, its influence fading in the shadow of China’s rise. Years of myopic focus on counterterrorism in Somalia have left Washington unprepared for the complexities of a post-Guelleh Djibouti. The State Department’s Africa Affairs division and AFRICOM’s lack of strategic foresight have resulted in a policy vacuum. While the U.S. has been fixated on maintaining its military foothold at Camp Lemonnier, China has been playing a long game of economic and political influence

France, long Djibouti’s primary ally and protector, finds itself treading a delicate line between maintaining its foothold and resisting China’s expanding reach. Recent developments underscore the precariousness of America’s position. Djibouti’s increasingly erratic foreign policy moves, particularly its tacit support for Houthi forces, have sent shockwaves through diplomatic circles. This apparent realignment threatens to transform Djibouti from a stabilizing force in the region to a potential enabler of maritime insecurity. Rumors of Guelleh’s government imposing restrictions on AFRICOM’s operational capabilities suggest a deliberate effort to constrain the U.S. military’s ability to project power.

Adding to this complex tableau is the rise of the Republic of Somaliland, Djibouti’s neighbor to the south. Somaliland’s ascent threatens to redraw the Horn of Africa’s geopolitical map. With Ethiopia poised to reroute trade to Berbera, Djibouti’s lifeblood—its control over regional commerce—could be drained. The UAE’s investment in Berbera is as much about countering Turkish influence in Somalia as it is about economic opportunity. As Somaliland gains clout, pressure for international recognition may grow, potentially redrawing the political map of the Horn of Africa.

As Djibouti approaches the inevitable end of Guelleh’s rule, the stakes could not be higher. What happens next will ripple across the region, shaping the balance of power not only in the Horn of Africa but in the global corridors of trade and influence. The battle for Djibouti’s future will be fought on multiple fronts – political, economic, and strategic. The outcome of this struggle will have profound implications not just for the Horn of Africa, but for global trade and power dynamics. As Guelleh’s reign draws to a close, the world must brace for turbulence in this small but pivotal nation. The question is not whether change will come to Djibouti, but what form it will take and who will shape it. The answer may well determine the future of East Africa and beyond.

Somaliland is where India can counter China in east Africa

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India should develop closer relations with Somaliland, especially by using its port. This could provide India a valuable tool for countering China’s influence along the eastern coast of Africa.

In looking for access to the Red Sea, India should avoid overcrowded Djibouti and opt for Somaliland’s port of Berbera. Berbera handles 1/10 as much traffic as Djibouti’s port, but it is growing, thanks to investment by Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which are new members of the BRICS grouping and key partners for India.

India has frequently deployed anti-piracy patrol boats and warships to the Gulf of Aden, north of Somaliland, to maintain stability in the region. As India strives to gain more influence, Somaliland itself could become India’s strategic lynchpin.

Somaliland’s location and history hold key advantages for India. A breakaway region of Somalia, it controls an 850km coastline along the Red Sea, and Berbera is one of Africa’s busiest ports. Before a civil war destroyed Berbera, the British used the port to connect Ethiopia with India. And earlier this year, Ethiopia signed a historic deal with Somaliland to gain commercial and military access to the port.

In developing closer relations, India would be joining Somaliland’s growing network of partnerships. In striking contrast to Somalia and many other African countries, Somaliland is relatively stable and has been a democracy for more than 30 years. Despite being broadly unrecognised as a sovereign state, it has begun partnering with many countries. Its capital, Hargeisa, hosts consulates of Djibouti, Ethiopia and Turkey, as well as liaison offices of Britain, Denmark, the UAE, Egypt and Kenya.

India and Somaliland already share strong trade relations. Somaliland imports various goods from India: food, petroleum, gas, machinery, building materials, apparel, tobacco, pharmaceuticals and cars. India is one of Somaliland’s major trading partners by container volume, along with the UAE, China, Turkey, Malaysia and Saudi Arabia.

Berbera port’s impressive operations and location within Africa make it a strategic asset for India. Last year, Berbera ranked even above Kenya’s port of Mombasa in the World Bank’s Container Port Performance Index.

It is also well placed for India to establish a naval base. From it, India could counter Pakistan’s attempt to spread Islamist extremism in Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as the regional influence of the Chinese army, which has a base in Djibouti.

Closer ties with Somaliland could also strengthen India’s relationship with the UAE, which has invested US$300 million in expanding Berbera port and the nearby free trade zone. Among other extensive investment and aid to Somaliland, the UAE is co-developing the Berbera Corridor with Ethiopia to connect that landlocked country to the port. In return for such help, Somaliland will allow the UAE to establish an air and naval base in Berbera.

