Home Blog Page 10

Somaliland’s Ministry of Energy and Minerals Participates in Major Renewable Energy Forum in South Africa

By Goth Mohamed Goth

The Ministry of Energy and Minerals of Somaliland  took part in a international event named the Solar & Storage Live Africa 2025, a premier renewable energy conference held in Johannesburg, South Africa, from March 25–27, 2025.

Representing the Ministry of Energy and Minerals was Eng. Sharmarke Mustafe, the Deputy Director-General of the Energy Department. The high-profile event brought together **over 20,000 attendees, 650 exhibitors showcasing cutting-edge renewable energy solutions, and 200 industry experts including Eng. Sharmarke who shared insights on the future of sustainable energy.

During his engagements, Eng. Sharmarke highlighted key opportunities and challenges for Somaliland’s energy sector:

  • Somaliland’s Renewable Energy Potential:

He emphasized that Somaliland is among the most solar- and wind-rich regions in Africa, yet high energy costs remain a barrier. Significant investments, he noted, are crucial to harness these resources and expand renewable energy infrastructure.

  • Strategic Economic Opportunities:

He underscored the role of Berbera Port and DP World’s investments*in unlocking new trade and energy prospects, positioning Somaliland as a hub for sustainable development.

The conference served as a valuable platform for Somaliland to explore innovative renewable energy technologies, global best practices, and partnership opportunities to advance its energy transition.

Women in Somaliland politics: a new chapter of inclusion

0

 

Leading the charge for political change in a developing democracy
By Hibo Said

Women in Somaliland have long been recognised as the backbone of society, tirelessly contributing to the nation’s development. Whether through supporting their families, driving economic activity, or building communities, their efforts are undeniable. However, a pressing question arises: how involved are women in Somaliland’s political field?

The unfortunate reality is that their representation in politics has never matched their contributions to society. For many years, women in Somaliland have been excluded from positions of power and decision-making. In previous governments, including the most recent administration led by former President Muse Bihi Abdi, women’s political inclusion was minimal at best. Few, if any, women held ministerial positions or seats in parliament. While there were isolated instances of women assuming public roles, these were exceptions rather than the norm.

This lack of representation reflects a deeper societal challenge. Somaliland’s culture, rooted in tribal systems, remains a significant barrier to women’s political participation. Traditional norms have historically placed men in dominant roles, particularly in leadership and governance, leaving women with limited opportunities to step into positions of authority. Despite the strides Somaliland has made as a developing democracy, societal attitudes continue to reinforce the notion that leadership is a man’s domain.

Moreover, the issue has not received the level of attention it deserves. Conversations about women’s political participation are often sidelined, treated as secondary to other national priorities. This lack of visibility has limited meaningful change and has left many women feeling excluded from the political process.

Over the past few years, however, there has been a growing movement for change. Women’s rights activists and civil society organisations have tirelessly campaigned for the introduction of gender quotas in government. A gender quota would reserve a specific percentage of seats for women, ensuring their participation in governance. Activists argued that such a system would be a transformative step toward equality, offering women a fair chance to contribute to Somaliland’s political development. Unfortunately, these efforts have so far been met with resistance and rejection.

With the election of President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi Irro, widely known as Ciro, there is a sense of renewed hope and cautious optimism. The Ciro administration has assumed office with pledges of reform, inclusivity, and progress. The people of Somaliland have embraced the new government with great expectations, aspiring for a more promising future. Among these hopes is the pressing question of whether the new leadership will tackle the persistent exclusion of women from political participation.

Promisingly, the new adminstration has already shown promising signs of change. President Ciro has made a historic move by appointing three women to key leadership positions within his cabinet:

  • Mrs. Milgo Mohamed Elmi Sanbalooshe – Minister of Labor and Social Affairs.
  • Mrs. Kaltuun Sheikh Hassan Madar – Minister of National Planning.
  • Samsam Mohamed Salah – Deputy Minister of Health Development.

