In a significant stride towards enhancing healthcare services in Somaliland, Taiwan has officially pledged nearly 22 million USD in grant funding for the design, construction, and equipping of the Taiwan Medical Center at Hargeisa Group Hospital. This monumental project will not only boost Somaliland’s healthcare infrastructure but also deepen the growing cooperation between the two nations.
The Taiwan Medical Center, once completed in three years, will be a two-story facility housing 97 beds, bringing the hospital’s total capacity to nearly 600 beds. The Center will feature cutting-edge medical equipment and essential services that promise to improve the health and well-being of the people of Somaliland. This milestone is a testament to Taiwan’s ongoing efforts to share its expertise and support global healthcare development, as Ambassador Allen Chenhwa LOU of the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland noted.
Healthcare is a key pillar of Taiwan’s international outreach. According to the 2023 Health Care Index from Numbeo, Taiwan’s healthcare system has been ranked as the world’s best for five consecutive years, a testament to its excellence. By extending this expertise to Somaliland, Taiwan is fostering mutual growth and understanding, based on the principles of equality and friendship.
The vision for the Taiwan Medical Center in Somaliland began under the leadership of Taiwan’s current President, William Lai Ching-te, and was supported by prominent Taiwanese officials including former Foreign Minister Dr. Joseph Wu. Ambassador Lou, echoing President Lai’s words, emphasized that “With every step forward that Taiwan takes, the world takes a step forward with us.” This project is one such step that symbolizes the deepening ties between Taiwan and Somaliland.
Beyond healthcare, Taiwan’s collaboration with Somaliland spans various sectors, including education, agriculture, ICT, security, and humanitarian aid. However, healthcare has emerged as a flagship of this relationship, with notable accomplishments such as the digitalization of hospital services in Hargeisa, Boroma, Brauo, and Berbera, and the donation of ambulances to improve medical mobility.
Through training programs both in Somaliland and Taiwan, scholarships, and the establishment of the Taiwan Medical Mission, Taiwan continues to invest in the human resources development of Somaliland’s healthcare professionals. This project underscores Taiwan’s broader vision of creating sustainable and people-centered cooperation models.
Ambassador Lou emphasized that while Taiwan has made this generous contribution as a symbol of friendship, the success of the Taiwan Medical Center relies on Somaliland’s partnership. As an African proverb wisely notes, “If you want to walk fast, walk alone. But if you want to walk far, walk together.” Taiwan’s healthcare initiatives are designed to transcend borders, and with Somaliland as a partner, the two nations are poised to achieve great things together in the realm of public health.
The Taiwan Medical Center in Somaliland is more than just a healthcare facility—it is a symbol of the enduring friendship and collaborative spirit between Taiwan and Somaliland. As Taiwan leads the way in healthcare, technology, and innovation, this partnership promises a brighter, healthier future for all.
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) remains deep-rooted in certain cultures, particularly in Somali regions, despite global human rights efforts to eradicate it. One of the most persistent arguments used to justify FGM is the claim that it is a religious obligation. However, this justification is rooted more in cultural misconceptions than in religious doctrine. Another complex factor is the belief that men, including fathers, should not interfere in what is considered a “woman’s affair,” such as decisions about FGM for their daughters. These dynamics present significant challenges to efforts aimed at protecting girls from this harmful practice.
The belief that FGM is a religious requirement, particularly within Islamic communities, is widespread but incorrect. Many argue that FGM, particularly the Sunna cut is mandated by Islam. The term “Sunna” refers to the practices of the Prophet Muhammad, leading to the misconception that this form of FGM is a religious obligation. However, Islamic scholars are divided on the issue. While some hold onto traditional practices, the majority, including authoritative voices in the Islamic world, have clarified that FGM has no basis in Islam.
Islamic scripture does not mandate FGM. In fact, key Islamic texts, including the Quran and Hadith do not mention FGM as a requirement for women or girls[1]. The Prophet Muhammad’s teachings emphasize the importance of mercy, dignity, and respect for the human body, none of which align with the practice of FGM. Yet, in many Somali communities, FGM has been passed down through generations as a cultural tradition, which over time has been conflated with religious duty.
