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Ethiopia’s Red Sea Access and Somaliland’s Role: A New Chapter in Horn of Africa Diplomacy

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The Advocate Post: In a significant statement before parliament, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed underscored Ethiopia’s “unwavering interest” in securing access to the Red Sea through peaceful means. “We do not seek it through war or force. Ethiopia deserves access to the Red Sea by any law, by any country’s experience,” Abiy said, marking the first time he has publicly discussed recognition in relation to Somaliland.

Key Points from PM Abiy Ahmed

Peaceful Pursuit: Ethiopia seeks Red Sea access without conflict.
Legacy for Generations: PM Abiy remarked, “If we don’t achieve it, our children will,” underscoring the generational ambition.
Somaliland MoU: Earlier this year, Ethiopia and Somaliland signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for sea access in exchange for recognizing Somaliland. Initially proposed as a 99-year lease, it was later adjusted to a 50-year term, which Abiy defended as a non-aggressive, legitimate agreement.

Somaliland’s Strategic Importance and the Berbera Port

With Somaliland offering the Berbera Port, already receiving significant investment from UAE’s DP World, the region has strategic potential. The MoU reportedly proposes leasing a 20-kilometer coastal area to Ethiopia for use as a maritime base rather than a commercial port, with Somaliland’s condition being formal recognition from Ethiopia and increased Ethiopian use of Berbera. Additionally, Somaliland seeks revenue benefits, including potentially securing a percentage of Ethiopian Airlines’ annual revenue.

However, some ambiguity remains in Ethiopia’s references to the term “sea access.” While Ethiopian officials frequently mention sea access to the Red Sea, they rarely specify “maritime base,” suggesting a broader intention that might include both a military base and commercial port. This raises key questions: Does Ethiopia aim to manage both a base and port? Will Somaliland consent to such a proposal, or would it counter the agreed terms?

Following the MoU’s signing, Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi clarified that the agreement specifies a maritime base, not a port. He underscored that the partnership is intended to benefit both nations, with Somaliland expecting Ethiopia to make greater use of Berbera Port under the arrangement.

Regional Tensions and Diplomatic Impact

The diplomatic landscape has grown tense, particularly between Ethiopia and Somalia, following Ethiopia’s MoU with Somaliland, which Somalia considers a part of its territory. In response, Somalia expelled Ethiopia’s ambassador, recalled its own from Ethiopia, and excluded Ethiopia from future AU-led peacekeeping forces planned to replace the African Union Mission in Somalia (ATMIS). In a move to strengthen its security posture, Somalia also signed a military cooperation agreement with Egypt, bolstering alliances with Egypt and Eritrea in a summit held in Asmara.

International Perspectives on Horn of Africa Tensions

The United Kingdom and other international actors have expressed concern about the Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU’s potential implications. The UK reaffirmed support for Somalia’s sovereignty while encouraging diplomacy and dialogue between Somalia and Ethiopia. Turkey has stepped in as a mediator, with the UK supporting these efforts to defuse tensions and promote diplomatic solutions. Since 2019, the UK has committed over £1 billion in humanitarian aid to East Africa, addressing the impacts of drought, flooding, and conflicts in the region.

Somaliland’s Role in Regional Stability

As tensions simmer in the Horn of Africa, Somaliland finds itself in a uniquely influential position. By potentially facilitating Ethiopia’s access to the Red Sea, Somaliland could solidify its own economic and political stature, positioning itself as a vital player in regional geopolitics. This deal holds the potential to bolster Somaliland’s bid for international recognition, with Ethiopia’s backing representing a significant milestone.

Ongoing Conflict in Sudan

In addition to the Ethiopia-Somalia tensions, the crisis in Sudan remains a pressing concern. The humanitarian needs have surged, with more than 24 million people requiring aid. The UK has committed £113.5 million to assist Sudan and continues to advocate for a permanent ceasefire and greater international cooperation.