This marks a significant and inspiring moment for Somaliland. For the first time in years, women are being visibly recognised and appointed to influential positions in government. These appointments are not just symbolic—they represent a concrete step toward greater inclusion and equality. By placing capable women in leadership roles, the government is sending a powerful message: women have a place in shaping Somaliland’s future.

For Somaliland’s women, this progress is both a victory and a source of inspiration. The inclusion of women in leadership positions provides much-needed role models for the younger generation. Young girls and women across Somaliland can now look up to these leaders and believe that they, too, can aspire to become ministers, policymakers, and political leaders. Representation matters, and seeing women in positions of authority helps break down cultural and societal barriers that have long held them back.

However, this milestone also raises important questions. Will this progress continue, or is it a one-time gesture? Will the new administration implement policies that promote women’s participation in politics at all levels? Will there be a renewed push for a gender quota to secure women’s representation in parliament and other government bodies? These questions remain unanswered, but they are important for Somaliland’s future.

The Ciro administration has an opportunity to set a new precedent. By advocating policies that promote gender equality, creating platforms for women’s leadership, and challenging cultural barriers, the new government can pave the way for a more inclusive and progressive Somaliland.

In conclusion, while challenges remain, the appointment of three women to ministerial roles is a significant step forward. It signals that change is possible and that Somaliland’s leaders are beginning to recognise the value and contributions of women. This moment is one to celebrate, but it is also a call to action. Activists, policymakers, and citizens must continue to push for greater representation and ensure that women are given the space and opportunities they deserve.

The future of Somaliland depends on the inclusion of all its citizens, and women, as the backbone of society, must play a central role in shaping that future. Whether the new government delivers on its promises remains to be seen, but for now, Somaliland’s women can look to the future with renewed hope and determination.

Somalia Offers US Control Over Strategic Ports to Block Somaliland Recognition

Somalia’s federal government has offered the United States “exclusive operational control” over strategic ports in the Gulf of Aden, in a bid to prevent any US recognition of Somaliland. The proposal, outlined in a letter dated March 16 and seen by Semafor, was sent by Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to US President Donald Trump.
The letter describes the Berbera port and airbase in Somaliland and the Bosaso port and airbase in Puntland as “strategically positioned assets” that could strengthen US military and logistical presence in the region. However, the Somali government does not control either of these locations. Mogadishu maintains that both fall under its sovereign territory, despite Somaliland functioning as a self-governing entity for over three decades and Puntland severing ties with the federal government last year.
The Somali government’s letter stresses that granting the US access to these locations would “ensure uninterrupted military and logistical access while preventing external competitors from establishing a presence in this critical corridor.” The proposal comes amid rising concerns in Mogadishu that Washington may shift its focus from Somalia’s state-building process toward direct engagement with Somaliland and Puntland.
A senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Cameron Hudson, commented on the development, saying, “They are offering this as a way of getting the US to recognize the legitimacy of the Somali state over these breakaway regions.”
Somaliland, which has long sought international recognition, sees a potential opening under the Trump administration. US officials have expressed interest in deepening ties with Somaliland, with a congressional subcommittee calling for a representative office in Hargeisa earlier this year. Somaliland had previously offered the US access to Berbera in exchange for recognition in 2022.
The strategic significance of Berbera and Bosaso has increased amid rising tensions in the Red Sea, including Houthi attacks on commercial vessels. US recognition of Somaliland could provide a foothold for intelligence operations in the region, monitoring arms trafficking and Chinese activities. However, such a move could also escalate regional tensions, as Somalia has previously mobilized international opposition to similar agreements.
Somaliland’s Berbera port and airbase are crucial spots that could be leveraged to monitor and counter Houthi attacks on commercial vessels in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. In 2022, Somaliland itself offered the US access to the port in exchange for recognition. Earlier this month, Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adan told an Israeli public broadcast that it was open to absorbing Gazan citizens in exchange for recognition.
Puntland severed ties with Mogadishu last March following years of political disputes. Its Bosaso port is also strategically situated on the Gulf of Aden and is a commercial hub. The Islamic State has established a stronghold in the mountainous region of Puntland, and it has been the focus of Emirati and American airstrikes. Bosaso has been a staging ground for the Puntland Defense Forces’ fight against the militants.
Currently, the main operator at the ports of both Berbera and Bosaso is DP World, a multinational logistics company based in the United Arab Emirates, whose government has been a key backer of Somaliland’s quest for independence and also maintains ties with Israel.
Recognition of any kind for Somaliland could make for potential conflict in a volatile region. Tensions heightened last year when the self-autonomous territory said that it reached an agreement to lease land to landlocked Ethiopia to build a naval facility on the Berbera coast in exchange for recognition. Somalia managed to rally international support against the deal, and with Turkey acting as a mediator, the move was quashed