This misconception stems from a lack of clear religious guidance in rural and undereducated areas, where religious and cultural practices blend into one another. FGM is seen as a rite of passage into womanhood, falsely believed to promote cleanliness and morality, ideals mistakenly linked to religious purity. Leaders in these communities, who often hold significant influence over families, perpetuate these beliefs, sometimes endorsing FGM as a way to preserve a girl’s modesty and ensure her marriageability. The argument that FGM is religiously required remains powerful, even though the practice is more deeply rooted in pre-Islamic tribal customs than in Islamic theology[2].
I wrote this article as both a personal reflection and a call to action, stemming from the profound experience of watching my daughters, Dheeman and Aragsan, fall victim to a practice I have spent my entire career opposing. As a lawyer and human rights defender, I have fought against harmful traditions like FGM, believing that I could shield my own family from these violations. However, this experience has shown me that even in the most personal of battles, cultural norms can overpower individual conviction, leading to devastating consequences. By sharing this story, I aim to highlight the pervasive nature of these traditions and to underscore the importance of continuous advocacy—not just in public spaces but within our own homes and communities.
Moreover, I wrote this article to expose the dangerous misconceptions that allow FGM to persist under the guise of religious obligation. The widespread belief that the Sunna cut is a religious mandate has created a powerful barrier to change, even among those who otherwise reject harmful practices.
As a lawyer, human rights defender, and advocate for the rights of women and girls in the Somali territories and the Horn of Africa, I never imagined that my own daughters, Dheeman and Aragsan, would one day experience the very violations I have spent many years fighting against. My advocacy has always been grounded in the belief that every girl should be free from the oppressive practices that undermine her dignity and bodily integrity. Yet, to my profound shock and sorrow, this violation happened within my own home.
For years, my colleagues and fellow advocates often commented on how “lucky” my daughters were, given that their father was a committed women’s human rights activist. They believed my profession and passion for justice would safeguard my family from the harmful practices that are so deeply entrenched in our culture. In many ways, this assumption was justified: I ensured that Dheeman and Aragsan had access to education and were raised with the same opportunities as boys. This was not difficult for me to enforce, as my own father was also a staunch believer in equal education for both his male and female children. This mindset was, in fact, a family tradition—one that I took great pride in continuing.
However, there was one area where I failed to protect my daughters, and that failure weighs heavily on my heart. Despite my dedication to human rights and my staunch opposition to female genital mutilation (FGM), I was unable to prevent my daughters from undergoing this harmful practice. FGM, in all its forms, is a violation of human rights, and I was certain that my personal and professional stance against it would be enough to protect Dheeman and Aragsan from this atrocity. However, the power of culture and tradition proved to be stronger than my convictions.
The conflict escalated when my wife and my mother began discussing subjecting our daughters to what is referred to as “Sunna. I was adamantly opposed. I made it clear that I did not want my daughters to undergo any form of cutting. I believed that, as a father, husband, and son, I could carry enough weight to convince my family that we could defy this dangerous tradition. Unfortunately, my mother—firmly rooted in cultural norms and deeply entrenched in the customs of our ancestors—did not agree. She questioned how I, as a man, could dare to intervene in what she saw as a “woman’s affair.” In her eyes, this was not my decision to make—it was a long-standing family tradition that she was determined to uphold.
In an attempt to mediate, I suggested that we let the girls grow up until they were 18 years old, allowing them the autonomy to decide for themselves whether they wanted to undergo the procedure. I also reminded my wife and mother that FGM was not a religious obligation, as many falsely believe. Yet, my wife found herself torn. On one hand, she was opposed to FGM, but on the other, she found it difficult to oppose my mother, especially given the persistent belief that the Sunna cut was linked to religious practice.
Despite my objections and my attempts to offer alternatives, I found myself at a disadvantage. Cultural expectations, coupled with the deep respect I held for my mother, prevented me from pushing my argument further. I did not want to disrespect her. I tried to convince my mother that times were changing, and that our daughters deserved the opportunity to grow up free from the harmful traditions that had scarred so many girls before them. But in the end, tradition triumphed over reason.
The most devastating part of this experience is that the cutting took place while I was out of the country. When I returned home, I was met with the shocking and heartbreaking news that my mother had taken matters into her own hands. The Sunna cut had been performed on my daughters without my knowledge, without my consent, and against everything I stood for. The realization that this violation had occurred in my own home, despite all my efforts to prevent it, was a profound shock.