Ethiopia’s pursuit of Red Sea access through Somaliland, alongside regional diplomatic shifts, underscores the Horn of Africa’s complex political landscape. As Somaliland’s role emerges at the center of these developments, questions about the specifics of Ethiopia’s “sea access” ambitions highlight the need for clarity and careful diplomacy. Somaliland’s strategic partnership with Ethiopia holds the potential to redefine regional relations, enhance stability, and foster economic growth—if implemented with mutual respect and transparency. This unfolding chapter calls for strategic engagement and the careful balancing of regional interests to navigate an uncertain but potentially transformative path forward.

Ethiopia-Somaliland Agreement on Naval Base Sparks Regional Debate Amid Strategic Investments

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Staff
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In a move sparking regional conversations, Ethiopia recently announced plans to establish a naval base in Somaliland, creating ripples across East Africa and beyond. While the agreement has garnered mixed reactions from neighboring countries, most African nations appear to view it as a justifiable arrangement, considering Somaliland’s longstanding autonomy. Somaliland, a former British protectorate with demarcated colonial borders, has maintained self-governance since the union with Somalia failed 34 years ago. This history of self-rule, combined with Ethiopia’s status as Africa’s second-most populous country, has played a significant role in shaping regional reactions.

Countries like Egypt and Djibouti have expressed concerns, fearing that Ethiopia’s increased military presence in Somaliland might affect their own strategic interests. However, many African nations have chosen a neutral stance, respecting Somaliland’s right to self-determination and acknowledging its unique historical and political context. They recognize that Ethiopia’s access to the coast through Somaliland could contribute to regional stability and economic development.

UAE’s Strategic Role in Berbera Port and Ethiopia’s Demand

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has also entered the scene with its substantial investments in Berbera Port. Over the years, the UAE has modernized this vital port, transforming it into a hub for East African trade. Berbera provides a critical access point to landlocked Ethiopia, and the UAE sees this partnership as beneficial for expanding its commercial reach across the continent.

As Ethiopia’s primary gateway to the coast, Berbera is essential for Ethiopia’s import and export needs, positioning it as the UAE’s main market in the Horn of Africa. However, the recent naval base development could pose a strategic dilemma. Ethiopia has made it clear that it envisions both a naval base and greater access to Berbera Port, raising questions about the UAE’s stance. For the UAE, a balance between supporting Ethiopian interests and maintaining Somaliland’s sovereignty is crucial, as both factors impact its long-term economic plans.

Should Ethiopia push to expand its presence at Berbera beyond a naval base, the UAE would need to weigh its regional partnerships carefully. An expanded Ethiopian role might boost trade but could also complicate the UAE’s position if it appears to favor one nation’s ambitions over the autonomy of Somaliland.

Somaliland’s Foreign Policy Gains Momentum

In recent years, Somaliland’s foreign policy has achieved notable advancements, strengthening its diplomatic relationships while securing foreign investments that support its goals of self-reliance and stability. The region has demonstrated adeptness in navigating complex international dynamics, garnering respect from African nations and international partners alike.

As the situation evolves, Somaliland’s leadership must balance Ethiopia’s interests, UAE investments, and its aspirations for international recognition. The outcome could reshape the strategic landscape of East Africa, influencing trade, diplomacy, and military alliances in the years to come.

 

Waddani Leader Condemns Qorilugud Attacks, calls for peace and Dialogue to end the Fighting i

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Staff
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By Jama Ayaanle Feyte

Hon. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan, the chairman of Somaliland National party ” Waddani” on Friday night visited the Buraic General Hospital to console those injured in the Qorilugud area, Togdheer region.

While speaking at the Hospital said, It is clear that this war is a planned one, aimed at weakening the Sovereignty of Somaliland, and to damage the democratic process and the ongoing campaign.

He sent his condolences to all those who died in the skirmishes, wished the injured a speedy recovery, and called for peace and to end everything through dialogue.

The Waddani Leader paid the bills and the transportion for the injured to be taken to Hargeisa for Specialized treatment.

He appealed to the members of the intellectuals, traditional leaders and the clergy not to assume volatile situations going on will end but should indulge themselves in the ways and means of curtailing the chaos.

