The Chief Justice Hon. Adam Haji Ali Ahmed who is also the Chairman of the Supreme Constitutional Court received in his office the members of the Electoral Disciplinary and Arbitration Committee led by its chairman Mr. Adam Hussein Muhammad who paid him a courtesy call.
The meeting was based on general consultation and how to share any information that needed to be cooperated upon.
The members of the Electoral Disciplinary and Arbitration Committee (ED&AC) thanked the chairman for receiving them and expressed their goodwill that the Supreme Court of the country is ready for supportive cooperation.
The CJ praised the committee for their good work encouraging them for their neutrality such that public confidence may be boosted hence continuing to impart public awareness through the dissemination process.
He also called upon the members of the public to exercise their political rights in a peaceful manner and cooperate with the members of the security agencies and the National Security Committee.
In conclusion, the both parties agreed to enhance cooperation during the election issues
Following the arrival of the full complement of observers, the University College London’s International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) to Somaliland’s presidential and parties elections on 13 November 2024 is deploying to observe polling day. The first of 14 observer teams will depart Hargeisa on the morning of 11 November. In all, 28 observers, from 13 countries, will observe the opening and closing of polling stations, voting, ballot counting and tallying in all of Somaliland’s six regions.
After polling day and departure of the observer teams, a small team will remain in Somaliland to observe through to the declaration of results. The IEOM, led by Tim Cole, a former UK ambassador, has been invited by Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) to provide an impartial and independent assessment of the electoral process.. The IEOM will publish a preliminary assessment soon after the election day and will then publish its final report in the first half of 2025.
Since arrival in Somaliland in late October, the IEOM’s core team has met stakeholders across Somaliland’s electoral, political, media and civil society landscape, including parties and political associations. The team has assessed the legal and electoral framework, campaigning and electoral preparations, and media coverage of the campaign.
Says Tim Cole, Chief Observer of the IEOM: “We are very grateful to have benefited from the good faith of Somalilanders in gaining such a thorough understanding of the electoral environment here. Now, with the mission moving to its next stage, its members are looking forward to seeing Somaliland’s electoral process in action.”
For further information or to arrange an interview with a member of the core team, please contact Conrad Heine (IEOM media analyst) at conrad@somaliland2024.com; WhatsApp +44 7870 642 852
Voters queue at a polling station in Hargeisa, Somaliland, on November 13, 2017 to cast their ballot for the presidential election. PHOTO | AFP
As Somaliland approaches the pivotal November 13, 2024 presidential and multiparty
elections, the stakes have never been higher as our nation faces an unprecedented
crossroads. Despite decades of peace and self-reliance, Somaliland faces threats from
internal divisions and multiple external actors conspiring to sow doubt and discord in the
elections. If Somaliland succumbs to election-related violence, it risks losing everything it has
built and accomplished over 34 years, including the hopes and dreams for international
recognition and its growing economic partnerships. While Somaliland has built a legacy of
democracy and stability in a turbulent region, these gains are now at far greater risk than
previous elections combined.
In recent years, Somaliland has made commendable strides toward becoming a democratic
beacon of hope in the Horn of Africa. Since reclaiming its independence from Somalia in
1991, Somaliland has held multiple elections that, despite delays, have largely maintained
peace. However, as regional tensions and conflicts rise, internal enemies and external forces
including Somalia, Egypt, Eritrea, Djibouti and Turkiya, reportedly continue to disrupt
Somaliland’s stability. These countries perceive Somaliland’s democratic and economic
growth, the Ethiopia-Berbera port partnership, and its independence aspirations as a threat to
their interests. Egypt’s Nile interests, for instance, align with growing Ethiopian influence in
the region, while Somalia seeks to “reassert territorial claims” over Somaliland inciting
violence in Sool and Sanaag regions by bribing and encouraging armed tribal groups to
exploit political divisions within Somaliland. For Djibouti, if Berbera emerges as a strong trade
alternative for Ethiopia, it could disrupt its near-monopoly on Ethiopia’s trade, reducing its
heavy reliance on Djibouti. If the trade volume through Berbera increases, revenues from port tariffs, taxes, and related services would contribute to Somaliland’s GDP growth.
So, these external actors have motivations tied to regional power dynamics and their
hidden-agendas is to exploit internal divisions within Somaliland, particularly among the Issak
clan and other communities, to delegitimize the election outcome and instigate a violent
post-election conflict facilitating an irreparable damage to Somaliland’s reputation as
democratic country that deserves the international recognition it briefly enjoyed as an
independent country before it voluntarily united with Somalia (it withdrew from that
dysfunctional union in 1991).
Somalia backed by Djibouti, Eritrea, and (Egypt and Turkiya both supplying Somalia with
plenty of modern sophisticated military equipment and personnel), seek to undermine
Somaliland’s independence by fuelling misinformation campaigns and exploiting clan
divisions within Somaliland to create an atmosphere of suspicions around election integrity.
By questioning the legitimacy of the electoral process, these hostile forces intend to foster
distrust and potential rejection of the results by the opposition factions creating a cycle of
accusations possibly leading to widespread violence, chaos and anarchy throughout the
country.
Evidence suggests that these external actors in collaboration with internal support are
attempting to provoke opposition factions into rejecting the results of the election. This
interference risks dividing Somaliland’s citizens, weakening the country internally at a time
when unity is paramount. Similar tactics have been observed across the region, where
misinformation and propaganda through social media have been deployed to fuel internal
conflicts, as seen in Ethiopia’s Tigray crises.
Several geopolitical rivalries also underpin the root causes of the current crises. The MOU
agreement with Ethiopia has turned Somaliland into a strategic player in the Horn of Africa,
challenging Djibouti’s dominance and potentially challenging Egypt’s hold on the Nile basin
narrative as well.
Another factor is clan divisions in Somaliland’s politics. Political parties, often drawn along
clan lines, is susceptible to both internal and external manipulation. Historical grievances and
clan-based politics increases the risk of division, especially when amplified by narratives of
election interference or election rigging.
Somaliland has curved out a democratic path, despite lacking international recognition, With
multiple peaceful transitions of power and growing economy bolstered by the Berbera Port, it
has demonstrated strong resilience. However, past elections have not been without
challenges. Delays and controversial extensions of incumbents’ mandates, and political
disagreements have so far tested Somaliland’s commitment to democracy. For instance,
presidential election were delayed for nearly two years due to technical and political reasons,
and the House of Elders often extended presidential terms beyond their mandates, sparking
public frustration and opposition dissatisfaction. These delays have previously threatened to
undermine Somaliland’s democratic image, making this upcoming election even more critical
for upholding democratic principles and norms for election integrity. In this crucial election,
both internal and external enemies are ready poised to exploit these historical vulnerabilities
to stir distrust and incite division, destabilize Somaliland and prevent it from gaining
international recognition.