According to Hudson, the Somali government is concerned that the US is going to cut ties with the federal government and end its decade-long state-building project to instead focus on counter-terrorism from key bases. “The idea among Republicans is ‘this is not a state.’ It is not in our interest to try to build a functioning state in Somalia. We can carry out counter-terror operations without that,” he explained.

“It reeks of desperation,” said Mohamed Mubarak, head of the Puntland Security Coordinator Office, of the letter Mogadishu sent to the White House. “The Federal Government does not control any territory beyond Mogadishu and its environs, and it’s a desperate attempt at projecting its influence beyond that region.”

Bashe Omar, a former representative of Somaliland to the UAE and Kenya, told Semafor the strategic importance of Berbera “cannot be underestimated.” He added that the new Trump administration appears more open to reviewing longstanding US foreign policy and so there “may be more openness to assign relationships based on strategic interests and on-the-ground realities rather than legacy policies.”

Regional actors, including the UAE and Turkey, are also key stakeholders in the dispute. DP World, a UAE-based logistics giant, operates both ports and has backed Somaliland’s push for independence. Meanwhile, Turkey has supported Somalia’s federal government and played a mediating role in past disputes.

READMORE SEMAFOR

Government Welcomes Kenya’s Recognition of Kosovo and Sees It as a Boost to Its Own Recognition Efforts

0

The Government of the Republic of Somaliland Welcomes Kenya’s Recognition of Kosovo and Sees It as a Boost to Its Own Recognition Efforts

 

The Government of the Republic of Somaliland has welcomed Kenya’s recognition of the Republic of Kosovo, stating that this step further encourages Somaliland’s ongoing efforts to gain international recognition.

 

Somaliland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mr. Abdirahman Dahir Aden, spoke to the Somaliland News Agency (SOLNA), calling on African Union member states to follow Kenya’s lead and recognize Somaliland. He emphasized that such a move would greatly contribute to strengthening trade and security across the Horn of Africa and the continent as a whole.

 

“I welcome Kenya’s recognition of the Republic of Kosovo. This step further encourages Somaliland’s efforts to push African Union member states to recognize Somaliland’s independence, as our nation can play a vital role in connecting Africa in terms of trade and security,” said the Foreign Minister.

 

The minister also reaffirmed that Somaliland’s case for independence is fully in line with international legal principles, stating:

 

“The Republic of Somaliland, whose independence is based on international legal frameworks, continues to work tirelessly to gain global recognition from the international community.”

 

Somaliland-Kenya Relations

 

The minister also discussed the close ties between Somaliland and Kenya, highlighting their strong cooperation. He noted:

 

“Somaliland and Kenya share strong neighborly relations, with nearly ten thousand Kenyan citizens currently working in Somaliland.”

 

Finally, the minister urged Kenya and other African nations to take bold action by recognizing Somaliland, stating:

 

“Therefore, I encourage the government of Kenya and the nations of the Horn of Africa to take a courageous step in recognizing the Republic of #Somaliland—a democratic nation with a functioning government established by the will of its people.”

Dahabshiil Company acknowledge the critical importance of water to the lives of all our people

0

As part of the community it serves, Dahabshiil Company is deeply aware of every aspect concerning the people it serves and all those facing water-related challenges. Today, the CEO of Dahabshiil Company showed us the critical importance of water to the lives of all our people.