Hon. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan statement comes at a time when the two Communities clashed on Friday resulting in deaths and injuries.

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Fears grow over political violence and fragmentation of Somalia’s federal state

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Staff
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Every four years, due to election impasse, the Somali People have to deal with the specter of political violence and civil strife instead of celebrating the results of peaceful, free, and fair election affirming the legitimacy of the authority of the federal Government. The last one-year election (2021-2022) jeopardized the viability of the Somali State. Nevertheless, the general public felt relief when new parliamentarians took the oath to sacrifice their personal interests and serve the interests of the Somali people with honesty, integrity, and impartiality, an oath betrayed.

However, in less than a year after election ended, Somalis started feeling anger and shame for being represented by self-serving, abusive, arrogant, and incompetent parliamentarians and the leaders they elected. The problem is all leaders and public officials disregard the tenets of democratic system of governance based on the respect of the rule of law, of citizens’ human rights and freedoms, including citizens’ participation in the decision-making processes of all matters of public concern and interests.

The 2012 political dispensation ended the fragmented Somalia into Somaliland, Puntland, and South-Central territories and established the Federal Government of Somalia as the sole legitimate representative of the entire people and country of the Federal Republic of Somalia born on July 1, 1960. That historical dispensation has rekindled a strong hope for united, peaceful, stable, and prosperous Somalia governed by democratically elected leaders who faithfully adhere to the rule of law and not to the rule by law.

 

Unfortunately, after 12 years of massive international support and the Somali people’s best efforts and pray for successful leaders, the people’s optimism for harmony and significant progress evaporated and the fear for political violence and the dismemberment of the federal state has pervaded public conscience. Today, the Federal Government and FMS feast with the 70% of international budget support, the enforcement of Chapter VII, the international humanitarian and diplomatic support.

In consideration of the growing public discontent and complaints, the Imams of mosques started delivering during Friday prayers sermons concerning the responsibility of Somali leaders to serve the people with honesty, humility.  justice, and competence, and with the warning of harsh punishment assured to the hypocrites described in the Quran and the Hadith of Allah’s Messenger.  Allah said in Surah Al Baqarah (Verse 2:204):

 

“And of the people is he whose speech pleases you in worldly life, and he calls Allah to witness as to what is in his heart, yet he is the fiercest of opponents.”

 

Prophet Mohamed, the Messenger of Allah (PBABUH) described the hypocrite with three signs: “1. When he speaks, he lies; 2. when he promises, he breaks it; 3. when he is trusted, he betrays his trust.” It is said that “The hypocrites are always confused because they continue planning deceit and conspiracies. Outwardly they appear to be with the believers while inwardly they are with disbelievers.”

During president Farmajo’s term, former President Hassan distinguished himself as an opposition leader, advocating for democratic governance and respect of the rule of law and the views of the opposition and the people. He rightly criticized the mistakes and abuses of president Farmajo’s Administration with regard to the human rights violations, bullying and marginalizing the Federal Member States, unlawful term extension and unilateral administration of election. The criticisms and comments of president Hassan were harsh and unforgettable. Finally, former President Hassan has been reelected on May 15, 2022 and was sworn in to perform his constitutional duties with honesty and in the best interests of the Somali people and to be a true democrat.

In his reelection campaign, President Hassan was advised to avoid the problems that marred his first term like the mismanagement of government affairs, the allegations of endemic corruption, and the association with personalities accused of narcissism, sycophantism, incompetence, and being agents of foreign countries.  He was strongly recommended to follow through the pledges he made during his presidential reelection campaign, including the focus on the critical role and responsibilities of the president, the separation of powers between the legislative, executive, and independent judiciary, respect of the role and views of the opposition, respect of free media, the strengthening of accountability and transparency for the ultimate aim of establishing federal democratic state capable of fulfilling all state functions.