The aftermath has been nothing short of heartbreaking. Dheeman and Aragsan now carry the physical and emotional scars of a practice that I have spent my entire career trying to eliminate. As their father, I feel an overwhelming sense of guilt. I ask myself repeatedly: Could I have done more? Could I have been more forceful in my opposition, and more persuasive in my arguments? Did my absence during this crucial time create the space for my family to make a decision that I would never have agreed to?
I hold deep respect for my mother, and I know that her intentions were not malicious. Like many in our culture, she believed that FGM was a necessary rite of passage, a tradition that prepares girls for womanhood. But as a human rights advocate, I know that FGM is a harmful practice that causes needless pain and suffering and violates the fundamental rights of girls and women. My daughters’ experience has opened my eyes to just how deeply ingrained these cultural norms are. Even within my own family, where I thought my advocacy would hold sway, tradition proved too strong to overcome.
What this experience has taught me is that the battle against FGM is not only fought in public arenas—through advocacy, policy changes, and legal reform—but also within our own homes and families. Cultural traditions run deep, and change is often met with resistance. But this is where we must begin. If we are to eradicate FGM, we must challenge the beliefs and practices within our own communities, even when that means standing up to the people we love most.
In Somali culture, decision-making around practices like FGM is often viewed as a matter for women, excluding men, even fathers, from the conversation. This deeply ingrained belief that men should not interfere in “women’s affairs” presents a major obstacle to eradicating FGM. In many cases, this cultural taboo reinforces the idea that issues related to girls’ bodies and rites of passage, including FGM, are strictly within the domain of female family members, especially mothers and grandmothers.
This creates a paradox where fathers, who are protectors and providers for their children, are sidelined when it comes to decisions about their daughters’ bodies. Even when men are educated on the dangers of FGM and oppose it, their voices are often drowned out by the collective pressure of tradition, which places the decision squarely in the hands of female relatives. In the case of Dheeman and Aragsan, despite my clear opposition as their father, my mother upheld the practice, believing it was her cultural responsibility to ensure that her granddaughters underwent the Sunna cut.
This belief is particularly dangerous because it silences those men who might otherwise advocate for their daughters’ well-being. Even when men, like the me, take a stand against FGM, they are often seen as overstepping their boundaries, questioning the wisdom and authority of the women in their family. In Somali society, respect for one’s elders is paramount, and going against the decisions of a mother or grandmother can be perceived as a serious offense, further complicating the efforts of men who want to protect their daughters from FGM.
This intersection of cultural, religious, and gendered expectations creates a deep-rooted system that is resistant to change. Women, particularly older generations, become gatekeepers of harmful practices like FGM, while men are discouraged from intervening. Even in families where there is clear opposition to the practice, like me, the combination of cultural pressure, religious misconceptions, and the taboo of male interference makes it difficult to protect girls from undergoing FGM.
To challenge these justifications, both cultural norms and religious misconceptions need to be addressed simultaneously. Religious leaders who speak out against FGM and clarify that it is not an Islamic requirement play a crucial role in debunking myths surrounding the practice. Additionally, challenging the cultural belief that FGM is solely a “woman’s affair” can help fathers and other male family members play a more active role in protecting their daughters. This shift requires community-wide education and dialogue that encourages men and women to jointly oppose harmful practices that violate the rights and dignity of girls.
FGM is a harmful practice with no basis in Islam, yet it continues to be justified under the guise of religious and cultural traditions. The exclusion of men from decision-making on their daughters’ bodies further complicates efforts to eradicate FGM, as it reinforces the power of women who uphold this practice. To protect girls like Dheeman and Aragsan, a collective approach that includes both men and women, as well as religious leaders and human rights advocates, is essential in challenging these beliefs and practices. This experience has reminded me just how personal this struggle is, and how much work still lies ahead.
Islamic Perspective on FGM
Islamic scholars across the Muslim world have consistently argued that FGM has no basis in Islamic doctrine. Neither the Quran nor the Hadith—the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad—prescribe any form of genital cutting for women. In fact, Islam emphasizes the protection of bodily integrity, dignity, and health, all of which FGM directly violates.