The UAE has already docked ships at Berbera, about 250km south of Yemen, where the Saudi-led coalition that includes UAE troops was recently fighting Houthi rebels.

Because Ethiopia and the UAE became members of the BRICS in 2023, closer collaboration with them could enhance India’s status within grouping and provide opportunities for accessing Berbera port. Ethiopia is leading the way by shifting all its commerce to Berbera.

Crucially, a stronger bond with Somaliland would help India counter China’s influence in the region. In 2020, Somaliland recognised Taiwan. It continues to support Taiwan diplomatically, despite intense pressure from China and lobbying by members of the opposition Waddani Party. However, given the small size of its economy and lack of broad diplomatic recognition, Somaliland will not be able to resist China’s influence for too long—unless India shows up.

If India established a stronger economic presence in Somaliland, it would benefit Indian businesses and enhance Somaliland’s prosperity. As African countries increasingly seek to extricate themselves from China’s debt-trap diplomacy and look for alternatives, India’s growing engagement in the region could inspire other fence-sitters to eschew finance from China.

India must revisit its Africa strategy and partner with other like-minded countries to counter China’s influence in the region. Closer relations with Somaliland are crucial in developing a pax-India—a zone of influence for India—along the east African coast.

Samir Bhattacharya is an associate fellow with the Strategic Studies Programme of the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.

Somaliland to deploy iris biometric equipment donated by Taiwan for November polls

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Iris biometrics devices donated by Taiwan to Somaliland for election in that East African country in 2021 will still be deployed for upcoming elections in the country in November.

This is according to Taiwan’s Ambassador to Somaliland, Allen Lou. The diplomat mentioned this recently as he announced fresh support of $2 million given by Taiwan to the country in preparation for the presidential and national party elections to take place in six weeks from now.

The official said the equipment donated four years ago will be used in six of the country’s cities during the general elections scheduled for November 13, according to Taiwan News.

In 2021, the government of Taiwan donated 2,500 iris biometric voter verification devices estimated at $2 million to help Somaliland’s National Election Commission (NEC) organize parliamentary and local government elections that year.

Iris ID has previously confirmed to Biometric Update that its iris biometrics software and hardware are part of the system, and it is working in partnership with South African integrator Neametrics Africa.

The new support of $2 million, the Taiwanese representative is quoted as saying, is part of their collaboration with Somaliland to “advance transparency, accountability, fairness, and trust of the 2024 Somaliland election.”

The Taiwanese official also praised the government of Somaliland for its commitment to democratic principles, describing the country as a beacon of democracy in East Africa.

The two countries have longstanding collaboration on various issues of mutual interest that touch on politics and the economy.

Somaliland, like Taiwan, functions as an independent country without much international recognition. It declared independence from Somalia in 1999, but it is not yet recognized by the United Nations.

Meanwhile, as the elections in Somaliland approach, the country is in full swing with preparations. Not only has the elections management agency field-tested the equipment to be deployed, it has also been holding meetings and campaigns urging people to take part in the elections.

Somaliland has used the holding of regular and credible elections to showcase its democratic maturity and assert its independence.

Third Conference of the Somaliland Economic Forum kicks-off next week

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By M.A. Egge

The Minister of Finance Development of Somaliland, Dr. Saad Ali Shire, has announced that the Third Conference of the Somaliland Economic Forum will start on 8th 2024.

The conference brings together the government, businessmen and academics together in analyzing the economic issues of the country.

The minister revealed that this year’s theme was “economic development”, while pointing out that social services should be improved.

The conveners are the committee of cabinet ministries for economic affairs.

“This conference is the third one which brings together the government, businessmen and academics to discuss current and future economic issues, and its basis is cooperation between government agencies and investors and businessmen in the private sector out to boost businesses”.

Public Employees Retirement and Entitlement Bill Approved

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By M.A. Egge

The Somaliland Senate, the GUURTI, unanimously approved the Law on Pensions, Entitlements rights of Government Employees, Law No. 108/2024, which was previously passed by the Somaliland House of Representatives.

The session was chaired by Speaker Hon. Suleiman Mohamoud Adan had 54 MPs seated and saw 47 of them pass the bill; four rejected it and 2 were silent.

The Speaker informed the members of the council that soon its members will be dispatched upcountry, to the regions and districts of the nation, so that the members can inform the community about the importance of maintaining and sustaining public security in the face of the elections, that is, in six weeks away.