Inexplicably, immediately after he took his oath of office for the second term, unflattering news spread out that president Hassan, famous for his retail politics, ridicules public dialogue, ignores public policy processes, and displays anger, disdain, and dismissive attitudes, grievances and threats to all except few comrades, monopolization of power and defense of nepotism, and fervor for nerve-raking foreign trips.  Some regional Presidents complained the misuse of National Consultative Council (NCC) meetings for being transformed into Workshops for presentation of slides by officials of the president’s office on issues of national interests without prior public policy processes. That approach undermined the relevance of the NCC because its deliberations were generally rejected by the federal parliament.

President Hassan made his exclusive agenda the defeat of Al Shabab militarily, which received overwhelming support because it represented a key to ensure peace, security, and socio-economic development in Somalia. The first phase was to liberate Galmudug, Hirshabelle, and Benadir region, followed by the liberation of South West and Jubbaland States in second phase.

However, from the start, there were negative factors signaling the inevitable failure of the war against Al Shabab. First, well informed international actors argued that the lack of cohesion of the political elite and the dysfunction of the security forces were serious obstacles to defeat Al Shabab. For example, Professor Paul D. Williams noted that a Net Assessment analysis between the Somali National Army (SNA) and Al Shabab across seven factors resulted that Al Shabab has military advantage over SNA.

After almost two years, the cost the federal government suffered in terms of human and material in the first phase of the war against Al Shabab is extremely high and devastating and the areas liberated are yet to be reliably stabilized. Other factors that undermined the war are the lack of thorough planning, effective implementation, coordination, the wait-and-see role of federal member states, and the incredible infighting between the federal institutions involved in the war against Al Shabab. The level of disfunction of the federal government institutions is inconceivable.

The controversial process for completing the provisional constitution, the lack of honest political dialogue on 2026 federal election, the dispute between the federal government and Puntland and Jubbaland states, the SSC-Khatumo question, and the stay in office of the presidents of the federal Member States after their term expired, all are fueling political crisis that could transform into political violence and dismemberment of the federal state. President Hassan insists on going ahead with one-person-one-vote election in 2026, while the current condition of Somalia challenges the rationality and feasibility of holding One-person-one-vote election, which must eliminate 4.5 clan formula, adopt citizenship, equality, and strengthen unity, harmony, accessibility, freedom, fairness, and transparency among all citizens throughout Somalia. The process requires collective preparation and consensus.

The ill-timed departure of ATMIS forces, the disorganized Somali security forces, the economic and financial meagerness, the tensions with Ethiopia after violating Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and president Hassan’s decried playbook are compounding Somalia’s problems without insight solutions. Somalia needs help to avoid political violence and social suffering. High factionalized elite with foreign meddling and growing public discontent in highly fragile society are prone for unimaginable disaster.

 

 

Mohamud M. Uluso is the former Minister and Governor of the Central Bank of Somalia. He is currently a commentator on Somalia’s political and economic landscape.

Mohamuduluso@Gmail.com

Somaliland: NEC Hosts visiting UK Delegation

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Staff
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The National Electoral Commission (NEC) of the Republic of Somaliland welcomed a delegation led by Mr. Chris, the Director of Development at the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO), and Mr. Ilyas Malek, the Head of the UK Office in Somaliland. The delegation included several other officials.

Following a bilateral briefing, the NEC conducted a site visit to their operational warehouses. These warehouses are fully stocked with all the necessary materials for the upcoming elections in Somaliland.

The NEC expressed their gratitude to the UK government for their financial support towards the 2024 elections, highlighting the importance of this assistance in ensuring a smooth and transparent electoral process.

Somaliland: Chief Justice Receives the International Election Observers team leader Cole

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Staff
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By M.A. Egge

The Chief Justice Hon. Adam Haji Ali Ahmed received in his office Mr. Tim Cole, who is the team leader of the international elections observers, while accompanied by Mr. Paco Cobos, Mr. Bartek Lech, Conrad Heine and Sandi Gale.

The CJ thanked them for their visit to the Supreme Court and the role they would play in the elections.

Both parties discussed the electioneering processes of presidential and political parties going on whose climax would be the voting on the 13th November 2024; of note were the challenges overcome and the importance of conducting the elections in an efficient manner.