Key Islamic scholars, such as those in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and other Muslim-majority countries, have clarified that FGM is a cultural tradition, not a religious obligation. For instance, in Saudi Arabia, a country known for its adherence to Islamic teachings, FGM is not practiced or sanctioned by religious authorities[3]. The absence of FGM in Saudi Arabia provides a compelling case that Islam does not mandate the practice.
Prominent scholars from Egypt’s Al-Azhar University, one of the most prestigious Islamic institutions, have also issued fatwas against FGM[4]. In 2007, Egypt criminalized FGM, a significant step in dismantling the cultural association of FGM with Islam. These examples show how countries with a deep commitment to Islamic values have publicly rejected FGM, providing clear religious guidance to their populations.
In Somali communities, the belief that FGM is part of Islamic practice, particularly the Sunna cut is widespread. The term “Sunna” itself refers to the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad, which reinforces the misconception that this form of FGM is a religious requirement. However, as shown in countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt, FGM is not aligned with Islamic teachings.
The persistence of FGM in Somali communities stems from a blend of cultural and religious confusion. In rural areas with limited access to religious education, local leaders often propagate FGM as a moral and religious obligation, confusing pre-Islamic cultural practices with Islamic beliefs. This is where Somalis could benefit from the approach taken by other Muslim-majority countries that have separated religious practices from harmful cultural traditions.
Somalis can learn from the religious clarity provided by scholars in countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Public education campaigns led by religious authorities in these countries have helped to dispel the myth that FGM is an Islamic obligation. Involving religious scholars in discussions about FGM, Somali communities can begin to differentiate between religious practice and harmful cultural traditions.
Religious leaders could take similar steps by issuing clear and unequivocal statements denouncing FGM, emphasizing that it is not supported by Islamic teachings. Community engagement through mosques and religious gatherings could serve as powerful platforms to educate families and dismantle the belief that FGM is necessary for religious or moral reasons.
Beyond religious clarification, Somalis must also challenge the cultural perception that decisions about FGM are solely within the domain of women, excluding fathers and male family members from the conversation. The example of countries like Egypt shows that national legislation, backed by religious support, can play a critical role in changing societal attitudes. Fathers and male family members need to be empowered to protect their daughters from this harmful practice.
FGM is a human rights issue, not a religious mandate. Somalia’s path to eradicating FGM lies in aligning with the Islamic values of bodily integrity and dignity, as demonstrated by countries like Saudi Arabia, while challenging the cultural norms that perpetuate this harmful practice
Yousef Timacade is a lawyer, legal analyst, and commentator with over a decade of experience in program management, research, and human rights advocacy. He holds master’s degrees in both law and executive management, which have equipped him with a unique blend of legal expertise and leadership acumen. Throughout his career, he has worked with numerous national and international non-governmental organizations, driving impactful initiatives in the areas of human rights, policy development, and social justice. Currently, Yousef serves as the Country Coordinator for Somalia and Somaliland at SIHA Network, where he leads efforts to advance women’s rights and advocate for marginalized communities.
Egypt’s intervention in Somalia is posing unprecedented threat to regional stability in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopian Public Diplomacy Institute (EPDI) in Sweden President Yassin Ahmed warned.
The president told ENA that Egypt was unable to contribute to peace keeping peace in its neighboring countries like Sudan and Libya; and could not even protect its borders from threats.
Egypt’s inexperience, rather history of failed peacekeeping missions, render its efforts in Somalia futile, he recalled.
Yasin cited the absence of Egypt from the African continent for more than three or four decades and its utter failure to keep peace in its neighboring countries.
The main reason behind Egypt’s intervention in Somalia is its claim with regard to Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam (GERD) and a vain attempt to create pressure on Ethiopia, he added.
With regard to peace keeping, Ethiopia has on the other hand demonstrated its long-standing commitment and experience in regional and global peacekeeping, according to Yasin.
He said Ethiopia’s role is widely recognized and respected by the international community, including the United Nations and the African Union.
“Ethiopia, as a pivotal country and as an emerging country and a rising regional power, enjoys international and regional respect for its role in maintaining peace and regional and international security.”
Instead of pursuing divisive policies, the president called on Egypt to cooperate with Ethiopia in promoting regional security.
“It would be more appropriate for Egypt to cooperate with Ethiopia in preserving regional security,” he noted.