Taiwan to donate NT$63 million to Somaliland National Election Commission

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Taiwan to donate US$2 million to Somaliland National Election Commission

Taiwan working to strengthen Somaliland’s democracy

Taiwan has pledged to donate US$2 million (NT$63.26 million) to Somaliland’s National Election Commission (NEC) in support of its upcoming presidential election on Nov. 13.

Taiwan’s representative to Somaliland, Allen Lou, said on Sunday (Sept. 29), “Taiwan is proud to collaborate with the Somaliland Government to advance transparency, accountability, fairness, and trust of the 2024 Somaliland election.” Lou added that Somaliland is a “beacon of democracy in East Africa,” just as Taiwan is a beacon of democracy in East Asia.

The representative pointed out Taiwan also donated US$2 million to Somaliland’s 2021 parliamentary and local government election to purchase 2,500 sets of the Iris Biometric Voter Verification System.

The systems will be used in six cities during November’s election, Lou said.

Earlier on Sunday, Lou presided over the signing ceremony of a code of conduct for Somaliland’s political parties and associations.

“Freedom and democracy constitute the fundamental and common values that connect Taiwan and Somaliland to the international community,” Taiwan’s Somaliland office said in a Facebook post on Sunday.

NEC Chair Musa Hassan Yousuf visited Taiwan in January for a week-long trip to gain a deeper understanding of the electoral system. Yousuf met with then-Foreign Minister Joseph Wu (吳釗燮) and stopped at the Central Election Commission and other institutions to learn more about Taiwan’s electoral system, election operations, and citizens’ political participation.

The East African nation has three political parties, including the Somaliland National Party, the Kulmiye Peace, Unity, and Development Party, and the Justice and Welfare Party.

Somaliland High Court orders release of detained MP Mohamed Abiib Yusuf

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Somaliland Supreme Court has ordered the immediate release of detained lawmaker Mohamed Abiib Yusuf, declaring his arrest illegal.

In a statement issued on Monday, the court directed the Commander of the Custodial Corps to release Yusuf from Madera prison today.

The court ruled that Yusuf’s detention violated the law, citing that the Somaliland House of Representatives had rejected the removal of his parliamentary immunity by a majority vote.

“The court has decided that the detention of Mr. Mohamed Abib Yusuf is illegal because the House of Representatives rejected the removal of his immunity by Article 79 and Article 49, Clause 3 of the Somaliland Constitution,” the statement read.

The Speaker of the Somaliland House of Representatives, alongside opposition parties, had previously condemned Yusuf’s arrest, calling it a constitutional violation.

The lawmaker was arrested at Hargeisa’s Egal Airport upon his return from the United Arab Emirates and was accused of treason, defaming the military, aiding what it called the “enemy”, and opposing national interests.

 

Egyptian warship offloads arms to Somalia, officials say

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By Abdi Sheikh

An Egyptian warship has delivered a second major cache of weaponry to Somalia including anti-aircraft guns and artillery, port and military officials said on Monday, in a move likely to stoke further friction between the two countries and Ethiopia.

Ties between Egypt and Somalia have grown this year over their shared mistrust of Ethiopia, prompting Cairo to send several planeloads of arms to Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, after the countries signed a joint security pact in August.

Ethiopia angered Mogadishu by agreeing a preliminary deal in January with the breakaway region of Somaliland to lease land for a port in exchange for possible recognition of its independence from Somalia.

Egypt, at odds with Ethiopia for years over Addis Ababa’s construction of a vast hydro dam on the headwaters of the Nile River, has condemned the Somaliland deal.

The Egyptian warship began unloading the weapons on Sunday, one diplomat said. Security forces blocked off the quayside and surrounding roads on Sunday and Monday as convoys carried the weapons to a defence ministry building and nearby military bases, two port workers and two military officials told Reuters.

Nasra Bashir Ali, an official at Somali Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre’s office, posted a photo on her X account of Defence Minister Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur watching as the ship was being unloaded.
Egyptian authorities either declined to comment, or did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Ethiopia has at least 3,000 soldiers stationed in Somalia as part of an African Union peacekeeping mission (ATMIS) fighting Islamist insurgents, while an estimated 5,000-7,000 troops are deployed in other regions under a bilateral agreement.

Somalia has called the Somaliland deal an assault on its sovereignty and says it wants all Ethiopia’s troops to leave at the end of the year unless Addis Ababa scraps the agreement.

Egypt has, meanwhile, offered to contribute troops to a new peacekeeping mission in Somalia, the African Union said in July, though Cairo has not commented on the matter publicly.