So far, Congratulations to the Somaliland Electoral Commission for a job well-done on
building solid guardrails to protect the fairness of the electoral process from start to finish. But the logistical and political pressures of holding this high-stakes election, perhaps one of the
most consequential elections in Somaliland’s existence since 1991, have recently intensified,
with external interference compounding pre-existing tensions and animosities. Somaliland’s commitment to democracy and peaceful transition of power is under severe pressure, and
any post-election conflict could be exploited by these enemy actors.
My article aims to warn Somaliland’s leaders, citizens, and political factions of this
well-orchestrated plot by its enemies to destabilize our democracy. Therefore, I urge all
Somalilander’s to patriotically protect our democracy, to remain vigilant against internal and
external interference, and to remember the hard-fought freedoms and the hard-won unity that brought us this far. To avert disaster and protect our future, immediate actions are incumbent and essential upon all of us Somalilanders, to promote unity across clans and parties. I also urge our citizens regardless of political or clan affiliations to prioritize national unity and stability and reject provocations, even amid election irregularities.
Political leaders, business figures, and community elders must take the lead to prioritize
national unity over tribal affiliations. Somaliland’s political factions need to honour their moral
duty to honour the peaceful acceptance of results and prioritize national stability, setting aside partisan differences for the greater good. Informing the public about the risks of external interference can foster resilience. Educators, journalist and social media figures, and civil society leaders should focus on debunking social media rumour-mongers and enlighten and educate Somalilanders about the value of democratic continuity and the importance of a
peaceful electoral process and a peaceful transfer of power as we witnessed in recent US.
elections.
The government, with the support of international partners, should establish mechanisms to
identify and counter misinformation, particularly around claims of election fraud. Real-time fact checking and clear communication from electoral commission could mitigate the impact of false narratives designed to undermine election credibility.
Looking at other nations, Somaliland can observe the dangers of contested election
irregularities leading to prolonged violence and instability. Ethiopia’s internal conflicts and
recent transitions in Sudan serve as cautionary tales of how political disputes can escalate
when foreign actors intervene. By learning from these examples, Somaliland can prepare for
the potential fallout and strengthen its internal resilience.
Despite challenges, Somaliland has managed relatively peaceful elections since its first
democratic election in 2003, a record that shows support among powerful nations for its quest for international recognition. We must remind ourselves of this achievement which helps to reinforce the importance of maintaining a peaceful electoral process, regardless of the results.
Today, Somaliland stands at a crucial juncture. In this election Somaliland’s unity, peace,
prosperity, and international recognition depend on a peaceful transfer of power and a
collective commitment to the future. Finally, Somaliland’s moment of truth in this election will
be tested on November 13, 2024. Our civic duty to safeguard our democracy and unity
against external threats is on the line at the crossroads. Now, the choice before its citizens
and leaders is either to protect our democratic legacy and pursue the path to international
recognition and prosperity or risk plunging the nation deep into a future of instability.
By Prof. Nassir Hussein Kahin,
former Political Science Major in International Relations, International Law,
University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tn, U.S.A.
Former Editor/Freelance Journalist
Now teaching at:
Gollis University, Hargeisa, Somaliland.
Chairman Musa Hassan Yusuf of the Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC) met with international observers today to discuss preparations for the upcoming presidential and national party elections on Wednesday, November 13. This meeting focused on ensuring the elections meet high standards of transparency, fairness, and security.
During the discussions, Chairman Yusuf outlined the steps the NEC has taken, particularly emphasizing the introduction of a Biometric Voter Verification System (BVVS) with iris scan technology. This system aims to reduce voter fraud and reinforce confidence in the election’s integrity. However, concerns have been raised about the system’s reliability and logistical feasibility in more rural parts of Somaliland, sparking a lively debate on the trade-off between security and accessibility.
The international observers, in turn, stressed the importance of transparency and fair conduct in the election process. They pledged visible participation in monitoring efforts to support Somaliland’s pursuit of a free and fair election on November 13, 2024.
This election is critical for Somaliland, as the outcome will influence both domestic governance and the region’s stability. The Kulmiye party, led by current President Muse Bihi Abdi, is facing significant opposition from Waddani, led by Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi. The results will also impact Somaliland’s ongoing efforts for international recognition, a long-standing national goal.
In preparation for the election, the NEC has completed essential tasks, including finalizing candidate observer submissions and determining ballot order through a public draw. These preparations are part of Somaliland’s commitment to maintaining an orderly and impartial electoral process.
The collaboration between the NEC and international observers reflects Somaliland’s commitment to democratic principles and sets the stage for an election that aims to honor the trust of the people and meet international standards. The upcoming election would be the ninth one-person-one-vote election international observers have participated since 2002.
Meanwhile, international media outlets have already started sending out news dispatches to their outlets back home.
Confederations Dissolve. Washington Errs When It Ignores Reality: Both Somaliland and South Yemen say they want independence. In both cases, their independence would benefit U.S. national security yet, in both cases, the State Department rejects recognition, essentially arguing once in a marriage a country must remain wed no matter how abuse its partner becomes.
The State Department explains that it recognizes existing borders and that allowing states to fracture could set precedents and unleash chaos. To some extent that is true, especially in states facing secession movements without precedent as independent states. Nigeria, Ethiopia, Pakistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and even Russia and China could all theoretically collapse into constituent units. The problem comes when the State Department confuses these cases with confederated states seeking to revert to their previous status. Whereas the United State once blessed their disunion to the benefit of both freedom and security, today the State Department does the opposite, often achieving results inimical to both freedom and U.S. strategic interests.
Consider the history of dissolution:
In 1958, Egypt briefly united with Syria to former the United Arab Republic. After his successful nationalization of the Suez Canal, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser was an outsized figured in the Arab world. He had numerous supporters in Syria, a state both Nasser and the West feared could fall to communism. Syrians expected they would be equal partners in the new Republic, but Nasser had other ideas. Egypt was bigger and, in Nasser’s view, more important and so had every right to dominate the union. By 1961, the marriage was over. After a coup d’état in Syria, Syria dissolved the union.
The Hashemite Arab Federation, a monarchist block that formed in reaction to the United Arab Republic and briefly united Jordan and Iraq lasted less than six months, dissolving when revolutionaries overthrew the Iraqi monarchy in 1958.