Moreover, Yassin expressed concern about Egypt’s supply of weapons to Somalia, arguing that it could exacerbate existing security challenges and undermine ongoing efforts to stabilize Somalia.
“Sending weapons to Somalia, which is witnessing internal security challenges, can contribute to undermining security within Somalia; because if these weapons are acquired by some terrorist groups they could pose serious challenge to the region.”
Yasin recalled that Ethiopia has been working in partnership with consecutive Somali governments and the international community to maintain peace and security in Somalia.
Furthermore, he underscored the importance of regional security cooperation among the countries of the Horn of Africa in order to deter external involvement and maintain stability in the region.
“It is necessary to think and create regional security cooperation for the countries of the Horn of Africa and/or East Africa. These countries have common security challenges. So, regional security cooperation is the solution to any external interventions.”
He noted that the countries in the region can better resist external interference and promote stability by strengthening economic ties and addressing common security challenges.
For the president, Ethiopia is also crucial for maintaining the security of the Red Sea as it is the largest country in the region and possesses the necessary capabilities to contribute to its protection.
“Peace, security and stability come through strengthening common economic interests. The economy is what creates peace, and creates economic cooperation. All of these countries, especially those on the Red Sea, cannot dispense with Ethiopia’s role in preserving and protecting regional security, even protecting the Red Sea.”
He observed that Ethiopia’s potential sea access through the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland could significantly enhance regional security in the region and the Red Sea.
“The MoU between Ethiopia and Somaliland comes within the framework of creating a new reality. Research indicates that if Ethiopia obtains a sea outlet through the MoU, after it is developed into an agreement between the parties, then Ethiopia will have the natural role of protecting the security of the Red Sea.”
As a coastal state, Ethiopia would be able to play a pivotal role in protecting the region’s security and promoting economic interests, Yasin underlined, adding that this aligns with the international law which grants landlocked countries access to the sea,
To ensure lasting peace and security, the president noted that military and security cooperation should be fostered through strengthened economic ties.
Somaliland is a de facto sovereign state that is not recognized by the international community. Somaliland President Muse Bihi has established a foreign policy strategy based on the development of Hargeisa’s relations with Taipei, meeting Taiwan’s willingness to become strong allies in a “complicated environment.”
Bihi’s stance became crystal clear in 2020, when he rejected an offer from then-Chinese ambassador to Somalia Qin Jian (覃儉) to establish a Chinese liaison office in Somaliland on the condition it halted its diplomatic relationship with Taiwan. He stressed the need to strengthen bilateral ties with Taipei instead of becoming part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which aimed to develop infrastructure in return for a country’s unfavorable stance regarding Taiwan’s sovereignty and efforts to have a primary role in the international arena.
This position was followed-up by the establishment of the “Republic of Somaliland Representative Office in Taiwan,” the largest diplomatic mission of Hargeisa in East Asia. Its name speaks volumes of the two nations’ intention to use “official” and “formal” terms avoided by countries that are worried about possible retaliation from China.
“Both sides are motivated by a spirit of mutual assistance that will never expose any harm whatsoever to the interests of other countries, but rather contributes to international peace and regional economic activities,” Bihi has said.
Since then, the relationship between Hargeisa and Taipei has improved and the two are discussin several areas of common interest. It signals the parties’ willingness to engage in economic, commercial, diplomatic and political matters.
One important sector of common interest is fisheries and coastal zones. Somaliland Minister of Fisheries and Coastal Development Rabi Mohamed in February visited Taiwan to strengthen links on marine and ocean issues. In particular, they are to explore the potential for support, knowledge sharing and collaborative initiatives aimed at maximizing the socioeconomic benefits of marine resources while maintaining long-term viability.
Another strategic area is energy, given Taiwan’s desire to become increasingly independent from China and Somaliland’s compromise in terms of oil exploitation. The first meeting, which took place last year, laid the foundations for cooperation in exploration, exploitation, training and technical expertise, as Somaliland identifies Taiwan as “a partner to cooperate with in oil development.” Somaliland Minister of Energy and Minerals Abdi Abdillahi Farar this year also visited Taiwan to boost cooperation and discuss potential Taiwanese investments in the field.
Taiwan is increasingly contributing to Somaliland’s efforts in protecting and fostering a “safe and democratic environment.” For example, Taiwan donated about US$2 million to Somaliland in support of its presidential and political party elections next month. There is also a line of continuity, considering the financial support Taiwan provided in the previous parliamentary and civic elections in 2021.