The General Manager, Abdirashid Duale, visited areas where access to clean water is greatly needed but difficult to achieve. Dahabshiil Company provides significant support for water-related issues, including during times of drought and in general humanitarian efforts.

 

World Water Day, celebrated globally every year in March since 1993, is a United Nations initiative that highlights the importance of freshwater. This day celebrates the need for water and raises awareness about the 2.2 billion people who lack access to clean water. This issue serves as a call to action for every individual and the world at large to address the water crisis.

As part of its corporate social responsibility, Dahabshiil emphasizes the vital importance of water. CEO Abdirashid Duale has visited regions where access to clean water is both essential and challenging. World Water Day, observed annually since 1993, is a United Nations initiative that highlights the value of freshwater. It celebrates water and raises awareness of the 2.2 billion people living without safe water — a global call to action to address the ongoing water crisis.

Somaliland: President Attends National Health Policy Conference

0

By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa, March 25, 2025 – The President of the Republic of Somaliland, H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro), today attended the National Health Policy Conference at the Ambassador Hotel in Hargeisa. The event, organized by the Ministry of Health Development, brought together key stakeholders to discuss the nation’s healthcare strategy.

In his keynote address, the President underscored his administration’s unwavering commitment to strengthening Somaliland’s healthcare system. He emphasized that access to quality medical services is a fundamental right for all citizens and reaffirmed the government’s dedication to expanding and improving essential healthcare nationwide.

“Our government will spare no effort in advancing healthcare delivery,” the President declared. He outlined key priorities, including broadening access to medical care, modernizing primary health facilities across regions and districts, and securing sustainable funding for critical health services. Additionally, he called for unity among government institutions, healthcare professionals, and community leaders to address challenges and achieve lasting progress in the sector.

His speech was met with strong approval, reinforcing public confidence in the Wadajir and Waxqabad Government’s healthcare initiatives.

During the conference, the Minister of Health Development, along with the Deputy Minister and Director-General, presented a comprehensive overview of the National Health Policy’s short- and long-term objectives. Key focus areas include:

  1. Launching National Health Insurance

  2. Implementing a National Health Financing Strategy

  3. Decentralizing Healthcare (National Health Decentralization Plan)

  4. Enhancing Collaboration with Health Stakeholders

  5. Improving Healthcare Access for Vulnerable Groups

  6. Strengthening Communicable Disease Control

  7. Establishing the Somaliland Center for Disease Control (CDC)

The conference marks a significant step toward achieving a more robust and equitable healthcare system in Somaliland.

China’s Interference; Backing SSC Rebels in Somaliland

Somaliland, a self-declared independent state in the Horn of Africa, has long struggled for international recognition despite maintaining a stable democratic system since 1991. However, as Somaliland continues to strengthen its diplomatic and economic ties with global partners, it faces increasing external interference, particularly from China.

China’s interference in Somaliland is primarily driven by its geopolitical strategy in Africa, aimed at securing influence, countering Taiwan, and reinforcing Somalia’s territorial claims over Somaliland. Beijing’s involvement has not been limited to diplomacy and economic pressure; it has also played a covert role in fueling instability, particularly in Somaliland’s eastern region of Sool, where the SSC-Khatumo (SSC) rebels have been engaged in a conflict against the Somaliland government.

This article explores how China is interfering in Somaliland, its role in the Sool region conflict, and what kind of support Somaliland needs from the international community to counteract these pressures and maintain its democratic governance.

China’s Interference in Somaliland’s Sovereignty

China’s interference in Somaliland can be traced back to July 2020, when Somaliland and Taiwan established diplomatic relations. This move was seen as a direct challenge to China’s One China Policy, which opposes any form of recognition for Taiwan. Since then, China has intensified its efforts to undermine Somaliland’s sovereignty in several ways:

. Political and Diplomatic Pressure

• China has actively lobbied against Somaliland’s international engagements, pressuring African Union (AU) members and Western nations not to engage with Somaliland diplomatically.