President Richard Nixon and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger masterminded the secret diplomacy that led Washington to recognize the People’s Republic of China. While Kissinger and President Jimmy Carter may have been fine throwing Taiwan under the bus, Congress was not. Rhetoric of “One China” or not, the United States supports Taiwan and its right to exist as a separate entity outside Chinese Communist control.
In Africa, colonial powers drew borders with little regard to the ethnic and linguistic topography. In December 1950, the United States supported federation between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Again, it was not a happy union and, in 1991, Eritrea regained its independence, against with U.S. support. Among the most bizarre borders in Africa are those of The Gambia, a former British colony that spans both banks of the Gambia River as it runs through the former French colony Senegal. Gambia is only 31 miles at its widest, while its Atlantic coast is 50 miles long, the third shortest in Africa. A popular but apocryphal story suggests the British marked the borders by firing cannonballs from the river, drawing the border where they landed. In reality, the British and French drew the borders at a slightly greater range in the last decade of the 19th century. The Gambia’s economy revolved around its river. What was Gambia’s gain was Senegal’s loss, though, as international borders essentially cut the country in half, handicapping cohesion and economy. In 1981, the two countries agreed to confederate, joining militaries, economy, and currency and inaugurated the Senegambia Confederation early the next year. A Senegalese would always be president, and a Gambian his vice president.
In practice, it never worked. One hundred and fifty years of different colonial influences and created schisms too great to overcome. Distrust grew over economic stewardship and, in 1989, Gambia sued to dissolve the union. Facing separate tension with Mauritania, Senegalese President Abdou Diouf agreed to let Gambia revert to its former independent status.
The end of the Cold War unleashed a cascade of dissolution of forced marriages. East Timor won its independence after near a quarter century in a union with Indonesia imposed at the point of the gun after Portugal abandoned its former colony.
As the Soviet Union collapsed into its constituent republics, President George H.W. Bush urged Ukraine to reconsider secession in what became known as the “Chicken Kiev” speech. Ukrainians and other Soviet peoples ignored him. More people won their freedom in 1991 than in any other year, a record that will likely stand until the People’s Republic of China collapses.
The United States did not stand in the way of Czechoslovakia’s divorce and established warm relations with both the Czech Republic and Slovakia. At the same time, the American military actually fought for the right of Yugoslavia’s constituent republics to regain independence.
More recently, President Barack Obama disapproved of the United Kingdom’s “Brexit” vote to leave the European Union, but neither he nor Donald Trump obstructed the British public’s democratic rights to do so.
Israel makes no secret that it considers West Bank Palestinians to be outside Israel proper, rather than a federal component of a unitary state. Still, a core belief in Washington in favor of a “two-state solution” is consistent with U.S. support for unraveling ties between peoples forced together by forces beyond their control.
Given its long history of accepting the dissolution of unhappy unions, the United States’ refusal today to recognize both Somaliland and South Yemen is an anomaly. The State Department previously recognized both countries. Secretary of State Charles Herter congratulated Somaliland upon its independence in 1960 and the State Department formally recognized South Yemen in 1967.
Both countries entered unions with their neighbors. Somaliland joined with former Italian colonial possessions to form Somalia, and North and South Yemen merged after the fall of the Soviet Union. Both were unhappy unions. Somali dictator Siad Barre waged a campaign of genocide against the Isaaqs, the predominant clan in Somaliland, and longtime Yemeni dictator Ali Abdullah Saleh sought to marginalize South Yemenis in his own quest for dominance.
Today, both Somaliland and South Yemen outperform the governments the United States recognizes. Somalia is the world’s most corrupt country and a haven for Islamist extremism whose government has sold out its national interests and natural resources for Chinese and Turkish cash. Somaliland, in contrast, is a stable democracy allied with Taiwan that denies its territory to terrorists, pirates, and weapons smugglers. While the Houthis consolidate control over much of northern Yemen, the Southern Transitional Council’s rule in South Yemen remains the country’s only functioning government and is the custodian of Yemen’s only safe, and secure region.
There are few drawbacks to recognizing the will of Somalilanders and Southern Yemenis, directly or after an internationally monitored plebiscite. Unlike other secessionist movements, both Somaliland and South Yemen have defined borders recognized by the United States upon their independence. The security both countries could provide in an unstable area would be invaluable to freedom of navigation for independent shipping and countering the consolidation of Iranian influence in Yemen and Chinese and Turkish influence in Somalia.
U.S. diplomats often cite precedent to justify ignoring Somaliland and South Yemeni aspirations. Ironically, it seems it is the State Department itself that does not understand precedent.
They need to inform his team about them right away, highlight the advantages in taking their side to de-escalate these self-same tensions and remind them of the Asmara Axis’ role therein.
To that end, Ethiopia and Somaliland must immediately begin lobbying his transition team since most probably don’t have the Horn on the forefront of their minds right now for obvious reasons since it’s not an immediate priority for them, but that could change through creative diplomacy. Somaliland’s quest for international recognition of its redeclaration of independence from one-third of a century ago, its proudly democratic reputation, and its geostrategic location could be the key to having that happen.
Ethiopia is the US’ traditional regional partner and members of its American diaspora turned against the Democrats due to Biden’s support for the TPLF during the Northern Conflict. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed also enjoyed excellent relations with Trump during the latter’s first term. These factors can combine to give its leader, diplomats, and activists access to Trump’s transition team or at least members of his next government, after which they can make the case for him to manage tensions in the Horn.
His incentive to do so isn’t just a principled one per his previously mentioned pledge to prevent the outbreak of new wars, but also pragmatic due to the possibility of recognizing Somaliland in exchange for a military base in the Gulf of Aden-Red Sea (GARS) region. Moreover, he could reinstate Ethiopia’s membership in the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that Biden rescinded if US companies are promised privileged access to its rapidly growing economy and privatization bids in return.
Somalia could also cast a heavy shadow over his second term’s African policy due to the risk of Al-Shabaab replicating the Taliban’s capture of Afghanistan upon the possible withdrawal of Ethiopia’s anti-terrorist troops, thus leading to a regional security crisis and a huge embarrassment for the US. He repeatedly lambasted Biden for his bungled withdrawal from Afghanistan so he’d be loathe to experience something similar, though such a scenario might not even be on his radar right now.