The CJ gave the delegation of observers an in-depth report on the history of the country’s elections and the different stages they have gone through since the first Local Assembly elections in 2002, the Presidential elections in 2003, the House of Representatives elections in 2005, the presidential election in 2010, the election of local councils and associations in 2012, the presidential election in 2017, the election of local councils and representatives in 2021 and the current election in 2024 of the presidency and the national parties; and their role every time in the Supreme Court in all the instances.

On the other hand, the chairman briefed the members of the delegation on the laws of the country and how to resolve complaints based on electoral issues.

Officials from the international observers said that they welcome the extensive report they received, saying that it would help them in their monitoring work.

They suggested that they continue their communications as eventual activities unfold to which the CJ said that his office was open and ready as necessitated.

Somaliland elections: what’s at stake for independence, stability and shifting power dynamics in the Horn of Africa

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Staff
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Somaliland is due to hold a presidential election on 13 November 2024.

The results of the election will be important for two main reasons. First, what the leadership outcome will mean for Somaliland’s democratic credentials. Second, it will have implications for Somaliland’s push for recognition as an independent state.

Thirty-three years ago, Somaliland declared its unilateral withdrawal from the Somali Union. It is an independent state in reality but unrecognised in law. Like other unrecognised states such as Taiwan, it doesn’t fly a flag at the United Nations in New York. It also suffers from a lack of access to global financing, and humanitarian and development aid, most of which must come via Mogadishu.

Somaliland’s determination to achieve recognition was evident in January 2024 when it signed an agreement with neighbouring Ethiopia. Under this deal, Ethiopia would get access to the sea via a 19km strip of coastline, possibly near the port of Berbera (though three sites have been identified), and Addis Ababa would recognise Somaliland’s statehood. The agreement, which has yet to be ratified, was met with a storm of protests, including from Somalia.

Not about breaking news. Not about unfounded opinions.

Somaliland is run by the ruling party, Kulmiye, which is led by Muse Bihi Abdi, Somaliland’s president since 2017. The party has been in power since 2010. The main opposition party is Waddani (also spelled Wadani), led by Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi (or Ciro/Irro).

I have carried out a decade of research and fieldwork in Somaliland. In my view, this election carries weight in terms of Somaliland’s democratic health, as well as its prospects for peace and stability – within its borders and in the region.

Somaliland’s democracy, like all democracies, relies on giving politicians and parties the chance to win elections. It is the voters who will decide who gets to run Somaliland next, and they face a clear choice between Kulmiye and Waddani.

Political landscape

Somaliland’s 2024 presidential election will be a test of its democratic institutions and a critical moment in its quest for independence.

Kulmiye can point to milestones on the road to Somaliland’s recognition. It was in power when Somaliland and Taiwan (Republic of China) recognised one another and swapped diplomats.

The party can also claim success for a strategy to get support from western states for Somaliland’s formal recognition. This includes the staffing and funding of Somaliland’s overseas missions in London, Washington DC and Dubai, among others. These act as non-accredited embassies for the country.

Their work resulted in a non-official visit to Washington, DC by Bihi in 2022. The same year, a UK parliamentary delegation visited Hargeisa.

Somaliland and Ethiopia also reached their agreement in January 2024. This is the closest Somaliland has come to gaining official recognition from another state.

Like the ruling party, the opposition party Waddani fully supports the agreement with Ethiopia. It sees recognition from Somaliland’s huge neighbour – which also happens to host the headquarters of the African Union – as a first step to gaining official recognition.

However, based on my recent interviews with a Waddani official, the party is likely to adopt a broader approach if it wins the upcoming election. Instead of focusing solely on western states like the US and the UK, Waddani plans to approach African and global south states, such as Senegal and Kenya, for support.

This potential shift reflects an understanding that both regional and global dynamics are changing.

Waddani’s broader diplomatic strategy is reinforced by its recent coalition with KAAH (the Somali acronym for Alliance for Equity and Development). KAAH is a young political association rather than a formal political party. Somaliland has a constitutional limit of three official parties.