The relationship between the two nations continues to show a high level of mutual trust and readiness for further development to secure a future that safeguards the countries’ established democratic institutional structure and strengthens its foundations.
Taiwan’s role could be extremely beneficial to achieving this purpose, given its efforts toward reaching high standards of democracy and rule of law. Somaliland, which is ranked as the only “partly free” state in the Horn of Africa on Freedom House’s “political rights and civil liberty rankings,” wants to follow in the footsteps of its Asian ally. That proves how Taiwan can help in economic and political issues.
Michele Maresca is an analyst at the online international law journal Il Caffe Geopolitico.
Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki (R) has been holding talks with his Egyptian counterpart Abdul Fattah al-Sisi (C) and Somalia’s Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (L) in Asmara. Eritrean Information Ministry
Thursday October 10, 2024
By Teklemariam Bekit
The leaders of Egypt, Somalia and Eritrea – countries which all have strained relations with Ethiopia – have been meeting in the Eritrean capital, Asmara.
An Eritrean statement wrapping up the summit made reference to “respect for the sovereignty… and territorial integrity of the countries in the region”.
This could be taken as a pointed reference to landlocked Ethiopia’s ambitions for access to a sea port, but the country was not specifically mentioned.
A recent diplomatic disagreement has pushed Somalia into closer ties with Egypt and Eritrea, both of which have long-standing disputes with Ethiopia.
There have been fears that the growing tension could spill over into some sort of conflict.
“This is an axis against [Ethiopian capital] Addis Ababa,” Hassan Khannenje, director of the Horn International Institute for Strategic Studies, told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme.
“I think it’s an attempt to bring the hate together in trying to increase pressure against Addis Ababa.”
A photograph released by Eritrea in the wake of the meeting shows President Isaias Afwerki clasping hands with his counterparts from Egypt, Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, and Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
Why Ethiopia is so alarmed by an Egypt-Somalia alliance
A statement said the three men had “agreed to… enhance the Somali state institutions to confront various internal and external challenges and to enable the Somali National Federal Army to confront terrorism in all is forms”.
This was Sisi’s first visit to Asmara, while the Somali president had already been three times this year.
Ethiopia has for years been a staunch backer of the government in Mogadishu in its fight against al-Qaeda-linked militant group al-Shabab.
But Somalia is furious that Ethiopia signed a preliminary deal at the beginning of this year with the self-declared republic of Somaliland to lease a section of its coastline. Somalia sees Somaliland as part of its territory.
Meanwhile, Addis Ababa and Cairo have been at loggerheads for more than a decade over Ethiopia’s construction of a vast hydroelectric dam on the River Nile. Egypt sees this as a possible threat to the volume of water flowing down the river, which it relies on.
Last month, an Egyptian ship delivered a significant consignment of military equipment to Somalia. This came after two Egyptian military planes landed in the Somalia capital with arms and ammunition in August.
In 2018, it was hoped that the fractions relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which followed the bloody border war two decades earlier, were over.
It was then that Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed a “declaration of peace and friendship” with Eritrea.
The agreement won him the Nobel Peace Prize the following year.
But ties between the Horn of Africa neighbours again deteriorated following the end of the two-year civil war in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, which borders Eritrea.
Asmara had been an ally of the Ethiopian government in that conflict but has been lukewarm about the accord that ended the fighting in November 2022.
Relations were further aggravated by Abiy’s pronouncement last year that his country wanted to secure access to a port on the Red Sea.
The Chief Commander of the National Police Force Major General Mohamed Aden Saqai Dabagale has said that the Somaliland police force stands for justice and equality to serve the community.
He gave the expression as he presided over the graduation of traffic law enforcements officers and the induction of a further new fifth batch in a bid of upping the proficiency skills of the officers in the sector.
The training was in the form of Technology Science; he also opened a training for new members who will be taught the rules of road safety.
Commander Dabagale said, “I congratulate the police forces that graduated from this training, and those before them.”
He noted that people who are educated and skilled were better than those who are not hence would be able to go about their jobs more professionally.
He urged the traffic law enforcement policemen to be as diligent as their chores demand and to be just in the dispensation of their duties as per regulations.