Therein lies the national security importance of Ethiopia and Somaliland’s proposed efforts to raise maximum awareness of regional tensions among his team so that they come to see on their own how the US’ interests align with mitigating them as soon as possible. Former Democrat Senator Bob Menendez’s Egyptian corruption scandal also highlights the role of Cairo’s meddling in US foreign policy, which Trump and his team should be reminded of as well in connection with its role in regional tensions.
The US objectively has much more influence over Egypt than the inverse, however, so the first could leverage this to coerce the second into behaving responsibly in the region instead of continuing to stoke the flames of war by encouraging Somalian aggression against Ethiopia and Somaliland. Additionally, Trump is a hardcore anti-communist, which naturally predisposes him to dislike Eritrea’s leftist president. He and his team should therefore also be reminded of that country’s traditionally destabilizing role too.
The stage is therefore set for Trump to mitigate tensions in the Horn provided that Ethiopia and Somaliland successfully inform him and his team about them, highlight the advantages in taking their side to de-escalate these self-same tensions, and remind them of the Asmara Axis’ role therein. To be sure, this part of the world isn’t a priority for him, but that could change if he fears the scenario of Al Shabaab replicating the Taliban’s return to power, the possibility of which Ethiopia must also emphasize.
Mark my words, the MoU implementation will happen. It is a matter of time. The spirit and commitment is there. Ambassador Abdilahi M. Duale, AU & IGAD Envoy.
It has been nearly a year since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Somaliland President Muse Bihi announced they had signed a deal that would see Ethiopia lease a portion of Somaliland’s coast in exchange for the recognition of the latter’s sovereignty, among other incentives.
The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in January has been the focal point of diplomatic developments in the region over the past 11 months, particularly in the rising tensions between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu.
Meanwhile, Somaliland, which has been a de facto state since 1991, is preparing to hold national elections this month.
Among the people who are watching the lead up to the elections closely is Ambassador Abdillahi Mohamed Duale, Somaliland’s special envoy to IGAD and the AU. He has been one of Somaliland’s foremost champions in its fight for recognition, serving in no fewer than six ministerial posts during his career in government.
A senior member of the Somali National Movement (SNM), Duale has been serving as special envoy to IGAD and the AU since 2018.
The Reporter’s Ashenafi Endale spoke with him to get an inside look at expectations for the upcoming vote, its potential effects on the MoU, Somaliland’s views on foreign interference in the region, its quest for sovereignty, concerns over an Al-Shabaab resurgence, and relations with Mogadishu, among a range of other pertinent topics. EXCERPTS:
The Reporter: Somaliland is preparing to conduct an election. What are the updates?
Abdillahi Mohamed Duale: The presidential election will take place on November 13. It is in the hands of the electoral commission. Political organizations have already started campaigns. We believe it will be very peaceful. My country is not new to the democratization process.
We have changed our leadership at least five times since 1991. We are the only country in the region; and by and large on the continent, to change our leadership five consecutive times peacefully.
A lot of international organizations and press from all around the world come to witness the election. We are excited about the election. The international community is excited about it, and the region is watching it. IGAD, AU and others are watching closely.
There are over seven million people in Somaliland and everybody has eyes on the election. We are not concerned about irregularities. Over 96 international observers are already boarding to Hargeisa and Somaliland. Observers and the press are free to go to any part of the country.
If President Muse Bihi does not win this election, will there be alterations to the MoU with Ethiopia?
Not at all. The current president and his team have done tremendous work in terms of security, advancing the case of Somaliland to the international community.
I am Somaliland’s special envoy to IGAD and AU.
We have very good friend countries in all the five RECs in Africa.
We look forward to Raila Odinga taking over as the AU chairperson, because he is the best qualified person. We have been lobbying and talking to friends. Our case is becoming very imminent.
The MoU we have signed with Ethiopia cannot be revoked. Ethiopia deserves sea access. We have been contemplating this MoU even before the previous leadership. We have been planning and talking about this informally for a long time with Ethiopia’s leadership, intellectuals and political groups; that it is a necessity Ethiopia obtains access to the sea. It is good for us; for the region.
South Sudan is also another landlocked country in the region. We have been talking to South Sudan for quite a long time. They also need this corridor through Somaliland. The whole region needs the Berbera corridor. Everything else has been agreed. But there are some who want to make it like the whole world is collapsing.
Countries like Egypt; what affairs does Egypt have with the Horn region? This is something Somaliland cannot accept. For instance, Egypt has had an office (cultural or educational) in Somaliland for a long time, with over 700 staff. But since they are not working in the interests of the region, and respecting the integrity of Somaliland, we are telling them they do not have to stay in Somaliland. We are not blindfolded. Anybody who tries to decide on the region’s affairs is not welcome.
It has been nearly a year since the MoU was signed. What progress has been made?
It is a work in progress. We are working on technical issues on both sides. The MoU is very active, and imminent.
Yes, there are political concerns and others. But whatever an agreement we enter, it is our business. Ethiopia can also make agreements with anybody. It is an issue of common agreement. There is no room for naysayers.
Ethiopians and Somaliland are looking forward to seeing the operationalization of the MoU. But the doubts mount the longer it takes. What is your view?
Mark my words, the MoU implementation will happen. It is a matter of time. The spirit and commitment is there. It is only about finalizing technical issues. The MoU is crucial and helpful for the whole region, including Somalia. There is no reason why someone would question the MoU. It is an economic package. We have been talking to South Sudan. Ethiopia, Asmara, Djibouti, South Sudan and others all need our corridor.
Ethiopia is too large an economy and country. It needs several port outlets including Mombasa, Djibouti, Berbera and others. But in terms of physical proximity, Somaliland is the ideal outlet for Ethiopia. You can drive to Hargeisa, have your breakfast, and get back to Addis in a day for dinner.
How do you see the moves from Egypt, Turkey and others in relation to Mogadishu following the MoU?
Egypt’s actions are practically interference. Egypt is pouring weapons into Somalia. We do not need additional weapons in Somalia and the Horn region. In every household and fiefdom in Somalia, there are weapons. We are not hungry for weapons. Ethiopia, Burundi, Uganda, Djibouti and Kenya have paid the price due to the destabilization in Somalia. For how many years have the boys and girls of the regional countries paid the life price to keep peace in Somalia? Families have lost their loved ones for years due to the instability in Somalia.
Now all of a sudden, Egypt is coming and saying ‘we are here. Guess who is here for lunch.’ That does not work.