KAAH was formed, in part, by experienced politicians. In building a coalition, Waddani and KAAH hope to displace Somaliland’s current third party, the Justice and Welfare Party.

KAAH’s support is partially based in Somaliland’s eastern region, which has experienced violent upheavals in recent years. This coalition promises to better incorporate the eastern regions and clans into the government should Waddani win.

Regardless of the outcome of the election, one issue unites Somaliland’s political parties: the push for independence.

Regional implications

A peaceful election would reinforce Somaliland’s claim as a stable, democratic entity.

Mogadishu should not expect any winds of change to blow from Hargeisa if Waddani wins. Three generations and counting have been raised in a de-facto independent Somaliland and they remember the violent dissolution from the Somali Union. This included the bombing of Hargeisa, the destruction of Berbera port and the displacement of thousands of people. Somalilanders largely support independence.

Neither Waddani nor Kulmiye will be wishy-washy on this issue. And there will be forward movement on the Ethiopia-Somaliland agreement. This is likely to lead to increased tensions in the Horn region. As it is, Ethiopia and Somaliland are disturbed by the prospect of a resurgent Somalia supported by Egypt with arms and troops.

There won’t be a shooting war – Mogadishu still has far too many problems with al-Shabaab, clan infighting and a lack of resources and training. But history shows that states take extreme measures if they feel existentially threatened.

Mogadishu’s stance is to retake Somaliland at all costs. And it has much of the world’s tacit support for its “one Somalia” policy. That makes Somaliland a textbook case of an existentially threatened state.

Risks that lie ahead

There are some risks of instability regardless of who wins the election.

The Isaaq clan controls much of the political and economic landscape. This may intensify tensions, especially if minority clans feel sidelined. Waddani’s promise of inclusivity may appeal to marginalised groups, but clan-based grievances have grown over the past decade.

There’s also the risk of unrest among Isaaq loyalists if power shifts too much. And allegations of electoral fraud or voter suppression could fuel protests.

After 2022’s violent postponement due to election disputes, maintaining peace will require transparency, clan reconciliation and careful oversight to prevent renewed conflict.

Despite these risks, Somaliland is again (better late than never) going to the polls. Regardless of who wins, this is good news for Somaliland and its ongoing push for independence recognition.

Somaliland: Electoral Ethics Committee Continue its Disciplinary Measures

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Staff
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The Ethics, Arbitration and Supervision Committee of the Electoral Commission continue their disciplinary measures as it has once again meted its punishment for erring political parties, public and party officials who have been flouting the laid down regulations and indulging in acts contrary to the code of conduct for organizations and parties as per cue.

The latest hammer comes down on the Presidency Director General Mr. Mohamed Abdi Bile who have been found guilty of blocking other political parties and organizations from accessing the public City Square and ironically allowed only the ruling party KULMIYE to conduct its campaigns.

This goes against the Presidential Decree that directed the state to avail all public gathering spots such as the arenas, gardens, squares etc to be available for the competing parties in the elections.

The committee thus fined the DG 20m SL/Shs for the misdemeanour on Tuesday.

They also fourthwith suspended the ruling KULMIYE party and the main opposition one, WADDANI, from conducting campaigns during the nights.

This comes after the Sunday ruling by the committee that KULMIYE, WADDANI and KAAH were fined 100m, 50m and 50m respectively for various reasons.

So, too, were the Minister of Youth and Sports Abdirisaaq Farah Muse, Sec General of Kulmiye Party Faisal Abdirahman Madar, Chairman Kulmiye party campaign committee in Maaroodi Jeeh region Mustafe Kodah and Mohamed Abib Ismaan Siikawi who is a member of the Hargeisa local council.

While 10m SL/Shs was imposed on the minister, the rest of the KULMIYE officials were fined 5m SL/Shs each.

The Disciplinary Committee at the same warned once again that political parties and organizations should desist from holding campaigns in El-Afweyn; following a decision they had reached on earlier in the campaigns as they totally suspended political activities in the area in the initial ruling.