He noted that the police stations and the roads are where the forces constantly interact with the populace hence they ought to build public rapport appropriately.
The police chief pointed out that poor driving skills, un-serviced vehicles and bad road conditions are the three major culprits that are agents of causative accidents.
He directed the officers to play by the book and uphold equality as they go about their duties hence see to it that the rules and regulations are adhered to by vehicles plying the roads, “such that unnecessary accidents may be put in check”.
The mayors of Boorama, Hargeisa, Berbera, Gabilay, Zeyla, Salahlay, Balligubadle, Baki and Lug-haya held a meeting to discuss issues pertaining to natural disasters and ways of combating them.
The two day meeting is being held in Borame, Awdal region.
The conference is an annual one usually organized by the local government authorities association, HAL-KASAL in association with the help of the international organization VNG as a partner which also ponders on the issues of local government development in the country.
The mayor of Boorama, and the governor of Awdal region, expounded in their speeches the importance of the meeting as they welcomed the mayors to the town.
“It is a great joy for us as a region that today the disaster management conference is held in the capital of Awdal region. I very much welcome you to discuss issues related to natural disasters”, said the mayor.
The director of Hal-Kasal Khalid Abdirahman explained the purpose of the meeting and said, “We have held a disaster management meeting for the project that we are in charge of Dan-Hadaag, which works in five districts, and we are supported by the VNG Organization and the local government association of Holland, whose representative is here with us, we will continue this meeting for two days”.
The representative of the VNG organization, on his part said, “Disasters are something that always exists and need to be managed, raise awareness in the community and inform the districts where we have worked. I hope that a lot has changed with the impact of these efforts. We are always ready to work closely with the districts of the country”.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi, cut the ribbon on a new rig purchased by Hargeisa Water Agency (HWA).
The ceremony of the event was held at the headquarters of the Hargeisa Water Agency which was also attended by some members of the cabinet, parliamentarians, management of the water agency, businessmen, traditional leaders and other guests.
The manager of the water agency in Hargeisa Mr. Mohamed Ali Darood, explained that the new rig that the agency bought has enabled it to do away with the ones that they used to rent or lease from the private sectors.
He said that this rig is capable of drilling a well of up to 600 meters depth costing $500,000.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland, Mr. Muse Bihi Abdi, praised the roles and duties of the private sector in the country whose corporations and companies services in the community has been without doubt outstanding.
The Head of State was addressing an event at the Hargeisa Water Agency in which the water resource suppliers managed to acquire a mounted drill rig truck that casted a half a million USD.
He said the operations and implementations of their plans have been quite exemplary.
“As for implementation of their programmes, general performances of their duties, urgency or swiftness in dispensations, and overall accountability development and associated progress the world over has been based on the fledgling of the private sector especially in the last seven decades”, said the President.
He said such gigantic steps taken towards the direction has been enabled by subsidizing and workers reaping remunerated dividends on top of their normal salaries hence their morale get boosted.
This, he said, is what has propelled the progress markedly witnessed and seen in China and other major nations as the US.
Their people are mobilized towards a cause and subsidized, he said.
He pointed out that they elect people of integrity to run such boards overseeing them in such a manner that achievements are realized with ample dividends through impeccable monitoring and oversight mechanisms.
On the same note the Head of State noted that most nations globally has not been able to fully fund or avail basic needs and amenities for their subjects hence disappointing them.
He however hailed the local private sector for the monumental achievements that they have done in a short period as the country was being reconstructed.
He pointed out that with the absence of a tangible banking system, and total lack of the insurance industry, the local entrepreneurs have been able to establish formidable international standard corporations with some of them being world leaders especially in the cyber world.
The Speaker of the Somaliland Senate, the GUURTI, Hon. Suleiman Mohamud Adan, has urged the nation to strengthen the country’s safety and security as the nation is about to go to polls in early November.
The Speaker also announced the GUURTI will take recess for a couple of months and reopen on the 21st of December.
He said, “The country is entering the election process, and I urge the honorable members work towards the safeguarding and maintaining of the national peaceful stability and solidarity”.
On the other hand, Speaker Suleiman asked the chairpersons of the sub-committees of the council to submit the reports in their hands, and hand them over to the general secretary of the council Abdinasir Adan Beegsi.