Somaliland has put its house in order. We collect tax from our people, pay our government, parliament, and cover our own budget. We do not rely on foreign aid like Mogadishu. It is the donors, UN, and international community that cover Somalia’s bills. We are a world apart. Hassan Sheikh is not in any position to say ‘Ethiopia cannot sign an agreement with Somaliland.’ Ethiopia and Somaliland can sign any agreement with any country.
How serious is the threat from Egypt’s involvement in the region?
It is a very serious threat. If Egypt wants to do something, let her do it with the Palestinians and Arabs there. Why now bring weapons, planes and troops to the Horn? We are very much concerned and alarmed. We want the international community, AU and IGAD to know that this is an imminent threat to Somaliland also. Egypt clearly stated they will not allow Ethiopia to access Somaliland’s waters.
What position do the US and UK have on this?
We are talking to everybody on this matter. We have been part and parcel of regional geopolitical stabilization and security for many years. We should have been brought out of the cold.
Currently, Somalia is trying to interfere in Somaliland’s election. Hassan Sheikh is paying some groups in Somaliland, including one of the key opposition parties, to disrupt the upcoming election. We have the evidence and told the international community. We will not allow that.
Al-Shabaab recently attacked Somaliland, which was unusual and I think the first in years. What can you tell us about this?
The threat of Al-Shabaab is imminent. They are trying to align with small groups, trying to create skirmishes in the eastern part of Somaliland. Puntland is also involved. We have evidence and shown it to the international community. We repelled Al-Shabaab’s recent attack. But a lot of people died during this attack. Abdi Madoobe, a well known Al-Shabaab terrorist member in the Somalia government, is also involved in instigating attacks on Somaliland. They are trying to disrupt the elections in Somaliland. We told the international community and our neighbors that if anything goes wrong with the elections, it will be because of Al-Shabaab and Hassan Sheikh. Both these people are basically from the Islamic court. They only change clothes. They are all part and parcel of the Islamic court; the Al-Itahad. Somaliland has nothing to do with them.
What is the secret behind Somaliland remaining the most peaceful nation in the region?
Democracy is in our genes. We struggled to liberate our country from Ziad Barre, who was a threat to the whole region. He waged war to build the greater Somalia, which Hassan Sheikh and his team are still doing. It is also on the Somalia flag.
Somalia’s irredentism is a threat to the whole region. We broke that cycle. Ziad Barre bombed Hargeisa, Harar, and other several cities in Somaliland and eastern Ethiopia. We could not live in that situation. We are not anti-Somalia. We are against Somali irredentism.
It was Somaliland that gained independence from colonial powers in 1960, June 26. Somalia did not get that independence for us. Somaliland was the only Somali speaking nation who gained independence first. Djibouti and Somalia were under fascist control at the time.
After late independence, Somalia took everything from Somaliland, including relocating the capital seat from Hargeisa to Mogadishu. They took all ministers from Somaliland to Somalia. We said take it.
How is public sentiment in Somaliland and Somalia regarding Somaliland’s statehood quest?
Imagine in 1991, when Somaliland was liberated from Somalia. The children born in Somaliland since 1991, they have never known Somalia. When Somalia was bombing Hargeisa, so many Somaliland people migrated to Ethiopia and sheltered in five camps in Ethiopia. Their children never knew Somalia but Somaliland. At that time I was a student in America. Somalia’s Mig-21 and Mig-23 [jets], devastated Hargeisa and many towns in Somaliland. Over a million Somaliland people died.
The Somaliland generation, born in 1988/9 and later, never saw Somalia’s flag; only the Somaliland flag. Today, over 85 percent of Somaliland population do not know anything about Somalia. Myself, I have never been to Mogadishu.
How important is Ethiopia’s recognition of sovereignty to Somaliland?
Ethiopia is our neighbor. You can choose your friends but you cannot choose your neighbors. The same thing with Djibouti and others.
Today, I travel with a Somaliland passport. The first nation to allow accepting Somaliland passports, as a passport, as a traveling document, is Ethiopia. This was during the late PM Meles Zenawi, and it was historic. No one else allowed that before Ethiopia. Until that day, we were forced to use a Somalia passport. You can imagine the paradox. Before Ethiopia allowed our passport, we had issued our passport but nobody accepted it. Until that day, we used to carry an empty Somaliland passport whenever we traveled to any country. We begged many countries to accept our passport, until Ethiopia accepted it. Today, we can travel to any country using our own passport, as a courtesy passport. I will never forget the day Ethiopia, under Meles, approved Somaliland to use its own passport as a travel document. And it was Somaliland’s previous president at the time, and his delegation, who first traveled with a Somaliland passport, to Addis Ababa. Until that day, we all used to carry empty passports and beg every country. After Ethiopia accepted Somaliland passports, every other country also started accepting Somaliland passports as courtesy passports. We are very thankful to Ethiopia for opening for us.
When it comes to recognizing Somaliland, we understand the sensitivity. Everybody is thinking Somaliland is breaking away from Somalia because of Ethiopia. That is baseless. Somaliland is already a country. Somaliland is a completely different case.
Ethiopia is not the only country willing to recognize Somaliland. We have other friends on board. We have other countries in East Africa, West Africa and elsewhere who are willing to recognize Somaliland.
Kofi Anan was pushing for the Somaliland cause.
What is the UK’s and Italy’s position?
The UK is the pen holder on Somalia in the UNSC. The issue of Somaliland statehood has been discussed in the UK house of parliament several times. But Italy is number one country against Somaliland cause, because Italy has ruled Somalia and has a vested interest in Somalia. When Italy colonized Somalia, what happened to Somali Bantus?
We were not colonized. In 1887, when Europe was partitioning Africa, Somaliland elders signed an agreement with the British, making Somaliland a protectorate. The agreement was, ‘whenever we want our independence, you leave us’.
Not a single British girl or boy was born in Somaliland. Throughout the colonial era, every pregnant British woman in Somaliland had to go to Britain to give birth there, so that their children would never get the citizenship of Somaliland. That was due to the agreement. So, Somaliland was not colonized, but a British protectorate, as per the agreement.
Today, the British are divided over Somaliland’s statehood quest. It is an issue gaining momentum.
Do you believe the Somaliland quest is not solely an African issue?
Exactly. It is also the case of former colonial powers. That is why we talk to every friend around the globe. We talk to America, former British colonies, French colonies and even Portuguese colonies. This is because these countries still have influence over their former colonies, and can influence our cause.
What do you think is holding back Ethiopia from recognizing Somaliland?
Simply because Hassan Sheikh and his people are going everywhere and acting crazy, crying and making deals with everybody. Just to get favor, Hassan Sheikh is telling European countries to send Somaliland migrants back home.