• Chinese diplomats attempted to bribe Somaliland officials to abandon ties with Taiwan, offering economic aid and infrastructure projects in return for loyalty to Beijing.

• Beijing continues to back the Somali Federal Government (SFG) in Mogadishu, encouraging it to claim Somaliland as part of Somalia and rejecting any recognition of Somaliland’s independence.

2. Economic Sabotage and Infrastructure Manipulation

• China has sought to counter Somaliland’s growing strategic partnerships, particularly with the UAE and Western allies who have invested in Berbera Port.

• Beijing has been accused of trying to gain influence over Somaliland’s critical trade routes, seeking control over Berbera to secure its own commercial and military interests in the region.

• In contrast, China has heavily invested in Djibouti, building its first overseas military base there, strategically placing itself near Somaliland and the Gulf of Aden.

3. Cyber and Media Propaganda

• China has allegedly engaged in disinformation campaigns to delegitimize Somaliland’s sovereignty and democratic governance.

• Chinese-backed media platforms amplify Somalia’s claims over Somaliland, portraying it as a terrorist region rather than a democratic state.

• Pro-China narratives are increasingly being spread across Africa to ensure that no country openly recognizes Somaliland.

China’s Role in Fueling the Sool Region Conflict

One of the most alarming aspects of China’s interference is its alleged role in fueling instability in Somaliland’s eastern Sool region, where the SSC-Khatumo militia has been fighting against Somaliland forces. The SSC rebels claim to represent the interests of the Dhulbahante clan of Eastern Somaliland, opposing Somaliland’s rule and advocating for reintegration with Somalia by creating a new federal member state.
While the conflict has complex local dynamics, China’s indirect support for the SSC rebels raises serious concerns. This support is driven by China’s alliance with Mogadishu and its goal of weakening Somaliland’s territorial integrity.

How China Supports the SSC Rebels:

  1. Financial and Logistical Aid Through Mogadishu:

• China provides significant economic and military aid to the Somali Federal Government, which, in turn, directs some of these resources to anti-Somaliland groups like the SSC rebels.

• Somali officials have been accused of channeling Chinese funds to SSC militants, helping them sustain their armed resistance against Somaliland forces.

2. Arms and Equipment Supply:

• Reports suggest that Chinese-made weapons and drones have been found in areas controlled by SSC militias, raising suspicions that China is indirectly arming these groups through Mogadishu.

• China has provided military assistance to Somalia’s national army, which then finds its way to clan militias like the SSC.

3. Political Recognition and Legitimization of SSC Rebels:

• China has been silent on the atrocities committed by SSC militias, signaling indirect diplomatic support.

• Chinese diplomats have engaged with Somali politicians who openly back SSC militias, reinforcing their cause on international platforms.

4. Media Influence and Propaganda in Favor of SSC Rebels:

• Chinese state-affiliated media portrays the SSC conflict as a legitimate struggle against Somaliland rather than an insurgency.

• China has influenced African and Middle Eastern media outlets to highlight Somali government narratives while downplaying Somaliland’s stability.

By backing the SSC insurgency, China is not just interfering in Somaliland’s internal affairs but actively contributing to destabilization. The goal is to weaken Somaliland, prevent its recognition, and ensure that the region remains under Somalia’s influence—thereby securing China’s geopolitical interests in the Horn of Africa.

How Can Somaliland Counter China’s Interference?

As one of Africa’s most democratic and stable territories, Somaliland must secure stronger international support to resist Chinese interference and strengthen its sovereignty. The following measures are essential:

1. Strengthen Diplomatic Alliances

• Somaliland must expand its bilateral relations with democratic nations, particularly the U.S., UK, European Union, and Gulf states, who can counter China’s influence.

• Push for official recognition from more African and Western countries, highlighting its democratic credentials.

• Strengthen ties with Taiwan and other nations that oppose Chinese expansionism.