PM Abiy affirms Ethiopia’s ‘unwavering interest’ in Red Sea access, pledges peaceful pursuit

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Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, in his parliamentary address today, asserted that Ethiopia has an “unwavering interest” in gaining access to the Red Sea and aims to pursue this objective through “peaceful means.”

PM Abiy told legislators on Thursday, “We do not seek it through war or force,” and stated that Ethiopia deserves access to the Red Sea “by any law, by any country’s experience.”

“Ethiopia has an unwavering national interest. The world should hear that Ethiopia needs access to the Red Sea through peaceful means,” the PM said.

He emphasized that Ethiopia would not be “shy” about pursuing this goal, adding, “If we don’t achieve it, our children will,” describing the ambition as “true and logical.”

The Prime Minister also addressed the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) Ethiopia signed with Somaliland earlier this year, which aims to grant Ethiopia sea access in exchange for recognizing Somaliland. He noted that attempts were made to portray the agreement as though “Ethiopia entered an agreement with Somaliland to take a region of Somalia.”

Abiy explained that Ethiopia initially proposed a 99-year lease with Somaliland but later agreed to a 50-year term, following Somaliland’s preference. “How can a 50-year lease be stealing land?” he questioned. “Some even suggested hundreds of years, viewing it as a long-term investment, but we agreed to 50 years.”

Referring to Ethiopia’s close ties with Somalia, Abiy stated, “Ethiopia has the second-largest Somali population after Somalia. They are our brothers, and we have no agenda against Somalia.”

The diplomatic relationship between Ethiopia and Somalia has deteriorated following Ethiopia’s recent MoU with Somaliland, an area Somalia considers part of its territory.

Somalia criticized the MoU, stating it “violates its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” and responded by expelling Ethiopia’s ambassador from Somalia, recalling its ambassador from Ethiopia, and announcing Ethiopia’s exclusion from the AU-led forces set to replace the African Union Mission in Somalia (ATMIS).

Somalia has also signed a military cooperation agreement with Egypt, resulting in Egypt sending military personnel and arms shipments to Somalia.

Recently, a summit in Asmara brought together Somalia, Egypt, and Eritrea, where the three countries agreed on measures to enhance Somalia’s capacity “to protect its land and sea borders.”

Addressing parliament, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated that Ethiopia has exercised patience toward Somalia, allowing it time to “rethink and prioritize” its national interests, adding that Ethiopia will “wait patiently.”

The Prime Minister also addressed concerns that Ethiopia’s Red Sea ambitions could lead to conflict, saying, “There are some who think war will break out,” but clarified, “We won’t wage war with anyone; we don’t have an interest in war.

Regarding potential external threats, Abiy dismissed fears of an invasion, asserting, “No one can invade Ethiopia by force,” and added that the country has “enough resources to defend itself.”

“We have human resources, we are patriots, and while we don’t provoke others, we won’t back down if provoked,” the PM stated. AS

Somaliland Harti Communities Pledge to Support Waddani Presidential Aspirant

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Staff
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By Jama Ayaanle Feyte

The chairman of the WADDANI party, Mr. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan met with representatives and members of the various Hartii communities living in Somaliland.

The women of the Harti clan residing in the city of Burco have expressed support for the WADDANI party and its presidential candidates.

Hon. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan further thanked the Harti community for their contributions to the development of Somaliland as a whole, and efforts in supporting a peaceful change in Somaliland.

He added, “The intellectuals of the community have indicated that they are playing a major role in the change efforts of the WADDANI party, and their voices and their strength are aligned with the leadership of the party so that there will be a change in leadership in the country and the party will win the upcoming elections.

The leaders of the WADDANI party welcomed the leaders and members of the community and thanked them for their support. He pledged that they would take a big responsibility in dealing with the community’s grievances and support development in their areas.

All the speakers at the event emphasized that they will give both votes to the WADDANI party, and they praised the extensive work the party chairman is doing in the eastern regions and throughout the country.

The chairman of the WADDANI party, Mr. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan, thanked the Harti clans for their support.

This gathering took place at the City Plaza hotel in the city of Burco.

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