We talked to every top brass official in Ethiopia. We pray the internal issues in Ethiopia will be resolved.
How do you see the recent deal between Somalia, Eritrea and Egypt?
This is a very bad alliance. This region does not need an alliance to fight somebody. They have to be peacemakers. We need an alliance for peace.
What is your take on Turkey?
They have their own interests. They are friends with Ethiopia and Somalia. We are cautious, and pessimistic about Turkey. We are cautious about the Turkey-Somalia relationship. Turkey is not honest about Somaliland’s cause. We know that. They tried to play a game with both sides.
Somaliland is here to stay, with people like Ethiopia. Somaliland, with one arm, is fighting for its recognition, voting with the other arm, defending our country with another arm, and fighting political gun and propaganda with another arm. This propaganda includes turning our own people against us, using proxy war. Ethiopia is with us.
Do you think the outcome of the US elections will have an impact on Somaliland’s recognition?
First and foremost, I would like to congratulate the President-elect of the United States of America, President Trump, on behalf of Somaliland.
Back to your question, when I was Somaliland’s foreign minister, I learned that the US has a two track diplomacy. The first is helping Somaliland’s democratization. At the same time, America has a policy of letting what Somalia wants [happen], which led to proliferation of terrorism in Somalia. So America has a two-track approach.
But when the previous Somaliland administration tried to talk to Somalia, that was where the biggest mistake occurred. Now, we have decided there should be no talk with Somalia. As soon as we finalize this election in Somaliland, we will adopt legislation that will completely stop any further discussion with Somalia. We are two separate entities, and we will never talk to them.
Do you have faith in Trump?
He is very erratic. And the policy of everything has changed. The international geopolitical equation has completely changed. We are not talking about normalcy now. We have to concentrate on our own small region. Whoever comes to help, whether it is the UK, EU, US or other, they have other priorities. Forget about Somaliland and Ethiopia. Let them give priority to the continent. It is Africa that needs priority. Particularly our region. West Africa is also suffering from several coups and needs priority.
We do not expect much from others. We must be able to solve our problems, as far as Somaliland is concerned.
So you expect more from the neighbors than others?
Exactly, the neighbors. That must be our focus. And we have to make sure it is a give and take.
It is unnecessary to make an alliance against Ethiopia, as we are seeing. Why is Egypt sending troops to Somalia? Hassan Sheikh cannot even defend himself from Al-Shabaab. Jubaland and Puntland are now fighting against former Farmajo sects. They are all ganging up against Hassan Sheikh. Hassan Sheikh made blunders and could not even control his own little fiefdom in Mogadishu. He is escalating the war with Ethiopia.
What is your take regarding the relationship between Al-Shabaab and Hassan Sheikh?
In my opinion, they are the same. Hassan Sheikh and his parliament members are die hard fundamentalists. These are serious groups. Their ideology is the same as Al-Shabaab ideology. Al-Shabaab is an offspring of Al-Itahad. Very recently we captured Al-Shabaab members. They cannot mingle with us. The creation of all this fundamentalism, is the Wahabi.
Al-Shabaab mostly trains in Eritrea. It is a very complicated issue. But the underlying issue is that this ideology of fundamentalism, Islamic court and AL-Shabaab, is a threat to everyone including Ethiopia, Somaliland, Djibouti and others. We must have cooperation and collaboration to fight this ideology and its forces.
The major aim of the fundamentalists is to establish Islamic states in the Horn of Africa. Mark my words, eventually they will get rid of Hassan Sheikh. He was a member, now he came to power and up to now he has links with them. They have Hassan Sheikh by the balls.
The US reportedly wants to relocate or diversify its military presence in the Horn from Djibouti, due to the saturation and tensions in Djibouti. One of the ideal options for relocation is Somaliland. Some analysts claim the US can greenlight Somaliland’s statehood for its own interests in the Horn and Red Sea. Does that make sense to you?
Whoever comes in on our terms, and does not threaten our integrity, and advances Somaliland recognition, we welcome them.
We are very sensible people. We gave Ethiopia access. Dozens of powers have military bases in Djibouti and nobody cared.
There is news about Israel also coming to establish a base in Somaliland?
I have no information. We have not been approached. This is social media stuff.
Somaliland has not met requirements to be a state, according to reports. What are the major factors holding that back?
Very simple. We need recognition from our African brothers and sisters. Everybody knows Somaliland has all the infrastructure of governance, democracy and decency. You can open a business in 20 minutes in Hargeisa, a one-stop shop. You can get all the currencies on the streets in Hargeisa. Everything is peaceful.
Yes, we have our own problems like poverty. Our budget is very small. But we are on the right track. We have to continue strengthening the infrastructure of democratization.
You are special envoy to IGAD and AU. Neither organization recognizes Somaliland. Why do you think that is?
You ask them.
In 2005, Alpha Oumar Konare, former chairperson of AU, sent a high level delegation led by the AU deputy chairperson. The deputy chairperson was Patrick Mazimhaka, a Rwandese, who passed away. The delegation was in Somaliland for six consecutive days. I was one of the guides of the delegation. The delegation visited all regions of Somaliland. They talked to everybody and especially the elders. They read all the documents and studied the history of Somaliland. The AU delegation finally wrote a report, stating there is no reason why Somaliland should not be recognized. The report states Somaliland has the legal case, the moral case, the historical case and all the infrastructure of self governance and democratization.
The report was submitted to the AU. And the second AU summit was in Sirte, Libya at the time. The report was brought to the AU summit. Egypt and the former Sudan rejected the report. Egypt always uses Sudan as a lynch pin. Sudan trains all the terrorist forces including Al-Shabaab. There is an Islamic university in Sudan. Al-Bashir’s Sudan created all the messes because of the Islamic fundamentalism.
Libya, the host of the AU second summit, also rejected the report about Somaliland recognition.
So, Egypt is always behind the case. Some Arab countries like the UAE and Qatar are also now involved. Most of the GCC countries were not involved but now they are.
It is Egypt that is always behind our case, and that is why they are here now.
What about the position of Eritrea on the Somaliland case?
Eritrea is always against Somaliland’s independence because Somalia helped Eritreans during their independence. It is a paradox that Eritrea became a country when we gained independence from Somalia.
Further, Eritrea continues training Al-Shabaab and intervening in Somaliland to disrupt us. We captured a lot of Al-Shabaab forces trained in Eritrea. After training, they come to Somaliland shores by sea. They also go to Djibouti.