2. Military and Security Assistance

• Somaliland needs military aid and training from Western allies to counter the SSC insurgency fueled by Chinese-backed Somali forces.

• Seek partnerships with NATO, AFRICOM, and regional security coalitions to modernize Somaliland’s defense capabilities.

• Enhance border security and intelligence-sharing mechanisms with friendly nations.

3. Economic and Investment Growth

• Attract more foreign investments in critical sectors like energy, infrastructure, and trade to reduce dependency on external aid.

• Secure more investors for Berbera Port, ensuring it remains a strategic hub independent of Chinese control.

• Encourage private-sector partnerships with Gulf nations to develop Somaliland’s economy.

4. Counter China’s Media and Disinformation Warfare

• Launch proactive media campaigns to expose China’s interference in Somaliland’s internal affairs.

• Engage international journalists and researchers to investigate and report on Chinese-backed destabilization tactics.

• Strengthen local and diaspora media platforms to counter false narratives spread by Chinese propaganda.

China’s interference in Somaliland is a strategic effort to block recognition, weaken sovereignty, and fuel instability in the region. Through diplomatic pressure, economic manipulation, and indirect support for SSC rebels in Sool, Beijing is attempting to undermine one of Africa’s most democratic territories for its geopolitical gains.
To counter this, Somaliland needs stronger diplomatic, military, and economic support from the international community—especially democratic nations that value stability, rule of law, and self-determination. As Somaliland continues to uphold its democratic values and independence, the world must recognize its struggle and stand against foreign interference that threatens its future. The fight for Somaliland’s sovereignty is not just a local issue—it is a global battle for democracy against authoritarian expansionism.

About the Author

Mohamoud, and is an international affairs analyst and a dedicated advocate for Somaliland’s diplomatic recognition. As both a lawyer and a banker by profession, I actively work to promote stability and development. I am committed to advancing efforts to eliminate terrorism and extremism across Africa, fostering peace and security on the continent.

Somaliland: A Key to a More Balanced Africa Policy Beyond China’s Control

0

In a world where power and access are key, Somaliland offers an opportunity that many have yet to recognise. Somaliland, in the Horn of Africa, has operated independently for over 30 years without official recognition from other nations. It has held credible elections, built functioning institutions, and maintained peace in a challenging region.

What it now requires is greater international engagement, and two countries—India and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)—could play a significant role in this. Somaliland declared its independence in 1991 following the collapse of the Somali Republic, which came after years of poor governance and repression. Rather than descending into chaos, it rebuilt itself. Local communities restored governance through their efforts and established a multiparty political system.

Elections are held regularly. Leaders change without disruption, even in closely contested races. For example, in 2003, the presidential election was decided by just 80 votes. Opposition victories in 2010 and again in 2024 led to peaceful transitions. In a region often troubled by conflict and political instability, Somaliland demonstrates that peace and democracy can work—even without international recognition or external

India has global ambitions and growing ties across Africa. It now has a timely opportunity to take a principled and strategic step. In 1971, India was the first country to recognise Bangladesh’s independence—an act that changed the course of South Asian history. Somaliland presents a similar opportunity for clarity and leadership.

India already trades extensively with Somaliland, exporting oil, pharmaceuticals, machinery, and clothing. Many Somalilanders travel to India for healthcare and education. Establishing a trade office in Hargeisa and launching direct flights to Berbera would strengthen both economic co-operation and people-to-people links.

Somaliland is more than just a trade partner. Its location—adjacent to the vital maritime routes of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden—is of significant strategic value. Its Berbera Port is rapidly developing into a key regional hub, following major investment by the UAE’s DP World. As India seeks alternatives to infrastructure controlled by China, Berbera presents a secure, open, and reliable option. Unlike Djibouti, where China maintains a military base, Somaliland offers India and its Western partners an opportunity to expand their presence without entanglements.

The UAE recognised Somaliland’s potential early on. It has invested substantially in Berbera’s infrastructure and collaborated on trade and defence initiatives. This partnership illustrates what is possible when Somaliland is treated as a serious and capable actor.