Ethiopia’s government did not immediately respond to Reuters’ request for comment, but has in the past said it cannot stand idle while “other actors” are taking measures to destabilise the region.

Reporting by Abdi Sheikh in Mogadishu; Writing by Hereward Holland; Editing by Ammu Kannampilly and Ed Osmond

Source: Reuters

President Bihi Talks Somaliland’s Journey to Independence and Regional Stability

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In a captivating interview with Al-Arabiya TV, President Muse Bihi Abdi of Somaliland lays bare the transformative vision for his region, capturing the attention of the Horn of Africa and the world. His words carry the weight of history and the fervent hopes of a people who have persevered against all odds. As tensions swell in a geopolitically charged landscape, Bihi’s promise of a sovereign future shines like a beacon, inviting us to witness Somaliland’s remarkable journey toward independence.

A Historical Resolve: The Quest for Recognition

“Why all this effort over four decades to be recognized as a state?” It’s an arresting question, one that Bihi takes head-on, weaving a gripping narrative of Somaliland’s turbulent past. “We were two independent states in 1960,” he recalls, his voice steady yet passionate. “But after decades of conflict and a government collapse, Somaliland rose again in 1991, declaring back its status as an independent entity amid the chaos in Mogadishu, where divisions continue to fester.”

In a region laden with strife and forgotten histories, Somaliland’s journey is not merely about seeking recognition; it’s a relentless fight for dignity, stability, and self-determination. While Somalia has lurched from crisis to crisis, Somaliland has emerged as a unique success story, masterfully building its own institutions, economy, and security forces. With only one terrorist incident reported since 2008, and a commitment to managing its affairs independently, the resilience of Somaliland stands as a striking contrast to its neighbor’s ongoing turmoil.

Groundbreaking Agreements: Somaliland and Ethiopia

As President Abdi confidently unveils the recently drafted memorandum of understanding with Ethiopia, the stakes become even clearer. “This agreement prioritizes our national interests and recognizes our statehood in exchange for granting Ethiopia a sea outlet,” he explains, a glimmer of determination lighting his eyes. “Both parties understand the significance this holds for regional stability and mutual cooperation. It is more than just a paper; it’s a commitment to peace and progress.”

Yet, amidst the optimism, skepticism lingers. The Ethiopian government has been cautious in declaring its recognition of Somaliland, but Abdi assures, “I was there when the deal was made, and both sides agreed to recognize Somaliland as a state.” As the prospect of peace hangs in the balance, the strategic implications of this partnership could redefine the Horn’s political landscape, steering it toward a newfound era of collaboration and trust.

The Voices of a People: Support Amidst Opposition

Amidst whispers of dissent within Somaliland, Bihi stands firm, emphasizing the overwhelming support of his people. “Only one minister resigned over this matter,” he counters strongly, “and the vast majority of Somalilanders aspire to independence.” This is a sentiment that resonates deeply within the hearts of those who have long yearned for freedom, emphasizing a united front against the background of international pressures.

The question of union looms large, but Bihi’s stance is unwavering. “The failed union of 1960 has long been exposed,” he asserts emphatically. “It is no longer a viable path for us. We cannot rebuild what has already collapsed.” His words reflect the collective memory of a people who refuse to be defined by a tumultuous past, but instead choose to forge a path toward a brighter future.

Security Concerns and the Road Ahead

Amid security concerns stemming from regional tensions, Bihi confronts the harsh realities. The closure of the Egyptian cultural library reflects a cautious stance toward external influences that threaten Somaliland’s autonomy. “The struggle for our independence is an internal matter, and outside interference will not be tolerated,” he declares resolutely.

As Somaliland stands poised on the brink of elections in November, Abdi reassures the world of the democratic promises that lie ahead. “Our people will voice their support for independence or union, and I will respect their decision,” he states confidently, emphasizing the democratic process as the ultimate expression of the will of the people.

An Invitation to the World

In closing, President Muse Bihi Abdi extends an urgent invitation for recognition—to the international community, to neighboring nations, and to anyone with ears to listen. “We are not seeking to isolate ourselves; we are striving for a partnership based on mutual respect. Somaliland embodies stability and security within the Horn of Africa, and our aspirations are not merely dreams; they are the will of our people.”

As viewers and readers alike absorb his powerful words, they are left with a compelling call to action: to recognize Somaliland as it truly is—a beacon of democracy and stability in a region riddled with conflict. This is not just a story about politics; it’s about a people, their past, present, and a hopeful future.

The narrative of Somaliland is one that deserves to be spread far and wide, igniting discussions and encouraging a deeper understanding of this resilient nation’s journey.