We know who is meddling in our internal affairs. But our leaders are sensible.
Do you think Djibouti also fears Somaliland’s independence?
Why would she fear? They have nothing to do with our independence.
Because they depend on Ethiopian logistics.
Ethiopia is a huge country and needs so many more ports including Mombasa, Port Sudan and others. So we all can benefit from Ethiopia. Djibouti could have been a good player. They have nothing to lose.
Not only Ethiopia, South Sudan is also landlocked and facing a lot of problems. Let them come and access the sea through Somaliland. The people in west Ethiopia are the same as in South Sudan. Djibouti is between a rock and hard place. Djibouti and Eritrea have fought over a small island, for a long time up to now. Djibouti might have their own problems. But you cannot be this selfish.
Recently, Djibouti offered a small dry port for Ethiopia. Ethiopia is wise enough to say no. Unless Djibouti gives Ethiopia full power to control the port, then it will be Djibouti controlling Ethiopia’s logistics. It is a mentality that does not work.
It seems that Egypt, Somalia and Sudan are making Ethiopia’s port access case an issue of the Arab world. The whole thing is taking on the appearance of a religious clash mixed with regional and historical clashes of interest. But PM Abiy’s diplomacy in the Middle East seems to have positive acceptance. Do you think this diplomacy can reverse Egypt, Somalia, and Sudan’s push to make it an Arab League case?
The Arab League is nothing but Egypt. Egypt is in Africa but it is the most powerful country in the Arab world. We are sub-Saharan African countries. Egypt does not see things eye to eye.
Now, Egypt has only one policy. They say Egypt is the Nile, and the Nile is Egypt. All the foreign policy of Egypt concentrates on this. Now, the Nile is all the upstream countries. Egypt is one eyed. They only see the Nile, nothing else.
For ages and centuries, Ethiopia remains the focus of Egypt. It is written in their blood. Now, because we are on the side of Ethiopia’s interest, Egypt considers us enemy number one. We are not on their good page.
Egypt is the cause for everything’s failure. They interfere in the internal affairs of everyone. Do you think they are helping Somalia? No. Egypt is using Somalia as a bridge to harm Ethiopia. By the way, if anything happens in Mogadishu, it will be only a few people who will run to Egypt for asylum. East African nations must understand this interference of Egypt in the region. If the whole Horn region descends into fighting each other, it will be Egypt that will benefit.
We have to make sure that we have a strong regional bloc. IGAD must be strong. Unfortunately, some Horn countries are focusing only on their small interests. They are not seeing the bigger picture. We are concerned as Somalilanders. This is a serious issue.
IGAD is at odds with itself. IGAD is toothless. Who is contributing to the budget of IGAD and AU? Somalia was not even contributing anything but starting a little bit now. Previously, IGAD was a bit good towards Somaliland, they used to send delegations to Somaliland. Since the so called euphoria of ‘Somalia being rehabilitated’, IGAD stepped back. Now, IGAD is under the chairmanship of Ismael Omer Guelle. He is using IGAD now. The chairmanship must rotate.
Fundamentally, IGAD knows Somaliland has a seven million population and we are part of the Horn system. Djibouti is less than a million and an IGAD member. Eritrea also has less than the Somaliland population.
IGAD used to send a delegation to Somaliland. But now they say ‘Mogadishu is watching.’ Mogadishu is a lame duck, toothless. With all those weapons, Somalia cannot do anything to Somaliland. They only want the weapons to disrupt Ethiopia.
Al-Shabaab is beating the war drum, for the greater Somalia concept. This is a concern for Ethiopia. Somaliland has been a buffer and cooperating with Ethiopia in every aspect. You can fly to Hargeisa peacefully.
Is Somaliland building its embassy in Addis Ababa?
We have the land in Addis Ababa and we have commenced the construction. We also gave land to Ethiopia in Hargeisa, to build their embassy. Somaliland has a mission in Ethiopia led by an ambassador, and Ethiopia as well. The Somaliland mission to IGAD and AU is also in Addis Ababa, together with the Somaliland mission to Ethiopia.
Until we get de jure recognition, we continue. But we want good countries like Ethiopia and Djibouti to lead the way and recognize Somaliland. We believe Ethiopia will be the first.
Let us assume Ethiopia is excluded from the upcoming peacekeeping mission in Somalia. What do you think will happen? Do you think Al-Shabaab will get stronger and begin attacking Ethiopia and Somaliland?
Al-Shabaab is already getting stronger. Mogadishu is using the MoU as a lynchpin to exclude Ethiopia from the peacekeeping mission. Mogadishu has only one policy toward Ethiopia: cancel that MoU, and we will do everything for you.
Ethiopia cannot cancel, because Ethiopia has a better offer than anything else. The MoU is trade, economy and everything else. We must be able to see through the forest.
By using Djibouti’s ports, Ethiopia is feeding nearly one million people in Djibouti. By diversifying its ports to Somaliland, Ethiopia can feed seven million people in Somaliland.
We are determined, serious and very committed to the MoU. It is a matter of time. Our delegations are going back and forth as we speak.
Let us assume the MoU becomes operational, and Ethiopia recognizes Somaliland. Do you think Somalia will attack Somaliland and Ethiopia?
No. They will think three times before attacking. Mogadishu cannot attack Puntland, let alone Somaliland.
Maybe with the support of Egypt?
Once before, Egypt tried to attack Yemen. Thousands of troops were taken to Yemen. Egypt never won a war, let alone coming across the Mediterranean to Somalia and fighting from there. Egypt is only using Somalia to disrupt Ethiopia. Ethiopia is a giant elephant in the region.
GERD is Egypt’s only bargaining chip. Somaliland has invested in GERD bonds. Since Ethiopia inaugurated GERD, Somaliland’s business people, individuals have bought GERD bonds. I have GERD bonds. The dam is a huge investment for the whole region. Our economies should be integrated.
We are very much concerned about the Red Sea and the new alliances.
And IGAD should be involved before the AU.
What about the Red Sea?
Who is in the Red Sea? We have 850 kilometers of coastline on the Red Sea. Djibouti is a one city state and has a very small coastline on the Red Sea. It is Somaliland on the Red Sea coastline, nobody else. We want Ethiopia to get that fish from the Red Sea, and bring it to Addis, for their fasting season. That is all we want.
If Ethiopia does not recognize Somaliland in the near future, will Somaliland grant the ports for commercial use and naval bases?
Recognition or no recognition, Somaliland already granted ports to Ethiopia.
What about the naval base for Ethiopia?