Some fear that recognising Somaliland might encourage other separatist movements. However, Somaliland was an independent state in 1960, recognised by over 30 countries before entering a union with Italian Somalia—a union that was never legally ratified. Somaliland’s reassertion of independence is based on sound legal and historical grounds, as well as the clear will of its people.

While Somalia continues to struggle despite decades of foreign aid, Somaliland has achieved peace and democratic governance largely on its own. It is not seeking charity—it is seeking recognition, dignity, and a rightful place in the international community.

Recognising Somaliland is not merely a moral decision—it is a strategic one. It offers India and the UAE a trusted partner in East Africa, counters China’s expanding influence, and contributes to greater regional stability through partnership and shared interests. To see the value in Somaliland and engage now would be a timely and meaningful move—not when it becomes politically convenient, but precisely when it is needed.

Bashe Awil Omar is a diplomat and politician. He served as the Somaliland Representative to the UAE (from 2015-2018) and Kenya (from 2018-2021).

Somaliland: America’s Next Kosovo—Will Washington Seize the Moment?

By Prof. Nassir Hussein Kahin

History has a way of repeating itself. In 2008, against a storm of opposition from Russia, Serbia, and even some European allies, the United States made a bold and strategic move—it recognized Kosovo’s independence. That decision was not just a moral stand; it was a geopolitical masterstroke. Now, nearly two decades later, the same opportunity has presented itself again—this time in the Horn of Africa.

 

The question before Washington is clear: Will it recognize Somaliland as it once did Kosovo? Or will it allow history to slip through its fingers, ceding a critical strategic advantage to its adversaries?

 

The Washington Talks: The Kosovo Domino Effect in Motion

 

The world is watching as a historic meeting unfolds. On April 4, 2025, the newly elected President of Somaliland, Dr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi Ciro, will arrive in Washington, leading a high-powered delegation that includes several Ministers from Foreign Affairs, Finance, and Planning, alongside a team of top international lawyers. Their mission? To cement Somaliland’s case for U.S. recognition.

 

These discussions are not ordinary diplomatic pleasantries. Behind closed doors, Trump’s top Africa advisors, senior State Department officials, and influential members of Congress—who have long urged him to recognize Somaliland—are driving home the geopolitical and military advantages of breaking with the failed “One Somalia” policy. In fact, long before the recent U.S. elections, these very advisors were already shaping Trump’s stance, presenting Somaliland’s recognition as a strategic imperative in countering China’s growing influence in the Red Sea.

 

For all intents and purposes, this is Kosovo all over again.

 

Somalia in Panic Mode: Hassan Sheikh’s Desperate Gambit

 

As the Washington discussions take center stage, one man is in panic mode—Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. He knows exactly what is at stake, and he also knows he is outmatched.

 

To block Somaliland’s recognition, Hassan Sheikh has reportedly funneled a staggering $600 million—mostly foreign aid meant for Somalia’s poor and starving—into a top-tier U.S. lobbying firm to sabotage Somaliland’s diplomatic efforts. But there’s a problem: money can’t outmaneuver Trump’s transactional playbook.

 

Trump, the master of the Art of the Deal, has no interest in Somalia’s emotional appeals or in defending a decades-old failed policy. He sees Somaliland as a better deal—a self-reliant, democratic ally that offers tangible strategic and military advantages in the Red Sea. Unlike Somalia, which remains a failed state, Somaliland brings stability, infrastructure, and a valuable security partnership to the table.

 

For Hassan Sheikh, this realization is devastating. His government’s existence depends on international handouts, and he has wasted those resources in a desperate bid to maintain an illusion of unity that no longer exists.

 

The Kosovo Parallel: A Case for Bold Recognition

 

Somaliland and Kosovo are kindred spirits in the struggle for self-determination. Both emerged from the ashes of failed unions—Kosovo from Serbia and Somaliland from Somalia. Both suffered under brutal regimes—Kosovo under Slobodan Milošević and Somaliland under Siad Barre. Both built viable, functioning democracies while their former parent states spiraled into instability.