That is only an issue of technicality which we are working on. We have our own small navy. These are technicalities that will lead to a win-win situation, not only for the two of us, but also for the wider region.
In West Africa, you can drive from Accra, to Togo to Benin, with one driver’s license. SADC is doing well. They ask me ‘what is happening to you guys in east Africa?’. Unlike IGAD, SADC is much better than us. In east Africa, Ethiopia is isolated while everybody has sea access. This is a paradox. Ethiopia is the elephant. We have to wake up the elephant too.
Do you trust the Turkish mediation efforts?
We do not trust them. Turkish relations with Ethiopia and Somalia are different.
Between IGAD and the AU, which do you believe is failing you more?
Both. And they will regret it. The AU never followed up on the 2005 report. AU ignored that report just because Gaddafi, Egypt and Sudan rejected the report. What happened to the voices of other African countries. The sub-Saharan countries need Somaliland, as much as we need them. We have been part and parcel of the solution.
We will never forget. The problem is AU has so many agendas that it relies on others. Let others solve their problems. They failed us, and we are utterly disappointed both in IGAD and AU. There are certain member states we appreciate, and the first one is Ethiopia. The rest, we know it. Ethiopia understands the role we have played in the region since 1991. We have been part and parcel of regional geopolitical security.
Finally, why has the MoU implementation been delayed?
The MoU is there, a bilateral agreement between two administrations. I encourage the Ethiopian people to encourage their leaders as much as we are encouraging ours. This is a worthwhile deal.
The WADDANI political party has shown its biggest prowess yet in amassing supporters as it held its political rallies on Friday across the country on Friday, the closing day of its political rallies.
Led by the presidential candidate of the party Dr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi Irro, unprecedented numbers of crowds amassed in all the major towns of the regions and districts across the country in spirited efforts urging the voters for support.
Abdirahman Irro who was flanked by his running mate Prof. Ali Mohamed and party chair Hirsi Ali Hassan addressed a massive crowd who thronged the city’s central public square in Burao hitherto unseen before flying to the easternmost parts of the country to speak to the residents in Erigavo.
Party stalwarts made similar appearances for WADDANI in Hargeisa, Berbera, Sheikh, Gebilay, Borama and Balli-gubadley all the surrounding satellite towns in the districts and divisions to location levels.
Their words of encouragement and advice on having a strong showing echoed across the board, urging the populaces to come out in large numbers and vote on their platform of “coalition for change”.
Speakers after speakers in different towns and centers urged for responsibility and calmness to prevail in order to maintain peaceful stability such that successful and incident-free elections exercises may be held country-wide.
As per, the nation’s constitution, the political party elections are held such that top three leaders in the polls become the official political parties for a term of ten years; a mandate that makes them the only official political institutions to operate.
This time round the existing political parties of WADDANI, KULMIYE and UCID have seven other political organizations pitted against them in the race, with KAAH, HILAAC and HORSEED showing spirited efforts.
Likewise, as for the campaigns, each political party or organization has a sole day catered for them to do the campaign rallies all across the country without the interference of any other.
Two days remain for the official campaigns period to halt, with both KULMIYE and UCID to have their last field days on Saturday the 9th and the Sunday 10th , respectively; the nation goes to the polls on Wednesday the 13th of Wednesday 2024.
The Media Code of Conduct and Ethics Monitoring Committee (MCCEMC) has commended Somaliland’s media outlets for their professional conduct while issuing comprehensive guidelines for election coverage ahead of next Wednesday’s polls. During Thursday’s press conference at the National Electoral Commission headquarters, the Committee highlighted the media’s skilful navigation of potentially divisive issues and responsible reporting practices.
Building on this positive foundation, the Committee outlined critical ethical principles for media practitioners across all platforms. Central to these guidelines is the fundamental requirement for impartial reporting, emphasizing the necessity for balanced coverage that gives fair representation to all political parties and candidates without showing favoritism.
The Committee stressed the paramount importance of fact-checking and accuracy in election coverage. Media outlets are mandated to verify all information thoroughly before dissemination, preventing the spread of misinformation that could potentially mislead voters or disrupt the electoral process. This includes a strict directive against publishing unverified claims or defamatory content about candidates’ personal lives unless directly relevant to their public duties.
Transparency emerged as another crucial element, with the Committee requiring clear disclosure of any political affiliations or sponsorships. This measure ensures public awareness of potential biases in endorsements or opinion pieces. The guidelines explicitly prohibit content that could incite violence or discrimination among communities or political groups.
In its comprehensive approach, the MCCEMC emphasized the media’s role in fostering an informed electorate. Outlets are encouraged to provide detailed coverage of candidate platforms and campaign promises, enabling citizens to make educated voting decisions. The Committee reminded practitioners that all coverage must align with Somaliland’s election laws and the National Electoral Commission’s established guidelines.
The MCCEMC concluded by appealing to journalists’ professional integrity, urging them to prioritize ethical reporting that serves both their outlets’ reputation and the public interest. This balanced approach aims to maintain peace and stability while ensuring comprehensive coverage of this crucial democratic exercise.
The honourable chairman of the Somaliland Electoral Commission (NEC), Musa Hassan Yussuf, addressing the nation on Thursday urged all election stakeholders to properly and correctly gear up for polling day on 13 November, emphasizing the Commission’s extensive readiness measures implemented over recent weeks.
Chairman Musa stated that all preparations for the polling day were on course and that all 2,648 polling stations across the country were at this moment fully readied to receive voters on the appointed day. He detailed how the Commission has successfully distributed essential electoral materials, including ballot boxes, voting booths, and indelible ink to all locations, with security arrangements firmly in place.
The Chairman reminded voters not to leave their voting cards behind as no other kind of identity will be accepted in lieu at polling stations. This strict measure, he explained, follows comprehensive voter verification exercises conducted throughout the preparatory period to ensure electoral integrity.
The chairman expressed appreciation to the conflict resolution and election monitoring committee for their vigilant, responsible role in managing ethical issues during the election campaigning period which is to end on Sunday. He highlighted their successful mediation of several potential conflicts and praised their deployment of over 800 domestic observers across the regions. The committee’s swift response to campaign violations and their collaborative work with international observers has significantly contributed to maintaining a peaceful pre-election environment.
The NEC’s preparations have included extensive training programs for polling station staff, implementation of robust vote-counting procedures, and establishment of clear channels for reporting any irregularities. These measures, combined with regular consultations with political parties and civil society organizations, demonstrate the Commission’s commitment to conducting free and fair elections.