 

And yet, both faced (and still face) the same stubborn resistance from the international community—a world order reluctant to redraw the maps, even when reality demands it.

 

Kosovo’s recognition by the U.S. was not just an act of justice; it was a calculated move to counterbalance Russian influence in the Balkans. The same logic applies to Somaliland today. In an era where China’s presence in Djibouti threatens to tilt the balance of power in the Red Sea, Somaliland offers the U.S. a golden opportunity to plant its flag firmly in one of the world’s most vital maritime corridors.

 

The Red Sea Chessboard: Somaliland’s Strategic Significance

 

If Washington’s policymakers are not paying attention to the shifting sands of the Horn of Africa, they should be. The Red Sea is not just another shipping lane—it is the lifeblood of global trade, connecting Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. Control over its waters dictates economic power, military supremacy, and geopolitical leverage.

 

Right now, China has dug in deep, establishing a formidable presence in Djibouti, just a stone’s throw from the Bab el Mandeb Strait. If left unchecked, Beijing’s growing stranglehold over these waters will pose a direct challenge to U.S. influence in the region.

 

But Somaliland presents an alternative. With its deep-water port of Berbera, situated across from Yemen, it offers America a strategic foothold to counter Chinese ambitions. A U.S. military presence in Somaliland would send an unmistakable message to Beijing, Turkey, and any other power looking to assert dominance in the region—Washington is here to stay.

 

A Moral and Strategic Imperative

 

Beyond strategy, there is a deeper moral argument at play. Somaliland has done what few others in the region have managed—it has built a peaceful, democratic, and functional state, all without international recognition or financial support from global institutions.

 

It has held elections. It has maintained stability. It has governed effectively.

 

And yet, it remains in diplomatic purgatory while Somalia—wracked by terrorism, corruption, and instability—continues to enjoy international legitimacy. This hypocrisy cannot stand. If America truly champions democracy and self-determination, then recognizing Somaliland is not just an option—it is an obligation.

 

The Cost of Hesitation

 

Washington has a choice to make. Delay, and it allows China to tighten its grip on the Red Sea. Stall, and it emboldens autocratic regimes that seek to challenge U.S. dominance. Waver, and it risks repeating the same mistakes that have allowed adversaries to expand their influence unchecked.

 

Yes, there will be pushback—from Somalia, from the African Union, from regional powers like Egypt and Djibouti. But in 2008, when the U.S. recognized Kosovo, the world warned of diplomatic fallout, of chaos, of retaliation. Those warnings proved empty. Kosovo still stands, a sovereign state recognized by over 100 nations. America’s gamble paid off.

 

The same boldness is needed now.

 

The Moment of Decision

 

History does not wait for the hesitant. Somaliland is America’s next Kosovo, a rare chance to reshape the strategic landscape in its favor. The window of opportunity is open, but it will not stay open forever.

 

Will Washington seize the moment and recognize Somaliland?

 

Or will it let this historic chance slip away, only to regret it when the balance of power in the Red Sea tilts beyond its control?

 

The answer to that question will define America’s role in the region for decades to come.

 

 

 

 

Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in a State of Paralysis and Stranded Diplomacy

0

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Somaliland is currently in a state of complete paralysis after its two highest-ranking officials—Foreign Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adan and Director-General Mohamed Abdirahman—left the country on personal trips.

The minister traveled to the United States, where he resides, claiming he was visiting his family and attending to personal matters there, as he originally came from the US.

Meanwhile, the Director-General traveled to Mecca,  Saudi Arabia to perform Emira , leaving the ministry without a deputy minister.

At a time when the region is undergoing new developments, the reason behind the foreign ministry’s paralysis remains unclear. Many are questioning how this situation unfolded under President Muse Bihi Abdi’s leadership.

On the other hand, some foreign missions based in Hargeisa sought to meet with the ministry’s leadership but were informed that the two top officials were absent from the country.

This is the first time the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been seen in such a state.